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Ouly think of men who have supported the
present Algerine ministry against the people
of England on questions of taxation, working
up their popularity by giving a vote for re
peal at the moment when no national result
could ensue ; for the idea of bringing in a
Repeal Bill at this time of the session is quite
ridiculous, even if there wero a majority in its
favor.
“ We shall get to the end of the session
very soon; I will then return to Dublin direct.
Portugal.—Private accounts have been
received this morning from Oporto up to the
8th inst. Nothing of importance had taken
place on cither side. Marshal Solignac, Gen.
ernl Saldanha, and Sir J. M. Doyle, were ma
king the most active preparations to com-
mcnce tho campaign immediately. Captain
Napier had been appointed to the command
of the squadron in consequence of the indis.
position of Admiral Sartorious, and was ex
pected to sail for the Taugus with a good sup
ply of gun boats and troops. The vessels
outside of the bar had all been able to land
their cargoes, and the town was well provis
ioned. Don Miguel is reported to be at Bnga;
his army is sutfeting greatly from sickness.
Constantinople, .May 28.—(By express.)
Ibrahim Pacha has really commenced his re
treat, and preparations arc making in the Rus.
sian camp; which indicates the speedy with,
drawal of the troops. The official news that
tho Egyptian army had actually commenced
its retreat arrived yesterday. The lleis Ef-
fendi immediately communicated it to the for
eign Ambassador, and Count Orloff repeated
l.is declaration that tho Russian army should
retire as soon as he was certain that the Arabs
really had retreated, or only made a preten
ded retrograde movement. A Russian officer
of the general staff has therefore been dis
patched to Koniah to lenrn the real intentions
of Ibrahim, and to be sure that he docs not
pretend to retreat to give the anti-Russian
party a pretext to demand the retreat of the
Russian auxiliaries, which that party eagerly
desires.
Prudence is therefore necessary, and Count
Orloff cannot be blamed for desiring to free
himself from all responsibility. Tho latter
agreed with him, and Lord l’cnsonby • nds it
natural that he should desire to be certain be
fore he acts. Admiral Roussin dislikes delay
and says there is no doubt of Ibrahim's retreat.
mav be taken in view of the neglect on our
pail, to replace things where they were be
fore’the treaty. I leave you to judge of the
inconvenience of such a course to our com
merce.
With these snort remarks, which the Min
ister of the foreign affairs would, if he was
present, sustain, as not long since he told me
he would, 1 will merely reply, in advance, to
one objection that may be made, that in this
matter I speak as a good American. Gentle
men, that is a title of which I am proud—it is
a title dear to my heart—but no one, I ima-
gine, will allege that 1 have ever been a bad
Frenchman.
I ask therefore that this question may have
an early place in the orders of the day, so
that you may discuss it before the close of
the session ; if I may bo permitted lo use
such a term, is, that after such examination
as is proper, the great interests above alluded
to be not lost sight of.
We translate the above from a paper sent
us by Geueral La&yette.
From Mexico.—Advices from Mexico have
been received to the 21st of June, tram which
it appears that General Santa Aram entered
that city on the 16th. aad was received with
every demonstration of respect. He address
ed the pe*«.le from the baicooy cf toe palace,
acd was responded by Iona and loud vivas.
Many of the Chiefs under Arista are said
to have deserted his cause, and the troops un
der him retreated in great disorder.
On the ISthof June, the President publish-
cd a manifesto, in which he gives pretty plain
intimation of what the contrivers of the recent
plot may expect at his hands. He says : “ I
have declared, in the face of the world, that
my administration shall be mild ; but treason
and perfidy shall r.ot on that account, escape
chastisement.” All the officers of Arista,
from sergeants upwards, have been declared
outlaws.
It will now be acknowledged, says a friend
of the President, “ that Santa is ambitious of
glory ; and that, although he is a good Oath
olic, he is not a Crusade Chief.”
From the New York American, July 21.
Convention with France.—Our readers
already know, that the practical ratification of
this Convention by a vote of tho Chambers,
to pay the five millions of indetnuity, has
been postponed till next year. In the dis
cussion on tho subject on the 13th of June,
General Lafayette thus spoke : The ra
pidity, gentlemen, of our work, and the senti
meat of a double duty, impel me to say a few
words. An American treaty (exclamation
from the centre) was laid before you, with
the speech from the throne at the commence
ment of the session. I do not mean to dwell
upon the various causes of delay that have
supervened, but will confine myself to what was
presented to you the other day, by the Minis-
ter of Finance. I will not either, gentlemen,
expatiate upon the sentiments of national hon
or and justice, or of what is becoming towards
a friendly nation, the only one, which in 18-
11 and 1815, did not unite with our enemies
and if she had done it, be it said in passing,
her claims would long since have been liqui.
dated as were those of all hostile powers,
will add, that if she had even consented that a
third power, England, for instance, should
take charge of, and urge the claims, every
thing would have been settled long ago; but
she would not present herself as an enemy,
and preferred to wait till she could, as a
Iricad, urge her claims. Nor will I enlarge
upon a great interest, the greatest of our
maratime interests, that of the liberty of the
seas, though, as we cannot place any great
reliance, upon that coalition which occurred
during the American war, between the squad
rons of Russia, Spain, Holland, and our own
F think that a union of our navr-1 forces with
those of America, without meaning to pro
judge possible circumstances, is the true plan
of securing tho liberty of the seas. 1 will
merely occupy your attention concerning
commercial interest of the greatest urgency.
1 regret that our honorable colleague, Mr.
Pulcheron, is not here, as he might repeat to
you the estimates ho made for me the other
day. The city of Lyons alone, (I cite but a
single example) carried on with the United
States a commerce of 55 millions of francs.
Since the treaty made by the good will of the
United States, this commerce isworth 80, and
it will be 100 by the 1st of January next
might also speak of what the Chamber of
Commerce of Havre has written to one of our
colleagues; 1 might dwell up6n the interests
of the wine growing departments ; but I con-
fine myself to the single observation, that*if
the treaty is not decided on this session, it it
to be feared lhat at the meeting of the Amen
cib Congress in December next, measures
From the Washington (flobc.
Till: PUBLIC LANDS—Mr. Clay’s Bill.
No. I.
Origin of the Public Lands.—In short
numbers we propose to examine into the poli
cy of the bill for distributing among the sev-
cral states the proceeds of the sales of public
lands, provided for in an act which passed
both houses of Congress at their last session,
and was retained by the President. . •
\Yc will first inquire into the origin of the
public lands of the United States.
Prior to tho revolution, tho province of
Georgia, afterwards the state of Georgia, ex
tended westwardly to the Mississippi river,
embracing the present state of Alabama and
most of the state of Mississippi. Those regions
were then entirely occupied by the Indian
tribes.
South and North Carolina also claimed ju-
risdictions over strips of territory running
westwardly to the Mississippi, embracing at
least the state of Tennessee as now bounded.
The charter of Virginia embraced all the
territory “ from the point of land called cape
or point Comfort, all along the scacoast to
the northward, two hundred miles, and from
the said point or cape Comfort all along the
scacoast to the southward, two hundred miles;
and all that space and circuit of land lying
from the seacoast of the precinct aforesaid,
up into the land throughout from sea to sea,
west and northwest.” This grant embraced
the present state of Kentucky, Ohio, Indi
ana, Illinois, and the territory of Michigan,
all occupied by the Indians at the time of the
revolution, with the exception of a small por
tion of Kentucky and a few French settle
ments in Illinois and Michigan.
New York had some undefined claims to
the western territory conflicting in part with
those of Virginia.
The charter of Connecticut extended her
territories « from the said Narraganset Bay
on the east to the South Sea on the West
part,” dec. &e. embracing a portion of Ohio,
Indiana and Illinois, and coming in direct con
flict with the charter of Virginia.
The charter of Massachusetts also exten
ded to the South Sea and involved the sami
difficulties.
Maryland, Delaware, New Jersey, Rhode
Island and Ncyv Hampshire, seem to have
had no claims to lands in the western territo.
ries of the present United States.
In this condition were the several colonics
whon the revolution broke out. The urgen-
cy of the occasion forced them to unite on
equal tetnis without settling boundaries, or
considering their comparative strength. But
when the articles of confederation iverc pre
sented to the states for their approval, the at
tention of their statesmen was called to the
future, and the 6mall states having no claim
to the western territory, became alarmed at
the prospect of aggrandizement which seem
ed to aivait the larger states. Some of these
hesitated to sanction the articles of confcde
ration.
The state of Maryland in 1778, utterly rc
fused unless the large states would surrender
to the United States, the jurisdiction and
soil of the western territory, “ to be parcel
led out by Congress into free convenient and
independent governments,” and memorialized
Congress to that effect.
The difficulties Yvhich had arisen induced
the state of Ncyv York, in 1780, to pass “ an
act to facilitate the completion of the Articles
of Confederation and perpetual Union among
the United States of America.” The pream
ble of this act sets forth the difficulties which
had arisen in these words: Whereas the
Articles of Confederation and perpetual Un
ion among the United States of America,
have not proved acceptable to all the states
it having been conceived a portion of the tcaste
and uncultivated territory, within the limits or
claims of certain states, ought to be appropria
ted as a common fund for the expenses of the
tear,” &c. The act proceeds to authorize
the delegates of the state in Congress to cede
to the United States all the right of New
York to the soil and jurisdiction of the Yves-
tem territory, “for the use and benefit of such
of the United States as shall become members
of the federal alliance of the said states, and
for no 1 other use or purpose whatever.”
It seems that Virginia / whose claims were
perhaps the best'defined, having already ex
tended her settlements into Kentucky and
having conquered from the enemy the posts
of Kaskaskias and Vincennes, remonstrated
against the claims of other states to a surren
der of her territory in that quarter. The me-
mortal of Maryland, the proposals of New
York,‘and the remonstrance of Virginia, were
all referred to a committee. Upon their re
port, Congress on the 6th day of September,
1780, adopted the following preamble and
resolutions, viz: (
<« That having duly considered the several
matters to them submitted, thev-conceive it
unnecessary to examine into the merits of
the policy of the instructions or declaration
of the General Assembly of Maryland or of
the remonstrance of the General Assembly
of Virginia, as they involve questions,' a dis
cussion of which was declined on.mature
consideration, when the Articles of Confede-
ration were debated ; nor in the opiniou of
the committee, can such questions be now
revived with any prospect of conciliation ;
that it appears more advisable to press upon
those states which can remove the embarras-
ment respecting the western country, the ne
cessity of a liberal surrender of a portion of
their territorial claims, since they cannot be pre
served entire Yvithout endangering the stability
of the general confederacy ; to remind them
how indispensably necessary it is to establish
the Federal Union on a fixed and permanent
basis, and on principles acceptable to all its
respective members ; hoYv essential to public
credit and confidence, to the support of our
army, to the vigor of our councils and sue.
cess of our measures, to our tranquillity at
home, our reputation abroad, tonur very exis
jcnce as a free, sovereign and independent
people ; that they are fully persuaded the
wisdom of the respective legislatures will
lead them to a full and impartial considers
tion of a subject so interesting to the United
States, and so necessary to the happy cstub.
lishment of the Federal Union ; that thoy
are confirmed in these expectations by a re.
view of tho beforementioned act of the legis
lature of Ncyv York, submitted to their con
sideration ; that this act is expressly calcula
ted to accelerate the federal alliance by re-
moving, as far as depends on that state, the
Yvcstern country, and for that purpose to
yield up a portion of territorial claim for the
general benefit: Whereupon—
“ Resolved, That copies of the scY'eral pa
pers referred to the committee be transmitted
with a copy of the report of the legislature, to
the several states, and that it be earnestly re
commended to those states who have cl .ims
in the Yvcstern country, to pass such laws, and
give their delegates such powers as may ef
fectually remove the only obstacle to a final
ratification of the articles of confederation ;
and that the legislature of Maryland is ear.
ncstly requested to authorize their delegate
iu Congress to subscribe the said .trticles.
We have here the motives clearly devel
oped, Yvhich induced the transfers of the
western country to the United States. In
our next wc will show how far and for what
purpose the several transfers were made.
Extract from the Prc6cntmonU of the Grand Jury
at Taliaferro Superior Court, July Term, 1833.
We hold it as a fundamental truth, that the
sovereignty of the States resides in the people
of each respective State, and consequently yvc
consider any attempt by tho Legislature to
curtail that sovereignty, as a violation of our
republican institutions, and flagrant usurpa
tion of power. IlaY’iug had under our con
sideration the public acts of the Convention
lately assembled to reduce and equalize the
members of the Legislature of this State—
we the Jury are of opinion that the reduction
made in the members ot the Legislature, as
not so great as it should have been, and that
the manner on which it is proposed to be ef
fected, so far from equalizing our representa
tion, Yve believe no man can be so blind as
not to perceive, it alarmingly increases the in
equality. The alteration of the basis of rep
resentation is viewed with alarming inter
est, by the members of this inquest, because
this alteration is in direct hostility to the spi
rit of our institutions and in opposition to the
very principles recognized in that instrument,
on Yvhich our Federal relations arc based.
We believe that if this principle in our repre
sentation is ratified by the people of Georgia,
that it will be the entering Yvcdgc whereby the
most sacred rights of the State and the Yvhole
South will be jeopardized; wc view Yvith in
dignation this departure by the Convention
from the fundamental principles adopted by
our forefathers as necessary for the protec
tion of our most sacred rights. We are ful
ly satisfied, that a majority of said Conven
tion agreed upon the' alteration proposed to
the constitution, by corrupt bargaining and
intrigue, Yvith the sole vieYV to party ascenden
cy ; and that they have thus eudcaY-ored to
sacrifice the permanent interest of the State,
to gratify the unhallowed ambition of some of
our public men. But yvc confide in the hon
csty and independence of the great body of
the people, Yvho are actuated by uo such base
motives, to effectually put down such men,
sind such suicidal measures. Wc the Jury,
do therefore, most earnestly recommend to
our feiloYY’-citizens, to manifest their claim to
the pure and unsullied inheritance transmit,
ted to them by their fathers, by refusing to
ratify the acts of the late Ceuvention. We
coincide with his Hon. W. U. Crawford in
the opinions expressed in his protest before
the late Convention at Miiledgeville.
Extract from the Presentments of the Grand Jury
of Wilkes County, at the last July term of the Supe
rior Court.
We the grand Jury of said county, believ
ing it fully within the range of our action,
cannot in justice to our feelings, omit Dicing
the proposition laid before the people by the
late Reduction Convention. It is a subject
fraught with importance, and calculated to ef
fect the dearest interests, not only of those of
the present day, but if ratified, posterity to a
remote period. We therefore believe that
the proposition should be examined, and al
though we feel that the existing state of our
representation is unequal and burdensome
we prefer it, to that which is proposed by the
late Convention.
First—Because the proposed amendment
is impolitic in a national point of view. The
late Convention . has sacrificed that principle
in representation, for which Washington, and
the most ardent patriots of our revolution
earnestly and successfully contended, and
which our eastern patriots felt themselves
bound to yield to obvious right. By thus sac
rificing this principle, our own citizens have,
(unconsciously we hope,) played fully into the
hands of our present persecutors at the North,
who have been for a long lime harping upon
the base representation of the South—-and Yvho
will now be encouraged%by the proposed
measures of our Convention to essay to de
stroy the power of the South in Congress,
which we have every reason to fed is alrea
dy too weak.
Second—Because the proposed alteration
will place the power of taxation into the hands,
of those who may not hesitate to cast this ne
cessary burden very unequally and unjustly
upon a portion of our citizens. Thus the
fourteen counties of Stewart, Sumpter, Irwin,
Telfair, Randolph, Early, Lee, Baker, Ap-
pling, Tatnall, Ware, Lowndes, Bulloch und
Emanuel, pay three thousand eight hundred
and seventy-five Dollars into the Treasury of
the State os their annual tax, and will have
seven Senators, if the proposition of the Con
vention is ratified. Whereas Wilkes and
Lincoln counties, pay four thousand, four
hundred and seventy-seven Dollars annual tax
into the Treasury—six hundred a id tYvo Dol
lars more than the fourteen counties, and yet
have only one Senator! Can this be equal!
Suppose those seven Senators propose to im
pose a heavy tax upon oak and hickory lands
and exempt pine lands from taxation, can
one single Senator resist it successfully ! It is
manifestly unjust to give to sterile and unset
tled territory an influence which is withheld
from active and useful property. Yet the
Convention agrees that a county having rich
lands and close population, and paying a lar
ger amount of taxes, shall have no more rep
resentation in the Senate, than a territory of
waste lands worth less thun five cents un acre,
Yvith a population of one citizen for every ten
miles square, and paying but half enough in-
to the Treasury to support a representation in
the Legislature. This is obviously unequal
Third—Because the apportionment by the
late Convention is unequal and unjust upon a
basis of free while population. This is illus
trated by quoting the census returns, in w 1 ich
it is sheivn that the eight counties of Stewart,
Sumpter, McIntosh, Glynn, Wayne, Camden,
Irwin and Telfiiir, have a white population of
7731, and are to be entitled to four Senators
and eight Representatives—Yvhilst Wilkes
and Lincoln have a white population of 7995,
(nearly 300 more) and arc to have but one
Senator, and three Representatives! Is this
any thing like equality or justice ? Certainly
not. Are the people of Wilkes and Lincoln
so degraded that it requires eight of them to
be cutitled to as much Yveight in the Senate
as one citizen in Wayne or Irwin? or must
it take three Wilkites to make one Glynitc fit
for representation? Yet such say the Con
vention will be fair—yvc say not.. From the
best computation we can make—one man, wo
man or child, and six thousand eight hundred
and forty pine trees, and three thousand four
hundred and tYventy black-jacks in Wuyue,
are entitled to the same representation that
three men, women or children are entitled to in
Wilkes and Lincoln.
Fourth—Because the Convention has une-
qually apportioned the representation by elec
toral numbers. For the ten counties of
Appling, Baker, Bryan, Camden, Glynn, Ef
fingham, Irwin, Randolph, Ware and Wavne,
gave at the last election for Governor, but
1459 votes, Yvhilst Wilkes and Lincoln gave
1496 votes. Yet these ten counties Yvith few
er voters, are to haYO five Senators and ten
Representatives—and Wilkes and Lincoln but
one Senator and three Representatives.
Fifth—Because we believe a combination
of sectional and party interests, (not suited to
the dignity of so imposing a body,) were uni-
ted, through the influence of designing parti-
zans, that are calculated to establish the su
premacy of federal principles, and cause the
rancour of party to spread throughout our
State. Their bill of charter, the act of the
Legislature confining their action within cer
tain bounds, has been departed from by the
majority, by their having proposed an altera-
tioa in our Constitution Yvhich we did not au
thorize, and which the provisions of the act
of the Legislature, in our opinion forbid. The
federal basis, Yvith which they had no right to
interfere, will be destroyed.
Under every aspect of tlie proposed amend,
ment, we, of the middle and upland districts,
are growing worse and worse. To this Yve
of Wilkes, cannot—Yve will not assent.
Through purity of motive, honesty of heart,
and a devoted attachment to the true interests
of our State, we decidedly recommend, and
earnestly urge our fellow-citizens generally,
to approach the polls in October next, with
ViMIKtA CiBMD.TE. FOB TIE hiafa*.
crr.-The old Domunoo 8Mms disposed to
start- several nags tor the m PrUideatial
race. Wo aoheed yesterday the nominM io„
of Benjamin Watkins Leigh. A writer in
the Enquirer proposes a Ticket with Philip
Pendleton Barbour of Virginia, for President
and John Forsyth of Georgia, for Vice Pres!
ident. The Kanawha Banner, proposes
Chapman Johnson as the Virginia Candidate
for the Presidency; more emphatically” as
the candidate of Western Virginia,” and the
Richmond Whig adds of him, in quoting the
above, “ the Union does not contain within its
spacious bosom, a more virtuous and scarce
ly an abler citizen.” Besides these, we
have observed Littleton Walter Tazewell
lominated in several 4th of July toasts. Mr.
Tazewell, however, in a letter to the Commit
tee of a dinner given in honor of R. B. Ran
dolph, for the gallant achievement of pulling
Gen. Jackson’s nose, declares his intention
of “ retiring from all public life, and seeking
a seclusion better suited to his years, his tiste,
and circumstances in other respects.”—Chas.
Courier.
-itbou Chase and A. TI . Nisbct, Editors.
“ The Southern Banner has openly avowed, that
the man who owns one hundred dollars ought to
have inoro weight in toting and in legislating than
the man who owns but one dollar. Wc can smell in
the blood of that paper a scent of the Rotten Bo-
rough.”—Federal Union.
tars ought to have more weight in vonxo and in
leuislatino, than the man who owns one dollar." jf
they do not, our worst surmises will have been ve ifi.
ed, and we, as well as tho community generally,
must attach to them that odium which the natuie of
their offence to truth and decency, will always justify.
The Augusta Chronicle.—Wo certainly feel under
great obligations to the Editor of this paper for hij
late “tribute" to our “ standard." The manner ia
which it was bestowed was particularly gratifying—
Flattery in tho guile of sarcasm, will, from that quai.
ter, always prove much more acceptable to us than if
it came “ buoyant" with sincerity, and “ solid as a
pine knot. > But in noticing his “ railing in high
style,” our business is more with tho railing Chirac,
ter of that article against tho contemplated rail road
from this place to Augusta, than that portion of it
which is devoted to railing against ourselves.
We think that the whole objections of the Chroni.
cle to the rail way in contemplation, are based on »
mistaken notion with regard to the principal objec*
,of those engaged in the scheme.
The intention is to erect a road to Augusta, not to
Charleston. The company have no idea either cf
going round Augusta, or leaping over tho corpora*
limits of that city, for the purpose of forming a junc.
tioti with the Charleston road.
The produce of the up country of Georgia will a'.,
ways be disposed of in Augusta, whilst she continues
tc be “ the best cotton market in tho world aid
when she fails to bo better or ns good as her sister
cities in this respect, her “ Annihilation” is certain.
Her destiny cannot be retarded or accelerated by the
success or the failure of schemes like the ono now
under consideration. We would ask the editor of
the Chronicle two very simple questions, and hope
that he will answer then: to our satisfaction.
What difference can it make to Augusta whether
the produce of tho interior is taken to that city on
wagons or on a rail way ?
When produce is taken to Augusta, will it not as
readily take the road to Charleston from wagons as
from steam cars ?
II j'The Macon Messenger denies our position, that
Gov. Troup in 1825, nover once sought protection
In tho Federal Union of 1st inst. the first part of for hin acts under the wings of the Constitution—
the above quotation was in substance attributed to us, | .Wc meant of course, those acts alone in which wers
and placed at the head of a * communication signed involved his nullification of, and resistance to, .Mr.
Adams's r.cw Treaty. The law contended for as the
believing it to be so glaringly false, that the Editors
would in their next, have the justice and magnanimity
to correct it: but what was our astonishirent and
indignation, to find, instead of this, the charge un-
Mushingly reiterated, as above quoted, in an editorial
of their own, headed “ Aristocracy and Wealth !!"
Yes, the above precious falsehood, among others
of equal magnitude, they introduced into a long,
law of the land, by Gov. Troup, viz : the Treaty c:
the Indian Springs, we believe was perfectly constitu.
tional; but what we deny, is. that he ever chimed the
right of nullifying the one, or vindicating tho other
by the sword, as peaceful and constitutional remedies.
Something more than the bare assertion of the
Messenger ta necessary to remove our skepticism on
the subject. Let the Editor of that paper prodne
whining, canting and disingenuous articlo last week, something from Troup himself to give weight to Ids
addressed to, and no doubt intended for the purpose
of working upon and exciting the prejudices of the
poor against those opposed to that worse than “ Ya
zoo" fraud, attempted to bo imposed upon the people
by the late Convention. Surely, Messrs. Polhill ind
Cuth’icrt must have become hard run indeed, for
ways and means, to carry on their impotent defence
of the Convention, when they have to resort to such
wilful mistakes as the above 1
We would, if wc could, extend towards them, in
tho present instance, our wonted feelings of charity,
and attribute the charge alluded to, to ignorance;
but it is impossible to do so.when we reflect, that they
have had sufficient experience in their business to be
enabled to distinguish between communications and
selected matter—between the editorial and other de
partments of a newspaper. Believing them to have
at least i-ttaincd to that degree of proficiency in their
avocation, we are compelled, most reluctantly, to
charge upon them the design of wilfully, knowingly party yield, or a compromise be not made, must end iu
and maliciously thrusting down our throats, a senti- revolution—perhaps in anarchy. Tho Mcssengc.-
ment which we never expressed, and a sentiment, : siys, that if Gov. Troup did not constitutionally nul
too, which is as obnoxious to our political faith and j lify and resist Mr. Adams’s Treaty, he was a “ mi<i-
feelings, as it can possibly bo to those of our very man” and a “ traitor.” !! Agreeably to the Messer..
conscientious, fair and Ckristian friends of the Fede- ger, then, Gen Washington and the patriots of Til
ral Union. * 1 who resisted British oppression and gloriously achiev.
Are the Editors of the Federal Union willing to ed the liberties of our country, were madmen, and
their tickets endorsed «* No Ratification
and thereby destroy a proposition so unwise
ly calculated to degrade us.
From the Baltimore Republican.
Concerted Movement.—The advocates of
the Bank have reoently advanced a new doc.
trine a id are moving in concert in their ef
forts to suatain it. They contend that the
President has no control over the Secretary
of the Treasury respecting the public depos-
ites, and are thus endeavoring to destroy one
of the striking features in the form of our Gov
ernment. The President is responsible for
the conduct of all the executive officers under
him; and our opponents would have it believ-
ed that, Yvhilehe is thus responsible, he lias
no control over matters which are committed
to the management of the men who hold
their appointments under him. They would
make a glorious hodge podge of our Govern
ment if they could have their own way.
And why have they advanced this notion ?
The reason is obvious. They have tried the
President and found him too firm and index
ible to answer their purposes; and as they
have not tried the new Secretary of the Trea
sury, they indulge the hope that if they can
persuade him that he has powers superior to
the President, they can make him more subser-
vient to their views. We trust, however,
that Mr. Duane is too good a lawyer io em
brace any such notions, too firm a man to be
influenced by flattery or threats, and too
much devoted to the interests of the country
to 'attempt to sacrifice - them to the interest aod
gratification of the monopolists.
denial, and we will be less confident in the jusincs.
of ( ur position. If Gov. Troup ever claimed nuVuf:.
cation as a peaceful and constitutional reinedv, it has
most strangely escaped our observation.
The Messenger asks emphatically, by what author,
ity did he act in nullifying tho new treaty, if it was
not by authority of tho Constitution ? Before cos.
eluding the article it answers the question most so!,
isfaclori.’y to ourselves. At that important crisis, i:i
the language of the Messenger, “ he (Gov. Trouol
resolved, at onco to throw around the State, whose
rights and liberties he guarded, the shiold of he:
sovereignty, and bid defiance to the assaults of Fed?.
ral usurpation.” If the remedy was peaceful ar.d
constitutional, what necessity was there for throwing
the State upon her sovereignty and bidding defiance
to the assaults of usurpation, See. Constitution:!
remedies arc always .-pplicd peacefully, but belligc;-
ant ones in the language of defiance ; and if neither
father every sentiment that has been, or may hcreaft
ter be advanced by their correspondents ? It may
not be the case with those very liberal gentlemen,
but it is often the case that others, for the purpose of
free discussion, admit into their columns sentiments
and views, directly contrary to those entertained by
themselves. But agreeably to the new code of news
paper ethics, so charitably, fairly and honorably in
stituted by the Editors of the Federal Union, Editors
are to be made responsible for every thing which
appears in their columns, whether selected, commu
nicated or editorial.
The sentiment charged upon us by the Federal
Union, and its poor correspondent, for the purpose of
rendering our paper obnoxious—for the purpose of
destroying that influence which it fears it is exerting
the nuisance ; but upon mature reflection, wc con-
in behalf of correct principles, we disclaim in toto: dudeJ ^ tfao ganl0 wou y hardly bo worth tho am-
it never has been either felt or expressed by us, the munitio „ f alid hence our forbearance.
Federal Union to the contrary notwithstanding ; and We wiU tako leavc of our f r iend with a word by
further than this, wo deny that it was even expressed q{ parting adTice> which we hopo wi u be of ser
by our correspondent, as a sentiment. The comma- ^ tQ him h erea fter, in the career on which he hu
nication from which it was garbled and then saddled i . . . t out
upon “ The Southern Banner,” was written ton years ! iacli ’ uoJ people, particularly if they should
ago by a gentleman of Savannah to a distinguished ., y occupy M C(iitoria l c hair, would do well to
Carolinian, residing in Charleston, (since distinguish- u cool „ during tha t season when tho “ dog star
ed in that State as tlie Ajax Telamon of tho Union fafrcg « QT w jjj “ creep,” as Shakspcaro
Party) and of course without reference to the present a j aun dico.” Therefore, avoid excite-
controversy. And it will be found on examination, asyQU would the c i, 0 lera.
that the obnoxious sentiment, which has given so j jj ever throw stones at your neighbor if you occu-
much troublo to the Federal Union, appears in it £ owc . Your example might bring about
simply among other queries intended lo ollicit from , ^cais.your own tabernacle.
the distinguished individual to whom they were pro- J ’ -— —: T _ii„.
pounded, the peculiar characteristics of tho represen- Wo received a few days since, 6 charleston
tative system in South Carolina, and his views on the ded to in the following artic e . . d ; ng
subject generally. j Courier, and intended to have noticed th M
The Federal Union says, that it smells in the | facts and arguments contuine in l.
'“blood” of our paper a scent of the “ Rotten Bo- has, however, savedus th,strou ^ ^ deCJJ
rough.” The “ blood” of whioh it speaks, has been
engaged for years in opposition to the “ Rotten Bo.
rough” system advocated by the Federal Union, both
as it exists in our present representative scheme, and
as it is ao daringly attempted to be extended and per
petuated by the new scheme of the late Convention.
And we are not at all surprised that the olfactory
powers of tho Editors of that paper, should be so
sharpe in detecting the “ blood” of those, who have
ferreted out so often, and disturbed the repose of those
political conies in that filthy retreat—their favorite
“Rotten” burrows.
If tho Editors of the Federal Union have left ‘one
of honesty, candor or sincerity, either as men,
os politicians or as Christians, they will not fail to
correct the injury they may have unintentionally
done us in fixing upon our paper the heterodox senti
ment, “that the man who owns oqe hundred doU
truitors—or else their remedy, the Revolution of’io,
w as peaceful and constimt onal.
The Western Herald.—We. beg pardon of the
freighter of this vehicle, who sends us weekly, on the
leaden pinions of a diseased imagination, the beautiet
of nullification and the bright visions of “ a golden
world,” for not paying our respects to him last week,
our apology is, the hubbub and confusion of coin,
menccmcnt times, and engagements of major impor
tance.
On reading tho unwarranted and virulent attacs
upon us in his paper of the 30th ult. our first resolve
was to tako down tlie deadly carbine which we kce?
by us in the shape of a grey goose quill, (which he
seems to dread so much) and rid ourselves at once o:
DJSf
after publish such extracts from it as we may
interesting to those of our Augusta ^
ested in the success of the Athens an 5“”
road project. » „„hlet, published at Am
Oar Rail Rood.—The P», ^ oar preceding
gusta, which we reprint» Dexter, one of the
columns, from ^* e « ou th Carolina Rail Road,
resident Engineers ot acngib]e details, tending
furnishes many P» cU * ilitie8 and advantages enjoy-
to shew the supenor _ d wJth the North, in the
ed by the South, « e r^s Tho entir0 cat of our
construction of maco/of 135miles, ises-
Rail ’^!ST»6J00%r mile. The esb-
<•JfuScamS and Amboy Rad R«J ,
mated cost of tto between New York and
ta*l..* «UIW«
mile—exclusive of engines, oars, wharves^
8>l6,3fibper ^hich would swell tlie amount to
fSed in tfcs Road, is satd to have advertued