Newspaper Page Text
DtttikPYU
to stop the progress of the an equinoxial gale with a
pair of hand bellows, ns to stay its mighty career!
Savannah, and the Eastern section of the State must
«p, gird on their armor, and moot the innovation in
tho only way that promises to them hope and safety.
They must lose sight of thoir delusive and miserable
schemes of River Navigation, and turn their atten
tion and energies to rail roads. By meeting the
views and wishes of the people of the interior in this
way at Augusta, Savannah inay not only be what
Savannah was, hut what she always ought to have
been, ** tho great commercial mart of the State.”
Mr. Jefferson and the Ratifiers.—The Federal Un
ion and the little gang of Federal Unionists through
out the State, have made as much fus3 over the let-
tor af Mr. Jefferson to Samuel Kercheval, as an old
hen and her brood would over a grain of mustard,
seed. Wo are only surprised that they could so far
forget their prejudices and antipathies to the man, as
to use any thing coming from him as authority, how
ever favorable it might be to the cause which they
advocate.
Mr. Jefferson, although the lather of correct prin-
ciples and the patriarch of Republicanism, was yet
but a man ; and his warmest friends and admirers,
i will not contend for his infallibility, cither os a man
or politician. Both in his private and public char
lotte.-, Flemishes may be discovered; but they, like the
If Dots on the disk of tho Sun, arc scarcely discernablc
ring this canvass I shall show a large share of tho
imperfections of human nature that Fr.mklin so just,
ly attributes to all; I trust tliey w ill he viewed by
my fellow-citizens with charity. And Franklin is
requested to attribute them to the common frailty ot
our species, and not to any virulence of feeling or
impurity of motive.
Franklin sets out with a very good text when he
tells'us “ thai ail republican governments are based
solely upon the will and consent of the people,”and that
In them all power centers,” and I would bog leave
to add by way of .amendment, that, when the public
will is fairly and‘understanding^ expressed in mat
ters of State policy, it ought to be the law of the
land ; and the great desideratum in all governments
controlled by,the popular will,.is for the people to
provide the means ind facilities to insure an unbi
assed expression of public sentiment. And I shall ex
amine in the very concise review I shall make, wheth
er or not the plan of a government offered to us, and
so highly extolled and recommended by Franklin,
secures this object; and if it do not, why, instead
of the beautiful republican superstructure that he has
represented it to be, we shall discover it to be on odi
ous arristocracy: for in the exact proportion that
governments deny to the people in different sections
of the country, a fair, full and equal voice in the pub
lic councils, is that government a tyranny ; (Franklin
himself being judge.)
After conceding to the people a right to alter
their form of government by prudent means when
ever they shall deem it necessary, he tells us that
“ A subject matter of complaint, of a very serious
and grievous oharactcr, has for years past existed
against the overgrown and unwieldy number of our
i Legislature.” And here I must beg leave to offer
| amid the dazzling splendors which surround them. | nnol | ier amendment to c:;ibr .ce the complaint against
The Ratifiers have, it seems, discovered one of those the inequality of our representation; for certainly
ymall sp: ts. Let them make the most of it. Yet
we would advise them not to gazo too intently, lest
their eyc-balls become scared. Tuc effulgence of the
orb, on whose disk it is a mere speck, may prove too
powerful for their unpractised optics.
That the sentiments contained in the letter to Mr.
Kercheval on the subject of representation, consti-
tute one of those spots or blemishes alluded to above,
is evident, from the history of his own State, good
old Virginia. When she dcclires against Thomas
Jefferson, i\ ell 11 ay we doubt the claims of any man
to infallibility. Virginia always contended for, and
has always maintained the principle of the Federal,
nr mixed basis of representation. The great men of
the old Dominion, who were generally with Mr. Jef
ferson on other subjects, opposed him in this; and
the people of that State decided that they were right,
and he was wrong. Mr. Madison, Mr. P. P. Bar'iour,
.Mr. Randolph, Judge Marshall and a host of others,
the jewels of old Virginia, have acted on this ques
tion ; and both their sentiments and actions are re-
rordod in behalf of the .mixed basis of Reprcscn-
t.it ion.
Periodicals The first number of the 2d volume
[' that excellent work, Greenbank’s Periodical Li-
braw, is boforc us. It opens with critical sketches
of tho genius and writings of'Sir Walter Scott, and
Lord Byron, and the Journal of an Officer, engaged
in the late expedition of Capt. Owen, on the Western
t'onsl of Africa. The Editor says, in his notice, that
i tho valuable works which comprise tho 1st. volume
of the Library, cost him in Iaandon, thirty.three dol-
lars ninety-fire cents—which have been furnished to
Ids subscribers at the amazingly low price of about
nnr dollar anil farty rents
No. 1, Vol. 1, of the improved edition of the Nov
elist's Magazine, has been received. Wo think the
: .70 in which it is now published a very great im-
j rovement. When bound it will make a convenient
and portable volume. To the lovers of fiction and
light reading, this work is invaluable; affording as it
os with so much facility, tho very essence of those
ueparti^nts, and at a price so conveniently low.
Tho July No. of tho Lady's Book, being the com.
inducement of a new volume, likewise graces our ta
ble. It is much improved in appearance, and filled
w ith matter of more than usual interest. This Peri-
c dical continues to increase in beauty and excellence,
and well deserves the patronage of a liberal public,
particularly that portion of it for whose benefit and
amusement it is mainly intended—the fair.
Cotton.—The late arrivals from Europe bring the
gratifying intelligence tb it this staple commodity of
the South, had risen in Liverpool Id. a 1 l-4d. and
in Havre 2 1-2 a 3 sous. The quotations for uplands
; ’ the former market were 8 3-8 a lOd. The Augus
ta papers state, that since the receipt of the above in-
telligenec, a hale of the now crop had brought in
that market 18 cents.
TO THE PEOPLE OF FRANKLIN COUNTY
In Governments formed by, and dependant on
the will of tho goverued, as expressed by them in
their popular assemblies ; the greatest difficulty in
preserving a healthy action of tho body politic, is,
perhaps, that of getting the people to attend to their
awn business. We frequently see questions of the
lirst importance, a decision of which is destined, se
riously and vitally to affect the social relations of
man generally, and themselves more immediately
treated with almost entire neglect, or at least with
aiarming indifference by the people.
Mankind for tho most part loving quiet, and being
more disposed to withdraw from, than to mingle in
the discussion of exciting topics and distracting po.
litical questions, leave them to be determined by oth
era : and there has never been a time since the heart
of man received a relish for government, and pow
cr, and wealth, hut what there were men to be found
willing to do l heir business for them: and it is not
unfrequcntly the case, that those volunteers (profes
sing to he adepts in their liusincss) presume to die.
tate to the people respecting the manner in which
| the work shall ||b executed; and always endeavor.
I iag to make it a profitable job for themselves. And
lienee it is that they have an interest distinct from
■ the great body of the people; and hence it is, too,
that the people are gulled by hypocritical and dc.
signing men, who come to them under specious but
. lalsc colors, professing tp bo admirers of principles
and assuming names consecrated by the veneration
of ages, while their true principles are perfect anti
podes to what they profess: thus it is that the peo.
pic, by yielding implicit faith to tho piofessions ol
those votaries of popularity and panders for power,
are made to hold the candle for the play that results it
t he tragical death of their civil liberties. Seeing, then,
that names and professions, however specious or plau
sible, are of themselves nothing, and that it is always
safest for the peoplo to attend to their own business,
I may bo excused, I think, when I attempt to scroti-
nize, though ever so severely, tho acts of the Con
vention that mot in Millodgeville in May last, and
more esjiecifdly as those acts are now before the peo
plo for their acceptance or rejection, and as their
object is to alter a fundamental law of our'govern
ment, and, in a point too, that must affect the liber
ties of every individual among us, it behoves every
man to scan them closely and sea whether they are
such as the wants of the people require.
In a government like ours, every man should be a
sentinel on the watch-tower of liberty. Let us then
divest ourselves of all prejudice and preconceived
opinions that havo not been formed after the most
mature deliberation, and with the clearest light on
the subject, while we review the whole ground. We
lave recently been addressed on this subject by an
anonymous writer over tbe signaturo of Franklin,
whose remarks I intend briefly to review; and if du-
tliis has been no less i complaint than the overgrown
numbers of the LegisLtive body. Whether we refer
to reasons set forth by the people in their primary
assemblies or the subsequent act of the Legislature
calling a convention, we shall discover that the ine
quality of representation in the Legislature was as
strongly urged as a reason for calling that conven.
tion, as the overgrown numbers of the Legislative
body. For it is well known that, owing to various
causes that have existed since the adoption of our
present constitution, some sections of the State have
a very undue proportion of representative influence;
some counties having tlirce times the influence (in
proportion to the number of inhabitants) that other
counties have, and perhaps in some cases much more.
It is a fact well known that there are more than for-
ty counties in the state that do not pay in taxes
yearly, as much as is drawn by their members in the
Legislature from the public treasury, while they have
an undue proportion of influence in passing laws to
collect and disburse ihe public funds ; and as it was
deemed unwise and unsafe to clothe public functions,
rics with power to collect and disburse money that
were not responsible to tiiose who paid it, it was de
mantled by the people that tho constitution should be
altered in this respect; and while they trimmed down
the almost unmanageable body of the Legislature to
a proper size, they were expected to restore healthy
and vigorous action to it by drawing its members
equally from every section of the country ; that ev
ery county as near as might be, should have the same
weight and importance in the Legislature that they
have at home. But has this been done ? Among
all the puffing papers and addresses that we meet wi.h
on this subject, what do we hear about equalization of
Representation ? It is true that Franklin has asser
ted that there is an unjust preponderance given to
ealth in the Legislature; inasmuch as our forefa.
thers adopted the mixed basis instead of the free white
basis in our present constitution; and that if the plan
now offered to tho people is adopted, this influence
ill in a great degree he destroyed.
Now 1 believe tins complaint has grown up since
the meeting of the convention, for I doubt whether
there was a single delegate to that assembly that re
ceived instructions to alter the constitution in this
regard. With regard to his assertion that a man
having ten slaves has seven times tho Representative
influence that his poor neighbor has who has no
slaves, we can but regard it as a most daring out
rage upon common sense, and a wanton insult to the
plainest understanding ; for every man knows who
knows any filing, that such n state of things does not
exist among us : but that every freeman, whether he
has ten, or ten hundred slaves, or no slaves at all, is
equally entitled to one and but one vote. You are
isked (with all the seeming gravity imaginable) “ if
is just or equitable that a man possessing ten slaves
should in determining the number of representatives,
have seven voices, while a poor man without a slave
to his name, has but one voice ?” Now the truth is,
no such a state of things exists among us; it is true
that some of our counties have anundua proportion
of representative influence as I have before had oc
casion to shew, i>ut this is not owing to the slave
basis, and if the ggrctloman’s reasoning has any point,
it is not difficult to turn it against his own cause,
rho people in their primary sovereign capacity, de
termined that each county should send as many dele
gates to the Convention as they were entitled to mem
bers in the House of Representatives : Now, if wc
take the ten counties Having the largest, and the ten
having the smallest number of representative popula
tion, wc shall find that the ten smaller counties would
have had nearly three times the weight in that body
that tho ten large ones would have had, according to
their population; but not content with this inequality,
the law that the last Legislature “felt themselves so
imperiously called upon to pass,” calling a Conven.
tion, gave to each county an additional delegate for
eacli senator, which increased the inequality in that
body, and made the proportions nearly as five to one
in favor of tho smaller counties, thereby creating a
much more unmanageable assembly, and making it
as difficult to adjust the matter as it hail previously
been in tho Legislature, with this exception, that tho
Convention voted in one Jiody, whereas tho two hou
ses of tho Legislature voted separately. Now, if we
take those same twenty counties, and estimate the
representative influence or importance they sustain to
each other on tho new plan, we shall find that the
ten lesser countios retain all their representatives,
while the ten larger lose five in the representative
branch; and this is the admirable plan that Franklin
recommends to us as a cure for existing evils.
But to show still more clearly that this libehon our
Constitution is without any foundation, we have but
to turn our •'ttontion to the present attitude of the
country. Tlie question qf fixing the basis of repre
sentation, is now before the people, and their decision
is to be had next October. Now I would ask if any
man has more than one vote on that or any other oc
casion ? and if a man having ten slaves is allowed to
take six of them to tho polls to vote with himself, or
whother he is allowed to vote for them ? And if so,
where and how does ho do this ? Is there a secret
ballot-box where none but the slave holder is permit
ted to approach ? and what is the reason we “ wool,
hat” men cannot find it out ? Now, if any one will
lead me tb this box and convince me of the fact, I
will believe any thing they tell me hereafter, though
they should tell me that white is black and black is
white; but until this ia done, I must be permitted to
believe my own senses. And it is in vain that gen
tlemen may attempt to bring to their aid tho empty
sophistry of giving this charge an application to dif.
ferent sections of the country ; for it is written in
such language as can have no other than an indivM.
ual bearing, or language.has lost its meaning; nei
ther is it a fact that this charge has any foundation
when applied to neighborhoods in the terms in which
it is made, for it is made against the manner of deter
mining the number of representatives, not who those
representatives shall bo. Now, as I have before sta
ted* thia question has to be determined next October,
by the people; and if you can find a county that has
five thousand slaves and hut ono hundred freemen,
“ wool hats” and all, my word for it, that county will
nave but one hundred votes. Now 1 do confess that
I cannot admire that man’s moral honesty, or attach
ment to troth and plain dealing, who can resort to
such empty sophisms as this, to xupport a weak and
bad cause; for it must be maaifeat that more reliance
is placed an exciting topics and appeals to the jeal
ousies and selfishness of the human heart, and all the
baser passions of our nature, for the success of their
cause, than to plain truth and honest argument; and
it must be a weak cause that is dependant on such as
this for support. Why not let the question be deci
ded on its oWn merits 1 Thus it is that gentlemen
seek to gull us “ wool-hat” men, and make us believe
we do not understand what is pussing before our own
eyes, while they profess to be our exclusive friends,
and only actuated by a desire scrupulously to guard
our interest. I might draw a comparison between
those men and the serpent when he beguiled our
mother Eve, but I forbear.
It is manifest that Franklin makes Redaction and
the Negro basis, his strong forte—the first to bait
our avarice, and the second as an exciting topic to
stir up our jealousies. But why address the people
of Franklin county in this way ? Have we no in
terest in slaves ? and have we not an identity of in
terest on this subject with the balance of the State ?
And, though we may be compelled to wear “ wool
hats” now, is it morally certain that wo nor our chil
dren shall never own slaves? Besides, Franklin
county* is far from being the least slave owner in the
State. If I do not err, there is not more than thirty-
five counties that have a larger slave population than
Franklin, while there are fifty-three below her in this
respect.
It has been urged against the adoption of this new
theory, that it would endanger our interests in our
Federal relations with the general Government; in.
asmucli as we are represented there by three-fifths
of our blacks, and that if we depart from this princi
ple in our State policy as unjust, it will be used as a
weapon against us in some future time by our North
ern brethren, to deprive the Soutli of this part of
their representation in the National Legislature; for
if it is unjust in the one case it is unjust in tho other.
But Franklin tells us we have no danger to appre
hend from this quarter: Congress, he says, has not
as yet evinced any disposition to interfere with the
matter. Thus he cries, peace, peace, when it is fear
cd all is not peace ; and os 1 consider this the most
important part of the play, I beg leave to investigate
tho matter a little more closely. Now, although
Congress has not as a body attempted to meddle
with this business, can it be denied that there iias
not been wanting individuals on the floor of Congress
to express a dissatisfaction on this subject. Have not
such men as John Q. Adams and .Daniel Webster,
expressed some dissatisfaction in this matter? Be-
sides is the silence of Congress as a body, hitherto,
any guarantee that they will remain silent on tho
subject ? Is it not a melancholy fact, that a largo
portion of the inhabitants of tho Northern Statos aro
at this time not only showing a disposition to med
dle in this matter, but are actually forming associa
tions, the avowed object of which is to emancipate
from slavery this species of our population? And
can it be denied that this subject has keen agitated
in some of their Legislative assemblies ? And can
thoso who now cry out peace, peace, tell us liow long
it shall he after the public inind in the ncm-slave-
holding States is generally excited on this subject,
before they will elect men to Congress, who will
openly advocate it there ? And are we wanting ex
amples of Governmental interference with matters of
this sort ? Is not the British Government at this
time, actually engaged in forming plans to cmanci-
pate the blacks in their West India possessions ?
Thus interfering with the private property of their
subjects, and the condition of a people that they are
as ignorant of, as the people of the Northern States
are of our condition. And can it be doubted that
-*->se mischievous men at the North arc acting in
concert with those on the other side of the water ?
The object of the latter, seems to be to make their
West India possessions contribute more money to
their National coffers, while we eannot doubt that
the object of the former, is, by bringing to their aid
the blacks in the South, to compel us to submit
more implicitly to their schemes of avarice and am
bition. • v
But wc arc told we havo nothing to fear on tills
subject, that the slavc.holding States are near about
equal in number to the non-slavc-holding States, and
though they might wish and attempt an interference
of this sort, they could not accomplish their designs,
and that they would know that any interference with
our rights as slave-owners, would kindle a flame in
the South, that nothing short of a dissolution of our
beloved Union would extinguish. Js this sound rea
soning ? Let us turn our eyes to the North Western
Territories; behold bow they ire filling up with in
habitants : how many States will soon apply for ad
mission into the Union from thence ; and these will
all be non-slave-holding States. Now where is the
Territory at the South to make States of? Florida
alone remains. And some of those that are now
slave-holding States, evince some disposition to be
otherwise.- Now do we not see in all this, that an
other state of things may exist than what Franklin
supposes inevitable ?
Now let us look prospectively to what our condi
tion will be, if, in time to come, we shall be denied
any representation in Congress fop our blacks, which
mast deprive the Southern States of about one third
of their representative influence in that assembly.—
Already too weak to protect ourselves against the
formidable combination that wealth and power have
arrayed against us at the North and East, and that
has received but too many advocates in the Wc6t
and South, who, entranced by the gaudy trappings
of the one, and empty gewgaws of the other, have
forsaken their first love, republicanism, and having
forgotten wliat Patriotism meanclh, no longer blush
to sacrifice cn the altar of ambition, the best interests
of their country ! Denied the rightful exercise of a
State Veto of tho most flagrant violations of our
Federal Constitution by Congress, or Executive or
Judicial violations of our rights, and the doctrino
openly advocated and admitted, that teaches uncondi
tional submission to the majority in Congress; thus
establishing'a consolidated, aristocratic government
on tho ruins of our confederated Republic—our rights
as sovereign States frittered down to more petty cor
porations—our importance in the Federal Legislature
trimmed down to a weak and contemptible minority
—our voice would no longer bo heard but, in the de
grading accents of servile supplication ! And then
to talk of kindling aflame that would dissolve this
Union, is idle and contemptible ! No, fellow citizens,
they would laugh at your calamity and mock at your
fear. They would send a Viceroy to quell your dis
contents at the point of the bayonet, as the British
Government is now serving the gallant Irish; and an
agent tq. settle tho disputes between the matter and
slave, as that government is now about to treat their
subjects in the West Indies.
8o far, we have considered this subject matter on
the score of policy alone ; but wo now propose to
view it in a different aspect, and consider it in rela
tion to its justice. Wo are told by those who advo
cate the adoption of tho white basis instead of tho
present Federal basis, that the Negroes are nothing
but property—money in the pockets of the rich, and
inasmuch as the rich are seeking to swallow up all
the liberties of the poor as the whale did Jonah, they
should reverse the matter by taking all privileges from
the rich, and let Jonah swallow the whale; for Frank
lin more than insinuates that the property and tho
liberties of the wealthy would be perfectly safe in the
hands of those who have no personal interest in prop
erty, and that there is such an identity of interests
common to all. that a disregard of one would but in.
duco a disregard of another, and so on,* ad infinitum,
“ antil ligament that binds man to man (mutual
confidence) would be dissolved, and the whole invol
ved in one common ruin ;” and thus leaves us to in.
fer that no disregard of others’ interests would take
* n V * CW t^oue dire consequences. Now
A this proves any thing, it proves too muqh for the
cause he advocates; for it is a bad rqle thai will not
work both ways. But as there is m possibility of
men s abusing power, we deem it tb be the safest
plan to give to all an equality of right, and this h all
we claim. <
But is it the fact that Negroes are nothing but
property—money in the pockets of the rich ? Such
waa not t^o opinion of that eminent statesman, James
Madison. During the memorable controversy be
tween the slavirholding and non-slave-holding States,
pending tlie adoption of our Federal Constitution,
he explained their character to be a mixed one, nei
ther exclusively that of persons nor property—that
for some purposes their character was that of per
sons, while for other purposes it was that of property:
and he says, to the extent that their character is
merged in that of property, they ought not to be com.
puted in fixing the basis of representation; while it
is very clear, that so far as their character remains as
persons, they oaght, on every principle of justice, to
be computed. This is the opinion of one of our
great American sages, than .whom no man better un.
derstood the principles of our government. Now
the peoplo of the United States, as well as Georgia,
adopted three-fifths of the black population as that
port of their character that remained as persons, and
to be taken into the count in fixing the basis of rep
resentation, and we have proceeded on this basis ever
since, without any complaint among us, until the
meeting of the late Convention. 'It seems to
have been reserved for Thos. W. Harris and his co
adjutors to make the discovery that Negroes are not
persons, and consequently must have no place in the
State-representation. But is this true? Aro not
Negroes human beings ? aro they not men as much
as ourselves ? They are not only made subject to our
laws, but they are protected by our laws, even against
the ill treatment of their owners—they have awarded
to them that most inestimable of all privileges, the
right of trial by Jury—their happiness or misery as
much depends on our laws as our own. Now under
this view of the subject, what is more just than to
take them into tho count (in some degree,) in fixing
our Representative basis ; and if just, where can you
so properly lodge their iniluenco as where they re
side ; who so well acquainted with their condition
and wants as thoso most conversant with their situa
tion? It does appear me to be clear, that this subject
is handled in the manner it is, more as an exciting
topic, than from any real apprehension of danger in
pursuing our old course. How many members have,
we ever sent to tho Legislature from this county,
that were not slave-owners. And notwithstanding
the feigned professions of attachment to tho interests
and submission to the will of the poor, by some men
among us, suppose some of us wool-hat men, should
offer to go to the Assembly, think you those Law
yers and Doctors and Merchants would vote for us ?
No! “ you stand back,” would be their language to
us, “ and let some of us go who know something.”—
They are very willing to avail themselves of the
sympathies and the corruptions of our nature too,
when they can make eitlier subservient to their am
bitious or selfish views; but I very much suspect
them of having a greater desire to serve theinsplvcs
than the public.
I have before had occasion to state that this ques
tion should not turn on reduction nor Negro repre
sentation nor both conjointly; but on thoso taken
in connexion with equalization of representation.—
Now I suppo se the most ardent advocate for ratifica
tion will not pretend that this new-fangled scheme will
give to :«I equality of rights, if tho Federal basis is
correct. Now I shall presently shew that on their fa.
voritc scheme, taking the white basis alone, tho ine
quality will be greater than it is under the present
plan, and that if the people shall bo mad enough to ad
opt the new plan, a minority of the/rce white citi.
sens will al-ways elect a majority of the Legislature
•thus reversing the very order of things in all Re
publics, and placing the government in the hands of
the minority instead of the majority.
I have already shown what is, and what would be
the relative influence of the ten larger and the ten
smaller counties under the present and tho new plan
—that if the amendment shall bo ratified, the small
counties (already having threo oij four times their
just proportion of influence in the Legislature) will
retain alL their present strength, while tlie larger ten
will lose flve of their members r and this is but a fair
sample of the whole of them. Now if wo take six
teen Senatorial Districts, beginning at number four
teen and running to the number 30, inclusive, omit
ting number 22, because it lies west of Flint Rivej,
we shall have a compact body of thirty-two counties,
lying through the centre ofthc State, and comprising
the strength thereof, and numbering something like
seventeen thousand free white citizens more than all
the balance of the State, and paying into the Treas
ury twenty thousand dollar? more than all the other
counties, annually, while they will be in the minori
ty in the Representative branch of tho Legislature
by ten members, and a fixed minority in the Senate
of thirteen, and on joint ballot, twenty-three- Now
those counties aro taken in a compact body without
regard to location, and computed on tho wiiite basis
nd wc find the majority of tho citizens of the State
by seventeen thousand, arc in the minority in the
State Legislature by 23. members. Now if we take
twenty-six of the counties having the highest num
her of free white citizens, we shall find that they
have a majority of forty-two thousand white inhabit,
ants over all the balance of tlie State, while they will
bo in the minority in the Representative branch of
the Legislature, by ten members; while in the Sen
ate, they will only have thirteen members; while
the minority by more than forty thousand, will have
thirty-two !! Is this Democratic Republicanism ?
Is this justice ? aud is this the vaunted amendment of
our Constitution, that offers just cause for every
higb-mtnded democratic republican to rejoice ? And
wherefore rejoice ? At your neighbor’s adversity,
and the prostration of the liberties of your country
Where is the republican stamp ? Where is the image
of Liberty and mutual rights ? Shew me the im
press of tho hand ol* the Goddess. No. It has tho
mark of Cain, who slew his brother : and wherefore
alew he him ? Because his own works were evil,
and his brother's righteous. Heaven save us from
such democracy as this.
We have seen that instead of tho beautiful repub
lican superstructure that Franklin has recommend,
ed this new fanglcd scheme to be, it is an odious do.
formed moster, having, for aught I know, seven heads
and ten horns, and is intended to push against ail
that contend for just laws and equal rights, by call
ing us hard names, and u stiring up the people;” but
l care not for their hard names. I profess to bo
democratic republican too ; and am content that my
principles shall be judged of by tho doctrines I ad
vocate.
Wc have seen that on their own scheme it will bo
impracticable to have a fair expression of the public
will in our Legislative councils; the majority of the
people always being in the minority in that body
and thus rejecting tho very foundation stone of all
Republics, and falsifying Franklin’s own assumptions,
the text with which he set out—That all free gov
ernments aro bottomed upon tlie public will.” Now
how aro We to know the public will, when forty thou
sand aro denied the right of speech ? Oh! Shame,
where is thy blush ? Alas! how long will it be, ere
mankind will consider the true relations he sustains
to his fellow man.
Fellow-Citizens, if you have tho power, are you
willing to claim more for yourselves in a common
government, than you are willing to award to your
fellow citizens in other sections of the State ? Are
you prepared to assume to yourselves the right to
make laws that shall affect life, limb, and property
of thorn living in the same political community with
yourselves, without giving them an equal voice in
your councils of State ? And from whence did you
derive this right ? Does power give right ? Is this
not as bad as to contend for the doctrine of the di
vine right of Kings ? Are you prepared to violate
that command, that is the moral bond of all society,
to do unto all as you would they should do unto you?
Will you lay tlie foundation stone of Jour Govern
ment in injustice ; and thereby render it obnoxious to
the Diviuo denunciations t For the Almighty’s fiat
has gone forth, that the building reared on sand shall
not stand. Pause, I beseech you to pause, before you
go too far. Review the whole ground again dispas
sionately. Has the Convention accomplished one
single object for which it was assembled ? They tell
ns they have reduced: true they havereduced some*
but have they reduced enough ? Thb minority was
and in the House of Representatives eighteen mem
bers, which would then havo have left us in the lower
House, one hundred ami twenty-six, and in the Sen
ate thirty members, which body is certainly suffi
ciently large for Legislative purposes; but this prop-'
osition was rejected by the majority. They triumph-
antly tell us, that they have, offered us a reduction
in expense of eighteen or twenty thousand dollars,
and this is the price for our liberties and our con-
sciences, that is to induce us to do injustice to our
neighbors,and uproot all our well settled institutions,
and to destroy confidence in our government, and
create distrust among ourselves—about six cents to
every white inhabitant in the State and two cents for
every white inhabitant bf Franklin county, according
to her proportion of annual tax. But what enhances
the excellency of this measure still more, this same
eighteen thousand dollars is to “ go nno the Central
Bank, tho people?* institution.” Now, Fellow-Citi
zens, who is it that go' s loans from this same Cen
tral Bank ? Is it the wool-hats ? Bat wo are told,
this is all we can get now—that a half a loaf is bet
tor than no bread, therefore we had better take this.
What! and this uttered too, in the same breath that
we are told that wo are the fountain of all political
power; that we are own masters and have a right
to command our public servants. Shall our servants
tell us how fir we shall alter our fundamental law ?
Verily, this savors strongly of that act of the last
Legislature calling a Convention. Now I don’t wish
to assume dictatorial powers; but really I think such
men deserve to be dismissed from service as unwor-
of public confidence. . But do some enquire how it
was that a majority in the Convention were so blind
to the real interests of tlie State, if tho view I havo
taken of the subject be true ? I answer it was a bar.
gain and sale transaction, in which principle was ot
tered up on the altar of ambition, and the honor and
dignity of the State sacrificed to the god of corrup-
Many of the counties in the low country having
large slave population, but very few whites, wore
found willyig, if they could be represented for Terri
tory, to surrender the Federal basis to tho up couq.
try, who have a larger proportion of white popula.
tion, and-thus by an unhallowed combination, sacri-
fice the middle counties, the strength of tho State, ei.
ther in point of population or taxation. And for
what ? Because of their political faith !!
You have reprobated that law that compelled the
Modern Greek to pay servile obedience to the man
date of the haughty Mussulman ; and when he has
attempted to throw off those illegitimate shackles, he
has shared largely in your sympathies, and you* have,
offered prayers for his success. Recently you have
almost wept tears of blood for the unhappy Poles,
ho have been subjected to laws enacted by those
having no common interest with, nor bound by the
ties of consanguinity to them. And you have a
thousand times denounced that law of the British
Parliament, that disfranchised the gallant Irishman,
because of nis Religion. Millions of altars have
been raised in the breasts of freemen, and millions of
pure sacrifices havo been offered thereon, to tho
memory of the illustrious dead, who nobly dared to
resist tlie acts of that same Government when they
assumed the right to legislate for us in all cases
whatsoever, without permitting our voice to bo heard
in their councils. And shall wc in this happy land,
where we boast of our free and liberal institutions,
re.act those same scenes towards our high-minded
and generous fellow-citizens ? Shall we in our or
ganic law, forbid them to send their Representatives
into our Legislative Halls, where their equal voice
may bo heard in passing laws for the government*of
our common country ? It is enough that Laws
should be passed in ordinary Legislation, having an
individual or sectional hearing; but that wc shall by
our fundamental Law deprive a portion of our fellow-
citizens of any opportunity to resist the passage of
laws that may not be congenial.to their feolings or
interest, and that because of their political faith too,
is what I am unwilling to believe of my countrymen.
Fellow-citizens—Contrary to the inclinations of
ray nature, I have ventured to submit to your calm
and dispa.ssionato consideration, those reflections,
and thus to raise my warning, though feeble voice
against the ratification of a measure, that I honestly
and sincerely'bclicve would prove destructive to our
best interests. I may err, but if I have erred in this,
it is an error of tho understanding, and not of tho
heart.
With a request that you will bestow a candid, lib
eral and charitable attention to the paper, I subscribe
myself your humble, but devoted servant. ^
The Man of the Wool-Hat.
presentments
Of the Grand Jury of Clark County, at Au
gust Term, 1833.
E the Grand Jury, chosen, selected and sworn.
» * for the County of Clark at August Term,
1833, beg leave to make the following presentments ■
f We present as a grievance the bad state of out
public roads, and most earnestly request our Repr
sent itives in the next Legislature, to procure tho pa
s.igo of a special Act, that our Roads may hereaft-;
be kept in order out of the county funds, or by tax
tion if necessary, and in thin we believe we exprt
the wishes of a large majority of our fellcw-citiz ::
We have examined into the situation of tho Count}
funds, and find, as reported by the Clerk, in his han ■
;i din the bunds of the Tax-Collectors, tho sum i
six thousand three hundred and sixty-three dollar*
1-4 cents, including executions and notes with t!>
-interest up to this date.
We havo also examined the insolvent list of the
Tax-Collector, and allowed him a credit of seventy
ollars, 77 1-4 cents.
We conceive it a privilege as well as tho duty, of
this body to express candidly our opinions with re-
ga; d to the doings of tlie late Convention in Millcdgc-
ville. Wo had fondly hoped that at that meeting,
whicli was perhaps first recommended by tho citizen?
of this county, our .State,Constitution would have
been so a'Tered as to have reduced the number and
equalised our representation, which wore the two
points particularly desired, and in neither of these
havo our expectations been realized; but cm the con
trary, the inequality of representation is greater.
We do juost honestly express our feelings and views,
and we believe tjiat of a large proportion of our citi
zens, when wc say, we arc not prepared to rat fy the
doings of tite s..id Convention.
We take pleasure.in expressing our approbation t<
his Honor, Judge Dougherty, and tlic-Solicitpr Gene,
ral, for diligent and faithful attention to tlie business
of tho Court.
We request that so much of our presentments as
are of a public nature, be published in tho Southern
Banucr.
E. L. Newton, Foreman, Eilwatd Conner,
Ja mcs C. Anderson,
Nicholas Sheets,
Stephen Jackson,
Nathan C. B .rnctt,
Henry L. Brittain,
William Humphreys,
Anselmn L. Harper, -
Joiet Davenport,
Alsa Moore, •
On motion of Turner II. Trippe, Solicit
ral, it is ordered that the foregoing prev
published agreeably to their request.-
A true copy from the minutes, t hi*21s* Au -
UOBERT LIv ' *;
Josiah Newton,
Elijah B. Harvey,
Barton Thrasher,
John G. May no,
Fr H. Oliver,
Edward L. Thomas,
Hartwell Jack- on,
Thomas Mitchell.
rd..
Y.
GEORGIA, HABERSHAM COL
W HEREAS Friendly Spears ir.d Cnri
Spears apply for letters of Adminis'.r t : -•
the Estate of Blake Hall, deceased :
These are therefore'to cite and tthnoutd. i
singular, the-kindred and creditors of saw A .
to be and appear at my office within (he timv
scribed by law, to shew cause if auv they have
said letters should not 1)0 granted ,
Given under my hand this 15th of August,’ IS
A. i,I. NORIiiVd.c.c.
Aug. 24—23—3fld.
EXECUTOR’S SALE,
ILL bo sold’at the residence of Susan;:
Nixon, in Jackson county, on Thursday :
10th day of October next, the personal propc-rty,
longing to the Estate of Travis Nixon, Lite 11 c
county, deceased. Sold for the benefit of ine
itors of said deceased.
ASA VARNUM, Ex’r.
SUSANNAH NIXON, Exi
August 24—23—tds.
MA.5SRSE©,
At the residence of Mr. Thomas Ragland, near
Milledgeville, on 20th inst. by the Rev. Dr. John
Brown, Miller Grieve, Esq. to Miss Sarah C. eldest
daughter of the late Fleming Grantland, Esq.
For Sale at €©§t 9
l NEW FAMILY BAROUCHE, of' a very
L superior quality, made at one of the first estab
lishments in the Northern country. A Plated double
Harness, and several extra conveniences, are attach
ed to this carriage.
Also—The subscriber offers for sale, a Two-Horse
Lumber Wagon and Harness, a One Horse Wagon
and Harness, arid a pair of young well broken wagon
horses, very low for cash.
NATHAN HOYT.
Athens, August 24,—23—2t.
Will be Sold
O N the 23d of October next, at the dwelling of
the subscriber, near Providence Meeting-House,
eight miles above Danielsvillo, Madison .county, Ga
my PLANTATION, consisting of Four Hundred
Acres, about one hundred and twenty acres of which
are under cultivation. Also—Corn, Fodder, Oats,
&c. Also, part of one other Tract, supposed to con
tain 300 Acres, adjoining the first mentioned tract,
all uncleared ; a good fifty Saw Gin and thrashor,
and other articles too tedious to mention. Terms
made known on the day of sale.
Also, will be sold for cash, two Negro men, one
22 years of age, the other sixteen years old—both
likely. < -
It is thought that thoso skilled in digging Gold
and running Silver from ore, would do well to. avail
themselves of this opportunity, for Gold has been
found in various places on the Farm, and there has
also been Silver run out of the ore; the true value is
yet to seek for. It is good for Com, Wheat, &c.
. - JEPTHAII PICKETT
August 24—23tds.
The Editor of the Greenville Mountaineer, pub.
lished at Greenville, South Carolina, will give the
above three insertions, and forward his account to
this office for settlement.
anxious to icdnce still fqjthor in the Senate fifteen
F OUR months after date, application will bo made
to tho Honorable the Inferior Court of Jackson
county, when sitting for Ordinary purposes, for
loav* to sell all the real estate belonging to Orphans
of Eldridge Nall, late of said county, deceased.
ASA VARNUM, Guardian.
August 24—23—4m.
GUARDIAN’S SALE.
75 XT'ILL be sold on Thursday the 17th of October
ff. next, at the house of James Tolcs, in Jack
son county, all the personal property belonging to
the Orphans of Eldndgo Nall, late of said county,
deceased. ASA VARNUM, Guardian.
August 24—23tds.
Factorage & roiniBissbR SLur
sincss,
7 AUGUSTA, GEORGIA.
T HE Subscribers beg leave to announce to
friends and patrons and to the country ii gen’,-
eral, that they have removed to the large an'iemwao
dious Fire Proof WARE-HOUSE o:i the tooth shiv
upper end of Broad.street, lately occupied by duo
Holcombe, where they will continuo to tr lr.uae
the above business in all its legitimate branches.—
They renew their pledge to abstain from ail specula.-
tions upon cotton, and aro prepared to extend the
usual facilities upon produco in store. - Tiny return
their thanks for the liberal share of patronage already
conferred, and solicit its further continuance.
MASON & RANDLE.
August 17—22—Gt.
To Journeymen Tijihitph.
ANTED immediately, by tho sulwiurib r wo
JOURNEYMEN TINNERS. To good
workmen, constant employment and liberal wages
will bo given. WM. VEKONEE.
Athens, June 22—14—tf. , / -
For Sale,
A GENERAL Assortment of IRON on coneigr.
ment, at seven cents per pound.
FINNY MOORE.
July 20—16tf.
FIRE WOOD,
I AM clearing a piece of wood land, about-tvo
miles from Athens, directly on the road to Moure’e
Mills. Any person wishing fire wood now and du
ring tho winter, can havo it on reasonable terms—
Apply to Mr. Lano on the plantation, or to myself..
ROBERT R. HARDEN.
July 27—19—^Gt.
And Commission Business.
T HE undersigned think it proper to inform their
friends and the public, that they still continue
the above business, at their
New Fire Proof Warehouse,
Broad-Street, Augusta.
They intend having nothing to do with the pur. -
chase of Cotton, but will devote tliemselves exclusive
ly to business confided to their care. They are pre
pared to make ,necessary advances, and respectfully
renew the offer of their services to the public.
STOVALL & SIMMONS.
Augusta, August 1—21—2m.
Warehouse.
I STILL continue this business, and at my same
old stand: My Warehouse and Close Stores are
in fine order—and, as a matter of courae, I shall ^
glad to serve my friends and the public. I am pre
pared to malce any advances on Cotton or Produce ii;
Store, but in any other way I dp it tat.
JOHN REES.
Au|gusta, July 25,1833—-20—fit.
F OUR months after date, application will bo mado
to tho Honorable the Interior Court of Jackson
county when sitting for Ordinary purposes, for leave
to sell a Negro woman and child, belonging to the
Estate of Travis Nixon, late of said county, deceas
ed ; for the benefit of the creditors of said deceased.
, ASA VARNUM, Ex’r- _ .
SUSANNAH NKON, Ex’x,
August 24—23—4m.
A
Fo r Sale,
BAROUCHE and Double Harness, low fi- r
Cash. Apply to L. SCHOONMAKER.
Athens, July 13—I7tf. - ‘
OCrBook and Job Printing netctly and acs
curately executed at this Office.