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FOR Tire SOUTHERN BANNER.
GOV. LUMPKIN, AND HIS ADMINI3TRA.
, TION.
Two yeaijB ago, Fellow Citizens, I took
the liberty of addressing you in the columns
of tho Athenian upon the subject of the then
approaching- contest between Gov. Gilmer
and Mr. Lumpkin; and made so free in ex
pressing my opinions upon what would bo the
consequences of the election of Mr. Lumpkin,
ns to advise you not to support him. Oa
looking back to that communication, it is with
no feeling but one of melancholy, that I dis
cover the justness of so many of my predic
tions, since then, alas! become realities. I
will not in a spirit of vain boasting enumerate
them to you—but will content myself by sim
ply referring to the most prominent, and at
the same time the most important one; that ih
which I told you that if Mr. Lumpkin was
elected you would not get the Indian lands.
Well, is’nt it so? are the Indians gone? are
they going ? Let John Ross answer. After
telling his council at the general meeting at
Red Clay, 13 May, 1833, that he had not stir,
red the question of their affairs at Washington
“ the last winter in consequence of the diffi.
“culties in South Carolina,”he says lhat“a law
“ had been passed by congress extending the
“ powers of the Federal Judiciary mid vesting
“the President with power to maintain the
“Indian claims; and that whether the Nation
“would bo benefited by the act of congress
«depended upon the Cherokee people themselves,
These are the words of John Ross to his
council only last May. Well, what do these
words amount to ? Why to this, that he means
to “stir the question” the next winter, and
then depend upon the Supreme Court for
getting back the Indian lands; ay, even all
those which have been lottericd and granted
—and of course, that he is not going to treat
In proof of the correctness of my inferences,
let me tell you a piece of news that I have
just read in a Milledgeville paper—it is this,
that « a plea to the jurisdiction of our State
“ court is filed by the counsel of the Indians
“ in every case where a Cherokee Indian is
“ defendant. So that the Supreme Court
“ may not want for opportunities of interpo-
“ sing in our judicial proceedings under the
“Force Bill.” Well, what do these words also
amount to ? Why, that the Indians mean to
set our State Courts pt defiance, and have al
ready, in fact, engaged their lawyers at the
North to defend their claims—and I can tell
you something, else that all those words
amount to, which, though it is hot quite so
plainly to be gathered from them, I am afraid
we are going by sad experience to realize—it
is this, that our difficulties with the Supreme
Court at Washington have heretofore been
more child’s play to what they are going to
be. Bring your minds, I beg you, to this
conviction'; the sooner the better—for, that
the Indians are going to law about their lands,
John Ross himself tells you; that they have
already employed their lawyers, the Milledge-
ville writer tells you. Bring your minds
therefore, I repeat, to this conviction! not
only all you in particular who have drawn lots
with Indian improvements, or who have drawn
tracts near those improvements, but all who
have drawn land in the Cherokee country.
Let every man,in short, who has his grant of
land in his pocket, look to this thing, and then
pause and reflect.
Pause, I say, and consider, if such a man
as Wilson Lumpkin is fit to meet the coming
storm ? Is the man whom that same Supreme
Court frightened so much last winter that he
turned loose the missionaries—is sucli a man
fit to contend with that court, and maintain
your individual rights to your lands, and the
rights of Georgia to her sovereignty? ask
yourselves s -riously that question. If the
Court scared him once, why can’t they scare
him twice ? But let us look at this matter of
the Indian lands in another point of view, one
which affects Gov. Lumpkin particularly
How can he be serious in his attempts to get
those lands, when he himself in 1823, as
he did not approve of the Bill, mid promised
to defeat the whole lottery by putting his ve
to on it if they would stand by him. Those
leaders would not do it, because they cun
ningly thought the Lottery would be popular
with the people, and help their party; and
when they told Mr. Lumpkin so, he deter
mined that he would sign the bill. Well, he
did sign it. But how think you ? Why as
his conscience smote him,he tried to put. it to
sleepby, “ assented to,” instead of “approved!”
that is, as it would appear, he signed the bill
though he did not approve of it! It is not
often, Georgians, that we have had occasion
to blush for Georgia’s Governors: but now,
we may all blush! We should derive some
comfort—a crumb only it is true—did we know
that this was the only act of inconsistency in
Mr/ Lumpkin’s political career. But alas!
inconsistency is not merely an episode in his
life—it is the whole history of his life. The
«Force Bill” under which the Indians are
going to try to get your lands back from you,
as John Ross tells you above, is, let me say
to you, approved by Gov. Lumpkin! This
is another piece of news which you ought to
know. He approves of the very Bill under
which the Indians intend to try and get back
your granted lands—he who professes to be
in earnest in the support of your rights, won
derful to mention, favours the very means
which John Ross iutends to use to take them
away from you !!'
When the Land Lottery system was first
Father o/ the Family—-and Mr. Lumpkin vo
ted for that act. He, lor one, called the ug
ly brood of 1824, 1828, 1832, into being.
Georgia, at that time; had 5 members of con-
press. v Two of them, Wilson Lumpkin, and
Billing Hall, voted in favour of it—John For
syth, Thomas Telfair, and R. H. Wilde, against
it. The vote of the Southern'States was 13
for, 35 against, the odious bill. North Caro
lina, to her eternal honour, unanimously said
No. Georgia alas! but for two recreant sons,
would have counted honours -with her sister.
One of these recreauts, after encountering her
frown, has long since expiated his sin by vol
untary expatriation to Alabama: May Geor-
gia, aroused from her mistaken partiality for
the other, and alive to her plumbcring honour,
affix, though late, the same’ merited stigma
upon him, and make him expiate his siu by
compulsory retirement from office! You will
be told, no doubt, that Mr. bumpkin is now
opposed to the Tariff system. Nothing is
more probable,for here again comes the exer
cise of that convenient old privilege of his of
changing his mind—It will be perfectly in
character with Mr. Lumpkin as already ob
served—for he is consistent in nothing but in
consistency. But you are not, on a question
’ so nearly affecting your dearest interests, pre-
i pared, I hope, .to accent such an excuse. It
1 is, I hope, sufficient for you to know that he
' w is one of the causes of all the oppression and
i liisiress under which the whole South has la-
Clark county, our share is exactly three pie-1 Georgia, ever made before him, and such as | men, but is now about to die, politically, through
bored for so many years—it- is, 1 repeat,
projected, Mr. Lumpkin, then a member of; enough for you to know this, to inflict upon
the Legislature, supported tho very largest him merited condemnation. He has no ex
reserves—he was in favour of reserving every ! case. He heard John Randolph’s prophetic
20th tract for the state, besides the fractions ; voice at the time, ending aloud to the Southern
he supported the highest price for the grants ; : members against the bill of abomination—h
and enormous taxes of 12 cents an acre ou ; heardhirndenouncingitasthegraveofSouthern
the land drawn. Two years ago, without any ! Rights. It is idle in Mr. Lumpkin to say that
change of the principle of the thing, he said I he was in favor only of the first Tariff—not
in a letter to the Editors of the Fed. Union, ! 0 f the rest: it’s too lute to shut the stable door
dated in August 183i, just before the election, ! when the horses are off. Mr. Lumpkin hira-
that he was “ less in favour of all reservations I self ought to have known, and if lie didn’t know,
than formerly.” Only remark what cautious ! he ought to have believed Mr. Randolph,who
language he uses—lie is like a man afraid to told all the Southern members, that when one
put his foot ou the ground. In January 1831, j got our, tin* rest would follow,
he announced to you in the Augusta Chron- I Mr. Lumpkin’s public services have lately
icle, that he would cot offer for Governor. J been much talked about by his friends.—
In May however,only four months afterwards, j When this imposition is endeavored to be
he did offer for the very same office. In June j played off upon you, out with his Tariff vote,
1832, he wrote to the Editor of the Chroni- I and trump the trick. For if l know any thing
cle, that he “ read his paper with increased ! about causes and fc fleets, that single act of
interest,” thereby clearly signifying that he j his, outweighs, in its direful consequences, all
approved of the doctrine of nullification which • the beneficial results of all his boasted “ pub-
the paper began to advocate with “ increased” He services.” If you hear that he was the
warmth. He has never denied that in con- j author of the Bdl in Congress, passed in 1827
versation afterwards in Jasper and Walton or 1828, for enrolling the Indians for einigra-
counties, he declared his approval of nullifi- lion, say what is iiie truth, that the very same
cation. Butin August 1832, only two months ; pj aa was suggested in the treaty, made in
after his letter of June—being at the Athens 1817 with the Cherokecs; and that President
commencement, where he met the old lead- j Monroe recommended the self same thing in
ers of his party and found they were opposed ! 1824. How t':eu could Mr. Lumpkin have
to the doctrine, he declared that he disap- j been the author of the plan* Ay, how could
proved of it. Just so with the project of the j he ? Ask those who tell you so. So that
the chief of Mr. Lumpkin’s public services in
some 2 or 3 months since, declared that they j Congress for, some 15 years, consisted in sup.
knew he was opposed to that shameful bar- , porting some second or third haud scheme for
ces, or seven dollars and a half of gold raon-11 hope no one will ever make after him. He
ey—aud that, in Jackson, Franklin and Hab- r sat down and wrote and sent off a letter to the
eirshamthey getthe same.'In Hall and Gwinnett I governors of every one of the other 23 states,
they will be a little better off—they get four telling them that the last Assembly had passed
pieces or ten dollars in gold money: in Ra-1 a Resolution that they wanted no less than setten-
bon and Madison, only one piece or two dol-1 teen alterations made in the Federal Constitution
lars and a half worth of Gold for each county! —well, what do you think ? The Assembly
I’m afraid we shan’t hear much gold chinking I as you can see in the Journals, wanted only
in the pockets of the people under Governor two alterations! and so, as the boys say, the
Lumpkin,s law. The folks in Madison and state was made a fool of. His conduct in the
Rabun, poor fellows, won’t be able to chink Workshop indeed has been so blundering, that
the gold at all—for. they are only to have one some of his best friends have been obliged
piece to the county; and the lucky dog. who to quit him. The old Soldier Newnan Has
gets that one, can’t make one piece chink by quit him—the thorough going Clark Editor of
itself in his pocket. So much for the Gov. the Augusta Chronicle has quit him, and both
ernor’s wise .recommendation—so much for supported him warmly 2 years ago against
Lumpkin's Law, let us call it by its right Gilmer. And see what that thorough going
name: so much for the law which is throw- Clark Editor Bartlett of the Columbus Dem-
ing tho whole State into confusion—breaking ocrat, says of him. « Mr. Lumpkin (says
up the country trade with the towns— I Bartlett) is a slippery fellow—that’s a fact,
and. the trade between the country people « He is one of those animals that can neither
themselves. But the Governor’s friends will “ be rousted as flesh nor fried as fish—and, as
likely tell you that silver is coming ! coming? “ I dont know what to make of him, I’ll give
yes, so is Christmas coming, but it’s a long «« him up to old Nick for his own cooking.”
way off. Silver may come after a while— States' Rights men of the Clark Party ! Ma-
but when? one or two years, at least, from jor Crawford is properly ths States’ Rights
now. You may guess, yourselves, when I Candidate for Goveruor—and therefore ought
tell you that i here are out in circulation, between to be your candidate. Your old leader, th
3 and 5 hundred thousand dollars in notes patriotic Newnan, throwing off his old party
under five dollars. How long must it not be I feeling, thinks only of his country, and
before half a million nearly of hard dollars can points you to Crawford. Men of the oi l
come in the State ? Now, the poor people I Troup Party ! Your old leader too, Troup,
own a great part of these small notes, as I recognizes his own in Major Crawford’s prin
have’ proved to you. What are they to do ciples, and he too points you to Crawford
in trading? Is all their trade to be broke up I Crawford ought therefore to be your candidate
for one or two years, until Gov. Lumpkin can also. Independent men of all Parties ! Th
try his experiment upon them ? Bui suppose, leaders of both the old embittered parties in
by accident, a pretty good chance of • hard Georgia, recognise in Major Crawford, so
dollars should find their way into the State, much of your own characteristic indepen
don’t you know it will be soon taken out a- donee, as to unite heartily in his support
gain by the Yankee Pedlars, and the Ken-1 He therefore ought to be your candidate too
tuckv hog and horse drovers? What’s .the Fortunate indeed is he, that the leaders of ri
use then,of the foolish law ? None upon earth, V :il parties come, in his person, to sacrifice
except to scoundrels, who, by watching their their former jealousies and hostilities upo
opportunity, will take advantage of the poor their country’s altar. Such a man ought
people when they are passing their little stock j not .to fail of success—and I know he will
of money—sue them, and cut them out of not, if you will only read and consider, whnt
their honest gains. What chance is there— I has been told you above in a plain, home
the best thing you can now do, is, to enquire, | spun way, by AN OLD FARMER,
what chance is there for you to get clear of
the Foolish law ? I’ll tell you—only one. As I for tor southern banner.
Gov. Lumpkin recommended it, and as it is a ANTI-RATIFICaTION MEETING,
pet darling with him, he won’t alter it it he is | Pursuant to previous notice, a large and
elected again : so, if you utant to get rid of the respectable number of the citizens of Hal
law, you must get rid of him.
' Do you ask how you can do this ? I will
tell you. An honorable and high-minded man,
who is also a man of sense and firmness, pre
sents himself before you a candidate for your
suffrages as Governor—a man, who, not only
now, but always has been, a warm support
er of the Rights of the States, and of the Un
member of the Committee of congress on In
dian affairs, wrote a report on the subject, and
gave it ns his opinion that the Cherokecs had
a right to make what constitution or form of
Government they pleased ? This report was
published in tho Georgia Journal the 15th
September, 1831. Do you believe that John
Ross don’t know of what stuff the Governor
of Georgia is made ? Why, he knows Lum-
kin’s character as well as I do. Think you,
People of Georgia, if George M. Troup had
been your Governor the last two years, that
John Ross would have been at Rod Clay last
May? That a single Cherokee from Geor
gia would have met him there ih council—
that a single one would now be in Georgia.
Think you even if any man of talent and
firmness, although he was not equal to Troup,
had been Governor the last two. years, that
our Indian difficulties, would not have long
ago been settled? No, No, No! What we
have wanted was what I told you two years
since we should want—and what I said to
you at the same time we should not find in
Lumpkin, that is, in plain English, a man fit
to do our business. Instead of this kind of
many Mr. Lumpkin, by means of imposition
practisedby some of his party upon the peo
ple—who always mean right and will always
doright when not led astray—Mr. Lumpkin,
by means of falsehoods told them by that par
ty respecting Gilmer,, was elected; and what
has he done? well, he has lotferied off the
land, and what of that ? all that ho did was
to carry into execution tho Law of the
Legislature, providing for the Lottery,'Which
was passed under Gov. Gilmer’s administra-
„ tion. Well I say again! under Mr. Lumpkin’s
administration, the Lottery, took placq—admit
ted, he did‘Carry into operation Gilmer’s act
that is, he reaped what others had sown.
But there is a secret about this lottery busi
ness which is worth telling, and you ought to
know it. It U said by, a writer in the Mil
ledgeville Times—and I believe ho was in
.the confidence of tho Governor at the time
alluded to, that even after the Lottery act was
passed, Mr. Lumpkin applied to, several of
the leaders of his party, and told them that
gain and sale of your rights—that second Ya
zoo speculation scheme,which I hope you are
shortly by your votes going to consign to the
same grave which Mr. Lumpkin’s Father,
and which you or your Fathers dug for Ya-
zooism, and in which it was buried some 35
years since. He is said indeed, and lias not
denied it, to have declared, in July last to a
Judge of one of the lower Circuits, that the
proceedings of the convention were uiyust
and wicked or oppressive. But in August
(only one month’s difference this time) hav
ing, as usual, met his old party at Athens
commencement, and they having no doubt
tipped the wink to him, he said that “ he had
always been in favour of Ratification!” Ia
November 1831, he said he was opposed to
the Penitentiary, and abolished it—in Novem
ber 1832, on the next meeting of the Legis
lature, he again used that old privilege,so pe
culiarly his-own, of changing his mind—he
then said he was in favour of the Penitentia-
ry, and brought it back.
The King of France with twenty thooMnd men,
Marched up the hill, and then inarched back again.
We are now informed in the public
papers, trad he and his friend» have not
denied the charges, that during the dis
pute between Gen. Jackson and Mr. Calhoun
2 or 3 years ago, (which dispute by the bye
ho was the very means himself of making,
since he was the person who by first officious
ly writing to Mr. Calhoun on the subject, ac-
tually stirred up the quarrel between them,) he
“ denounced the transactions as a foul con-
“ spirucy to prostrate a patriotic and talented
“ man, his friend Mr. Calhoun—but also went
«to the President and in a whining sycophan-
“tic manner told him that he was his firm
“ and fist friend;” and after he returned home
“ made sport of Jackson and of Jackson’s
“ Cabinet by calling it his kitchen cabinet!”
But enough of his inconsistencies. You now
see os plainly os I, who have long known
him have always seen, that the man has no
fixed principles—that he is every thing by
turns and nothing long.
I have no wish to misrepresent Mr. Lump-
kin. . 1 bear him as a man not an atom of ill
will. 1 adjudge his political, not his private
conduct. If he’has been misrepresented, why
has hn not corrected the public misappreheu
sions ? Why have his friends not done it for
him ? No one more cheerfully than I, if in
error, would retract my allegation^. But he
is a public servant—he is before the people, a
candidate for the renewal of their trust; and
I, as one of the people have a.right to investi
gate his public acts, that it may be seen
Whether those acts justify a continuation of
that trust. My duty-—to myself, at least—
painful as it is, must be discharged: and as I
have not completed my investigation, I must
proceed with it. In furtherance of this duty,
I must snatch from oblivion, in which it has
long lurked, and expose to noqn-day, one of
the most serious, if not the most serious, of
all Mr. Lumpkin’s political sins. Few of you
know that to him, for one, you hre- indebtet
for the fastening vpon you of the whole of the
abominable Tariff system. The Tariff act
of 1816 every one acknowledges to be the
getting the Indians away—a scheme, the
beauty of which, by the bye, is yet to be
found out: 4>r the Indians, you know, are not
gone, and John Ross tells you, as I have al
ready shown you, that they are not going at
all!
But Mr. Lumpkin is the poor man's friend:
so some of liis friends say. He is the poor
man's Governor: so others of his friends say. A
word with these friends of his, if they please.
Pray, who got the Change Bill passed last
session of the Legislature? Does not every
body know that it was a petof the Governor’s?
a favorite measure of hU—recommended l»y
him on .the ver. opening of the Assembly,
November 6, 1332 ? Who suffers from the
Bill, the rich man or the poor man? Does
Goveruor Lumpkin suffer under it ? No—
because he, and rich men like him, have their
money in 20, 50 aud 100 dollar notes: the
poor man, at s for him! has his little stock of
money, his in 1, 2 and 3 doll ir bills
therefore, the law Lears on the poor than on
ly ; and it is consequently, the poor man only
who is liable (under the law of the poor man's
Governor, as lie insultingly to the poor, is
called) to he sued by every pryiiig, Spying,
worthless scoundrel in'the State, for passing
away his lull j bills, which have been as hen
estiy come by, and much more hardly .Worked
for than Governor Lumpkin’s 3000 dollars a
year salary. And for offering to pay away,
perhaps for the* necessaries of life, a 1, or 2
or 3 dol'.ir bill of good money, and honestly
come by, the poor man may be fined a hundred
dollars—have liis wife’s cow and calf taken
from her—ay, may have even their very bed
taken from under them by a constable, and
sold ; and if these don’t come to the money
he himself will be put in jail! and all this for
what ? Who can tell ? Mr. Lumpkin, tries
to tell, in his message; when he says that his
plan “ will make gold and silver supply the
“ place of the notes uifder five dollars, and
“ help the Banks.” Help the rich Banks, he
says—nothing thought of the poor people! by
the poor man's Governor. Bring gold and
silver into the country! how can his plan do
that? It show’s how well informed,our Gov
emor is upon such subjects. Let me tell you
a little about this tiling. In the old country,
gold is worth a great deal ra ’re than it is in
this country; and none of the gold coin they
make there, ever leaves it to come here
what little does, find its wav here by chance
from other parts of the world, is soon shipped
to Europe by the merchants; and as regards
the gold money, uivier live dollars, made by
our own Government, only see Ijow much our
Governor knows what he writes about. Take
Inst year’s business at our mint 03 a sample
and it is a fair one, one year with'enother.—
In 1832, there were only 4400 pieces of gold
under five dollars, (that is, quarter eagles' \
coined in this country. 80 that we have, for
last year’s operations, 4400 pieces only for the
whole United States, or in other words for
14 millions of people—that is one-piece for
every 3182 persons, and as there are ra Geor
gia about 540,000 inhabitants, one shore
comes to about 125 pieces, for the whole
i State. Don’t laugh when I tell you that
and Gwinnett counties, met at the House of
Mr. Kerr, in the South-west corner of Hall
county, Friday the 13th inst. The company
being called to order bv R. Winn, Esq. on
motion, James Law. Esq. was called to the
chair, and Joseph A. Reeves aud Nathan
Jones appointed Secretaries. The assembly
being thus organized, the object of the meet-
ion of the States—a man who is therefore, I jag was briefly stated by R. Winn, Esq. and
both a State Rights man, and a Union man, followed by Major Robert Mitchell, in an able
and consequently combines, both of those an d eloquent address against the ratification
qualifications so requisite in a time of peril and adoption of the proceedings of tho late
like the present, in a Governor of Georgia.— Convention—when Joseph Dunagaii, Esq. at-
This man formerly served you in Congress— tempted to defend the adoption of the same,
latterly he has served his own county in the who was. replied to by R. Winn, Esq. after
Legislature. He confirmed his devotion to I which a division was called for, when at
State Rights with Floyd and Newnan, on the I least two thirds of those present, appeared
field of battle in the Indian wars. He is, I against ratification. The discussion being
therefore, a practised man in both the field, ended, and the vote taken, the company re-
and the Cabinet—has the firmness of the I paired to the spring to partake of e, free and
soldier, with the intelligence of the statesman I splendid barbecue. The cloth being remov-
-just the man you want. This man e d the following sentiments were offered by
is Major Joel Crawford of Hancock. Elect -the company: - ^
him as your Governor, and he will, by that I By N. Jones, Secretary. The two great
intelligence and firmness, soon clear the In-1 political parties in Ga., Republicans and Fede
dians from your State. He is opposed to I rulists—The former known by contending for
Lumpkin’s foolish change bill, and will rec- State Rights aud State Remedies, ami th
ommend its repeal, among the first of his acts.
I am almost, but not quite, done with Mr.
Lumpkin. I have spoken above of his hav
ing turned the Missionaries loose. Do you
know where these men are, nnd what thev
General Government to be limited by the
express letter of the Constitution, the Procla
mation of A. Jackson and the bloody bill to
the contrary notwithstanding. The latter by
contending against State Rights and State
re about? I will tell you: They are at, or 1 Remedies, and for the General Government
near, Red Clay, just within the Tennessee line,
the same place where, as you have above
sen, John Ross held his council last May.
There they stay at night, a*.n in the day time
they come prowling into Georgia, in order to
be at their old trade of mischief making with
the Cherokecs, by advising them not t. n; k -
a Treaty ; and so you find, they will ot tro t.
This fsGoy. Lumpkin’s work by turning these']
men out of the Penitentiary. Thdy charge
the Governor, too, with tolling an untruth.—
He said thev solicited their release, and con-
10 be clothed with unlimited powers, the Con
stitution to the contrary notwithstanding.—
Maythe time speedily arrive when the former
snail triumph over the latter.
By Major P. M. Byrd. May the reserved
rights of the States, the Constitution and the
U<:ion, ever be defended by the people of
Georgia.
By F. L. Brandon. Republidanism and
State Rights and no Ratification.
By N. G. Henderson. Freemen of Geor
gia, if you wish to be free, sutler not your
the instrumentality of—A WOMAN.
By Hugh Wilson. May the liberty pur.
based by our forefathers’s blood beesteemed
at i<s real value.
By W. Duke. John C. Calhoun, A. S.
Slayton and T. F. Foster, true and noble
Statesmen.
By S. Hillhouse. Out of- the abundance
of the heart the mouth speaketh. The Proc.
'a mat ion, the bloody bill, Forsyth, Wayne,
Bogan and the late Convention: set thou a
wicked man over them and let Satan stand at
their right hand. When they shall be judged
let them be. condemned, and let their prayers
become sin: let their days be few and let an
other take their office, &c.x_i09tli Psalm.
By W. Prickett. May Nullification bo
ratified, and Ratification nullified.
By J. G. Loughridge—(A friend to Union
and nullification, but a violent opposer of rat.
ideation.) The Siatcs composing the Con.
federacy have not parted with their sovereign,
ty, and the people of each have a perfect
right to resist oppressive measures of Govern,
meat, provided the measure is not authorised
by the Constitution, and in that .event they
have an equal right to demand such amend,
ments as will secure equal rights and interest.
By John T. L. Cain. G. M. Troup—
The zealous statesman at home and abroad.
Oh ! may the State Rights men the Union preserve.
With good attention and cayo,
This I drink with neither dread nor fear.
Hoping that Ratification never will appear.
By B. F. Morgan. John C. Calhoun and
George MDujfic—May- their struggle for the
welfare of the Union be engreven on the
!» iarts of every Democrat of Georgia, and
may their con quests open the eyes of blind
bigots, and turn them from the error of their
ways.
By James Wilson. The State of Georgia.
—May she always remain true to her trust,
and' hever abandon the’ good old .principles
which she has long since adopted, and may
her next superintendent of the “ mighty work
shop,” not do so much turning.
By J. J. Power. May patriotism, virtue
and talent, be the only future passport to of-
rice, to our future Legislature.
By J. T. Price. The biil of blood, the j
bayonet and the sword, may enforce the dc. I
crces of arbitrary power, over cowards, con. :
solidationists and slaves, but it never can pre-
vail against the free-born sons of the South,
whose motto is, liberty or death.
Bv W. Carroll. When our rulers make
use of power not delegated to them, what
check is necessary to meet the emergency?
SaysT. Jefferson, “ Nullification is the rightful
remedy.”
By John Cain. The Hon. A. S. Clayton
—And may we nullify ratification.
By Thos. Wilson. When any created
agent or agents usurp powers not delegated,
how should their acts be treated ? Why let
them be nullified, and considered and of no
force.
By W. A. Trice. P. P. Barbour, the dis
ciple of Jefferson—may he be our next-Pres
ident.
By Charles Price, Jr.
The Reduction Convention which lately took place,
Composed of a party which it has disgraced,
We call it unequal, unjust and unfair,
But when we think of its framers, we know what a
pair, ' *
Tho Yazoo & Federalist party combined could make,
A law they call equal, but a moderate sweepstake,
But all this don’t daunt us^their acts to defy,
Tho Convention and Wilson Lumpkin we’ll nullify.
By Jacob 1'. Cayne.
O Eternal King of men and angels, elevate our minds,
Each low and pr rthl passion thence dispel,
Till this great truth in every heart bd known,
That none but those who aid the public cause.
Can shield their country or themselves from chains.
By Elijah Hillnoiise. The Bloody Bill—
The offspring of corruption, a disgrace to the
Statute Book—it disregards our republican
institutions.—it gives the sword and the purse
into the hands of a military chieftain—it gives
the Supreme Court the power of. reviewing
the decisions of our State Courts, and setting
them aside at its pleasure. Freemen of Geor
gia! are you lor Jefferson and Liberty?. If
you are, you will nullify and set aside thisun-
constitutional and oppressive law within the
limits of your sovereign State.
fessed their error. They deny this ia a let-1 Constitution to be polluted by ratifying the
ter published by them, and say that they did I proposed amendments.
neither the one nor the other—but on the con.
tiary, it was the Governor himself, who soli
cited-them to ask pardon, which they would
not do.
Governor Lumpkin took an oath on enter.
By Geo. Fcem, Esq. May the spirit of
James Jackson, which led the van of Repub.
licanism in the State 'of Georgia, and was fol.
lowed by Thos. Jefferson of Virginia, after,
wards by VVm. H. Crawford and G. M.
ing his offico 2 years since, to support the I Troup of Georgia, rest upon every true Dem
Constitution and Laws of Georgia.. Let us I ocrat of our country,
see how he has supported them. The Cou- By J. J. Power. Slavery, purchased with
stitotion says, that “ No member of the As- the pitiful savings of $20,000—who would not
“ senibly after having taken his seat, shall he rather have liberty purchased with millions
“ eligible to an office having emolument or than slavery bn free cost.
“ compensation annexed thereto, during the By W. T. Winn. Nullification—May it
“ time for which he shall have been elected.” I be successfully applied to Wilson Lumpkin,
Yet Gov. Lumpkin, last year,, appointed one J and the law imposing ia penalty for passing
of his political favorites, tne Senator from De I small bank notes, and may ratification receive
Kalb, Mr. Cleveland, (who pocketed for this its merited doom.
service the nice little sum of 2105 dollar) to By Andrew Wood. May the nullifiers of
a vacancy made by Mr. Stone’s resigning his Georgia be defeated, aud Wilson Lumpkih
surveyorship io the second section. The re-elected. (Drank silent.)
Land Law bill said that each county ra the By J. J. Poweri May the Ratifiers of
State should, at least, have one surveyor— Georgia be defeated, auff’Joel Crawford our
yet, when resignations took place, Mr. Lump- next Governor.
km, instead of ordering new elections in the By N. Bennet. The poor man that wish,
counties as the law required, supplied the va- j cs the rich men to pay tax for their negroes,
cancics himself. In one case, he gave two I should vote, no ratification,
districts to one surveyor. Altogether, there By j. Anglin. George M. Troup—The
was one direct infraction of the Constitution, I zealous State Rights man at home and abroad
and nine violations of the law, by the Govern-1 —so long as we have him on the watch-tow.
or, in conferring favors on his favofites.
Mr. Lumpkin, in a.letter which he wrote
to his friend Mr, Pemborton last year, told
him that he was in a mighty work-shop, and
that his aids were few and feeble ; and selfish
to boot. As he is getting old himself, and be
says his workmen are sorry, I’m afraid the
work-shop is too big for him, ar»d that our bu
siness is blundered over. I’ll tell you why
I'think so. He did make a blunder last win
ter, and such* a blunder as no Governor of
er, Georgia has nothing to fear.
By Thos. A. Fenn. May the Federalists
and Tories of the United States be consolida
ted, and exported from, our country to some
European Monarchy, where they may siibrait
until they are tired of submission, and let
their names be blotted out from the American
history.
By David Carroll. Gen. John Bates—
he has lived a political life about fifteen years,
- FOR TOE SOUTHERN BANNER.
-v Athens, Sept. 19, 1833.
Messrs. Editors,—I;have just noticed, ia
the Pciersburgb Intelligencer, a very rude
attack, to say the least of it, by a Messrs. Fol-
let .and Smith, backed by some very ungener
ous and uncalled for remarks from tho Edi
tors of that paper, upon myself and Lance
lot Johnson, Esq. on account of the publi
cation I made relative to a Machine, for hull
ing cotton seed, invented by this last named
gentleman.
It is not my intention to have any news
paper contest with these individuals—that is,a
matter out of the question; but I wish the
public to suspend their opinions upon the sub-
ject of their publication for a short time, for
reasons which will presently, appear.
If 1 understand the object of their notice,
they present two grounds of complaint: 1st,
that Mr. Johnson should have invented any
machine that would interfere with theirs, they
being “ the pioners in this business,” and
further, “ it will meet the same fate as the se
veral previous and futile attempts to deprive
thetn of the benefits of their invention.”
2d. That l ought ..not to have published
an account of it, and especially to have refer
red to the inefficiency of theirs, and that my
statements with regard to the value of the oil
aud cake are iucorrect.
Wilh regard to the first, it would seem
their own prophecy ought to have given them
ease, and have prevented in terms, the as
sertion of the singular notion that all further
improvements or inventions should cease upon
a given subject, so soon as one attempt in ref
erence to it, has been made and submitted to
the public, however abortive and inefficient it
may prove. But the community may rest
assured that Mr. Johnson, whose character
and standing in Georgia is of the very first
and has stood many shocks from tho hands of I respectability, will not only satisfy thorn of