Newspaper Page Text
(fThe ferment of t free, is preferable to the torpor of a despotic, Government,”
VOL. II.
ATHENS, GEORGIA, OCTOBER 5, 1833.
NO. 29.
llottvn .
From “ Potms by II. F. Oould."
MARY DOW.
“ Como in, little stranger,” I said,
As she tnppc! at my half open door;
■While the blanket pinned over her head,
Just reached to the basket she bore.
A look full of innocence fell
From her modest and pretty blue eye,
And she said, “ I have matches to sell,
And hope you arc willing to buy.
•' A penny a bunch is the price ;
I think you’ll not tiiui it too much ;
They’re tied up so even and nice,
And ready to light with a touch.”
I asked, “ what’s your name little girl ?”
“ ’Tis Mary," she said, “ Mary Dow,”
And carlessly tossed off a curl
That played o’er her delicate brow’.
“ My father was lost in the deep—
The ship never got to the shore—
My mother is sad, and will weep,
When she hears the wind blow and sea roar—
“She sits there at home without food.
Reside onr poor sick Willie’s bed ;
She paid all her money for wood.
And so I sell matches for bread.
“ Eor every time that she tries, ,
Soino things she’d he prid for, to make.
And lays down the baby, it cries,
And that makes my sick brother wake.
“ I’d go to tho yard and get chips.
Dot thru it will make me so sad ;
To sea men there building ships,
And tiiiuk they had made one so bad.
“ I’ve ono ol'.cr gown, and with care,
Wc think it may decently pass,
With my honnett that’s putupto wear
To Meeting and Sunday-School class.
“ I love to go there, where I’am taught
Of One, who’s so wise and so good ;
He knows every action and thought,
And gives e’en the raven his food.
“ For lie, I am sure who can take
Such fatherly care of a bird,
Will never forget nor forsake
Tho children who trust in his word.
“ And now, if I only can sell
The matches I brought out to-day, •
I think I shall do very well.
Ami mother’ll rejoice at the pay.”
“ Fly homo little bird,” then I thou "lit,
“ Fly home with jdy to your nest,”
For I took all the matches she brought—
And Mary may tell you the rest.
H. F. G.
jpauscrUrtU?*.
at work to find “ n hole in a’ our coats.” It
will do us good. We are, as a nation, much
too expansive in our benevolence. We are
a people of cosmopolities. It may be laid
down as a rule, that our country should be
our first love—that her history, her heroes,
her statesmen, her writers, her institutions,
her merits—ay, and even her faults, should
have the first place iu our hearts. Where
the centre of our affections is not sound, the
circumference must be defective. The man
who leaves the shores of his native land for
objects of pride and admiration, is not worthy
of the title of American. This disposition has
been for some time on the increase. Ever}’
tiling native has become vulgar. Our, aris
tocracy are wild in their admiration of for
eign law’s, foreign literature, foreign talent,
foreign sentiment, and foreign manners.—
They are Englishmen in America.; and no-
thing that has its birth this side the Atlantic,
is regarded without sneering and contempt.
This class is, we are sorry to say it, the ma
jority in our cities: and we rejoice when we
jtco their foreign airs ridiculed, and their lofty
pretensions caricatured. Let the English
tourists make free use of the lash—let them
lay bare our silly mimicry of foreign man
ners, and our contemptible idolatry of every
thing English, and they will confer upon us
real and permanent benefit.
Ilolfticftl.
From the Philadelphia Daily Intelligencer.
ENGLISH TOURISTS.
We have often heard it asked, « Why is it
that English tourists cannot speak truth of
this country ? The solution of this mystery
is by no means difficult. All tilings consid
ered, we are only surprised that they handle
us so tenderly. With whom should John
Hull—with all iiis national pride and national
prejudice, his indomitable selfishness, nndcon-
stitution.il habit of grumbling—be in so ill an
humor, as with Brother Jonathan ?
In manufactures, who has crippled him ?
Brother Jonathan. In commerce, who has
rivalled him'? Brother Jonathan. In war, who
lias grappled with his conquest Hushed legions,
breast to breast, and retired from the field
his equal—n ay, his victor 1 Brother Jonathan.
Upon the ocean, who has met him “ on his
field of fame,” wrested the boasted « sea scep
tre from his grasp, and gave him one of the
lessons he had so long been giving others ?
Brother Jonathan. Who has been, for the
last ten years, teaching him his A B C’s in
political philosophy—forcing down his throat,
like a nurse feeds her infant, our “notions ”
of government? Why the same “tin ped
lar”—“wooden nutmeg manufacturer”—
“ long-headed,” “ drawling-toned,” “ barba
rian,” Brother Jonathan! The American
eagle flaps its triumphant wings over many a
vallev once red wih the banners of Britain ;
and the humble «striped hunting" floats over
more than one gallant ship that bore, in for
mer times, another ensign. We have done
more than allied Europe could effect to hum
ble the pretensions, thwart the ambition, mor-
i tify the pride, reform the morals, and correct
. the manners of John Bull, and yet we are so
unreasonable as to expect him to be sweet-
tempered !
It is not at all marvellous that the old cod
ger feels a little sore, when after, looking " nd expressive face.
Female Education.—Let your first care
be to give your little girls a good physical ed
ucation. Let their early years be passed, if
possible, in the country, gathering flowers in
the fields, and partaking of all the free exer
cises in which they delight. When they
groiv older, do not condemn them to sit eight
listless hours a day over their books, their
work, their maps, and their music. Be as
sured that half the number of hours passed in
real attention to well-ordered studies will make
them more accomplished and more agree
able companions than those commonly are
who have been most elaborately finished, in
the modern acceptation of the term. The sys
terns by which young ladies are taught to
move their limbs according to the rules of art,
to come into a room with studied diffidence,
and to step into a a carriage with measured
action and premeditated grace, are only cal
culated to ke$p the degrading idea perpetu
ally present, that they are preparing for the
great market of the world. Real elegance
of demeanour springs from the mind ; fash
ionable schools do but teach its imitation,
whilst their rules forbid to be ingenuous.—
Philosophers never conceived the idea of so
perfect a vacuum as is found to exist in the
minds of young women supposed to have fin
ished their education in such establishments.
If they marry husbands as uninformed as
themselves, they fall into habits of insignifi
cance without much pain; if they marry per
sons more accomplished, they can retain no
hold of their affections. Hence many mat
rimonial miseries, in the midst of which the
wife finds it a consolation, to be always com
plaining of her health and n ined nerves. In
the education of young women we would say
—let them be secured from all the trappings iuuil jty.
and manacles of such a system : let them
partake of every active exercise not absolute
ly unfemininc, and trust to their being able to
get into or out of a carriage with a light and
graceful step, which no drilling can accom
plish. Let them rise early and retire early
to rest, and trust that their beauty Will not
need to be coined into artificial srnfles in or
der to secure a welcome, wiiatever room they
enter. Let them ride, walk, run, dance, in
the open air.
A LETTER
FROM
RICHARD H. WILDE, Esq.
To a gentleman of the Up Country on the .pro
posed amendment of the Constitution.
Augusta, 21st Sept. 1833.
Dear Sir,—I have the pleasure to ac
knowledge the receipt of your letter, which
my engagements have hitherto prevented me
from answering. Be pleased to accept my
thanks for the many expressions of good will
it contains; to deny a request thus urged
would make me undeserving of them.
It cannot have escaped you, that comply,
ing may subject me to much misrepresentation
and obloquy; but these never have and never
will deter me from any public duty, or make
me willing, in a good cause, to be njore care
ful of myself than my best friends desire.
Not to have formed some opinion on a matter
of such moment, would prove me incapable
of exercising the ordinary privileges of a free
man. Entertaining one which I did not dare
to avow, would prove me unworthy of them.
The value and influence of that opinion
you greatly overrate. These will depend
solely on the reasons which support it. For
its integrity my friends will require, and my
opponents perhaps accept, no voucher; the
indifferent may suppose it in some degree
Wealth, merely as such, has no preten
sions. Its strongest claim is the presumptive,
evidence it affords of good sense aud integri
ty. But if you reject the direct test, why
admit a presumption ? Wealth, considered
as indicative of education' and morality, is de-
lusive; for the rich are often worse and sillier
than the poor; and besides, if wealth only is
to be regarded, an Aristocracy,.not a Repub
lic, would be founded.
Wealth and numbers combined have been
supposed to possess numerous advantages.
The union of nearly all the strength, with
most of the wisdom o£ the community—of
them who fight the battles, with those who
pay the taxes—of all in short, ''who have a
stake in the country, is at least plausible.
The propriety of requiring this stake, and
the justice of excluding mere vagrants, seems
to be recognized by the most popular institu
tions ; since the payment of some tax, how.
ever small, and a fixed residence for some
time, however short, are generally among the
legal qualifications of a voter.
The practical difficulty of settling and main
taining a direct property qualification, in a
Representative Republic is very great indeed.
If a large number of persons are excluded,
the danger and discontent are serious ; if
small one, the advantage is rifling. The
cause of the excluded, is’ espoused by the
class of the priviledged next to them, and
sooner or later the barrier is broken down.
This is proved by the fact, that the direct
guaranteed, by the absence of all personal
interest, and the pledge of my past political! property qualification, purely as such, which
formerly existed in a great many States, has
life.
You do me no more than justice in believ
ing that with me politics are not a trade. I
should make a bad demagogue* and a worse
sycophant, being unable to endure the prac
tices of either. For politics as a science—
for the noble wisdom of which Themistocles
taxes by the Constitution of the United States, i ceived as ev idence of that stake ; or, that the
were designed to be uniform, and the exact ownership of property other than freehold,
over his ignorant, slavish, starving, and re
bellious millions, after hearing the flattery of
the slave mingle with the maledictions of the
traitor, after marking the blaze of conflag.
rated cities, and listening to the din of all Ire
land in insurrection—he casts a sheep’s eye
upon our vales, flowing with milk and honey,
and crowded with a free, happy, independent,
and virtuous people. No wonder he bawls
out eo lustily, “ sour grapes—sour grapes!"
and would persuade the world that we are
not free, though we seem to be, and not hap
py, though we think ourselves so. No mat
ter. The old fellow is rather to be pitied
than condemned ; and so long as we are con
tented with our lot, we may surely leave him
to the undisturbed possession of bis ancient
and valued privilege—grumbling.
By the way, we are not sorry that the
tribe of English scribblers bttve set themselves
given way in all, or nearly all. Its resistance
is but that of a dyke of sand against the tor
rent ; for in a Republic the tendency to cor
ruption, inherent in all things mortal, is to
wards democracy—which leads to anarchy,
and that to despotism. Conceding, however,
boasted, when he said he could make a small I the general impossibility of permanently re
town a great city—I have a heart-felt rever- taming in a Republic, the direct property
ence; for politics miscalled—the struggles of qualification, purely as such, let us enquire
men—the arts of popularity and faction—a I whether the indirect or modified property
profound and undisguised contempt. Protest- qualification, not of individuals, but of masses,
ing then, that I do not set myself up as a may not be recommended by some accidents
teacher of that knowledge, of which I am yet of time, place, or circumstances, which give
but a student; that I claim no exception from I to particular species of property ou especial
the ordinary sources of error and delusion; I claim, either in justice or in policy,
am unambitious of controversial distinction, I The two, now settig up that claim, are land
and shall leave my arguments to their assail-1 and slaves; and I propose presently to re-
ants, should they merit any, without defence ma rk, on the respective pretensions ofterrito
or reply, I will give you the opinion you ask, I r y servitude. The remaining basis to
and the reasons on which it is founded. 1 jj e considered then, are, numbers merely;
Should they assist your neighbors m making I md nura bers j n connexioa with s i aV es and
up their own, 1 shall be satisfied. 1 sur f aee . If numbers merely should be as-
It is agreed on all hands, that a pure demo-1 sumed as the most just, equal and politic ba-
cracy is adapted ouly to a single city, or at sis 0 f representation, vre -are not P eV en yet
most a very limited territory. Representa- f ree f rom difficulty. Who shall be enumer-
tive Republics arc capable of much greater ^ted ? Men capable of bearing arms ? Men
extension, and less liable to the paroxysms of I 0 f a g es 7 Qr women and children also 1*
popular commotion. From the incorporation You do not propoS e to let the latter vote—
of the representative principle into popular gov- why then enumerate them? You number
ernrnents, its salutary limitations have been those who are not tQ vote, that you may give
problems deeply interesUng to every friend t ^ e vo t C8 to which they would be entitled, on
of freedom. The principle basis of Rcpre-1 ^ principle of numbers, to others. Nor is
sentation practicable, or believed to be prac- this all. If the share of political power ar.
tieable^ may perhaps, bo classed thus: ising from women and children, were to be
1. 1 he intelligence and virtue ot the com-1 exerc jg et j q, y their husbands and fathers,
. there might be more reason in it. But on the
2. Its numbers simply, or mere physical I contrary> it
goes into the mass, and the man
k r f c * T .. ... ,, . , without a child has as large a shave of it,
3. Its wealth as indicated by taxation, and as he who has a dozen. The principle of
supposed itself indicative of knowledge and nurabers> therefore, is no where strictly fol-
virtue. .... lowed out, and the embarrasinent is increas-
4. Numbers and wealth combined; intend- ed by the peculiarity of our population. We
ed to unite strength with wisdom. have a g reat many slaves. They are men
Each ot these has its modifications, and jj bo ourselves, but they are property also.—
each its advantages and disadvantages. The 0ur state is part of a Fedcra i systetn . i n
Encourage Ihe merry, and i„,K>. | ~
cent diversions in which the young delight:
let them, under proper guidance, explore eve-
ty hill aud valley let them plant and cultivate
the garden, and make hay when the summer
sun shines, and surmount all dread of a show
er oi' rain or the boisterous wind : and, above
all, let them take no medicine except when
the doctor orders it. The demons of hyste
ria and melancholy might hover over a group
of young ladies so brought up: but they
would not find one of them upon whom they
could exercise any power.—Foreign Quar
terly Review.
Thplendid Thfeaker.—The Editor of
the Witness, published in Middletown(Conn-)
illnaturedly publishes at full length the only
speech of an aspiring member of the legisla
ture,during three years. He says the reader
must < imagine the tall and imposing figure
of the orator reduced to an angle of forty five de-
grees-his legs, crook-ant-his arms,ramp-ant—
his hands, grab-ant—his eyes squint-ant—
the scintillations of genius flashing from the lot-
ter in such quick succession, that they form
halo' of gloiy around his splendid head
Here is the speech:
« Mither Thpeaker—Ath I had the honor
to introduth tbith bill, I think it ought to path.”
obvious then, that a community in which the j
utterly ignorant and thoroughly debased, were
excluded from a vote might be well governed,
aud yet in a country, whose inhabitants were j
generally educated and virtuous, as the United
proportion for our slaves, and in the same
proportion we are taxed foT them likewise
We came into the Union on these terms,
and would come in on no other. Why do
we abandon in our State, what we would ne
ver consent to relinquish in the confederacy,
States, the government be still strictly a po- thus give those who are anxious to cam
pular one, including in its constituency a vast ce j that part of the bargain, a plea against us
majority of the people. The difficulty of from our owa aCts . Does the Federal basis
nding a practical test and standard of good gj ve to the vote of the slave-holder, any un
sense and morality to which a voter could be due advantage over that of his neighbors, in
su jectei, has prevented, and probably will their county election ? Not at all; and for
forever prevent the adoption of this basis. If the increased share of power, of which he
a high degree of attainment and goodness par takes in common with his countrymen in
was required, the government would cease to' ... - -• ~ •
be a popular one. If a very small portion of
both would suffice, thd benefit would be im
perceptible. It, has indeed been suggested
that one who could not read or write, a noto
rious criminal, abandoned profligate, or ha
bitual drunkard might be excluded from the
polls; and legislators have proposed to make
political disfranchisement, for years or fife, a
part of the punishment for given offences.
But reading and writing are no infallible
proofs of sense or virtue; since many a man
comparison with other, parts of the State, he
pays and they receive an indemnity, in the dis
proportionate taxation to which he is subjected,
Is he in no danger of suffering injustice by
the abolition of the Federal basis ? Various
arguments have been urged on this, subject,
which I will not repeat.
1 will add another. The United States
have occasion to lay a direct tax. By the
Constitution, it must be apportioned accor
ding tg Federal numbers, and if the slave hol-
Drrro.—What’s the meaning of ditto, fa-
father,” enquired a love sick green horn, as
he was hoeing cabbages, one blue Monday.
Ditto—ditto,” muttered the old man « why
booby, here’s one cabbage head and there’s
another. That’s ditto !” “That ditto! by
hokey, dad, then I am done with‘Sal ; for
as l squeezed her hand for the last time,about
day break, this morning, and hinted, in pretty
plain English, that I should like to get .mar
ried she sighed out, d-iU-t-o!!" Green-
hom’s “tender passion” was now turned to sour
crout.—Ohio Atlas.
When children are young they make their
parents’ head- ache—when they grow up, they
make their hearts ache.
who can do neither, is wiser and better than der P“ d ^ share of xt d, rectly *> the United
some who can do both; while the erection of States ’ he would pay for each of his slaves
the hustings into a censorship of private raor- only ** i ust constitutional proportion.. But
als, would be attended with numberless, in- U has been usual Congress to provide'
conveniencies. The evidence and mode Q f that the several States may assume the tax,
trial, present almost insuperable difficulty. We which is then levied by each State ’ ** its own
should revolt from a proposition to disfranchise way » ? n its own c,tiz . ens * Thia has been fre *
a man without trial, orto trv him without a ju-1 done, and will be done again. In a
ry. Yet the juiy trial of eveiy voters quafifi- State Legislature, elected, not on the Feder-
cations would make a never ending election. 81 basis > but on that of free white papulation
If rumour were to be received as testimony, I on ty—what chance has the slave-holder of
no vote could be allowed ; if proof were re- being assessed according to his just Federal
quired scarce any would be rejected. Ac- P ro P ort * on °£ the tax, and no more? Yet
cordingly we find, that no plan for sifting ig- J
norance and vice from the poll books, has vet , T an aaditor , of tho tlebates “., the
k„ pn rptbtroil ‘ • .. y . I late Y irgima Convention, (the most august delibor-
. - . p c » and in the present ativo body I ever saw) a preamble was presented
state ot society at least, we may. be justified I which announced that “ women and children were
in assuming that virtue and intelligence, as I excluded from all share in political ]?awcr,'on ac-
ascertained by direct scrutiny, cahnotbe made count of * tho nfl *«raZ dominion which man had over
degree in which that particular species of
property should be made to contribute to the
public wants, was supposed to be secured be
yond assault.
The owner of slaves, as their natual guar
dian and protector, a fight in which I am proud
to say many a master in Georgia* is regarded
by his negroes, has a deep interest in pre
serving the Federal basis. It is not extrav
agant to say that the slaves themselves are
benefited by it, considered as human beings,
necessarily and properly excluded from all
share in the government and yet liable to
many of the evils which men must suffer,
though they are slaves, when their masters
are misgoverned—an interest which no gen
erous and humane nature can overlook, be*
cause it is the interest of the abject and the
helpless. It is evident that in a Legislature,*
elected solely on the free white basis -,taxation
will always be made to fall heavieston the slave
holder. In times of danger and distress, tax
ation will become oppressive. Where the
whole population is free, suffering falls first
and most severely on those lowest in the scale
of population ; and in countries where slave
ry exists, the overtaxed slave-holder must un
derfeed and overwork his slaves. When war
shuts up our ports—when our produce caunot
find a market, and a scarcity of domestic
grain is in danger of being heightened into a
famine by. the exclusion of foreign, supply-
even the slave will partake in the bitter fruits
of legislative injustice. This injustice, indeed
will recoil upon its authors ; for the slave-hol-
ding part of the community, impoverished and
oppressed by unwise taxation, will afford on
ly a diminished market for the products of
those counties, whose population is wholly
free ; but mutual suffering and reproach af
ford no remedy, and little consolation for such
evils.
Do you intend to abolish the Federal basis,
and yet tax the slaves as usual ? Suppose it
were proposed to do away with the represen
tation of three fifths of our slaves in Congress,
and at the same time to continue the appor
tionment of direct taxes as at present; would
not every one exclaim against such mon
strous injustice ? If it would be so, when at
tempted by some states against others, do
things change their nature and their names,
when attempted by parts of a state, against
other parts of the same state ? On the other
hahd; in abolishing the Federal basis, do
you intend to repeal or reduce the tax upon
slaves ? If you do, the proposed reduction
of the Legislature will not diminish the amount
of taxes to be paid by the non-slave, holders.
Many other arguments on this branch of
the subject are amiliar to you, aud for that
reason I do not repeat them
Let us suppose, however, you absolutely
reject slaves from your enumeration, and de
clare that representation shall bo according
to the number of free white persons alone.-
Be it so. But in the name of heaven, fol.
low out your principle; Let it be a represen
tation according to the number of free white
persons only. Have the Convention done so?
Not at all ! A pretence has bjeen resor
ted to, called the territorial principle; assu
ming the right of representation according to
extent of surface :—a pretence which settles
the ratio by a survey not a census, and claims
for Missouri more weight in the Union, than
New-York or Pennsylvania. I have promis
ed to examine this pretended principle. You
reject the right of representation for slaves—p
why do you insist on the right of represen
tation for land ? Is there any thing, which
under all the circumstances, gives land a bet
ter right to be represented than slaves ? Just
the reverse. Land is property, and so are
slaves; but slaves are men also, which it is
hardly necessary to say land is not, unless
you argue after the manner of the Sophists ;
« Men are clay, and clay is land: consequent
ly land is men.” Land does not enter into
the basis of taxation and representation in
Congress. The States are not represented
or taxed by the square mile. If they were,
the delegation and assessment of Virginia
would be largest, and ours next but one.
Neither is land liable to . suffering through
misgovernment or unjust taxation as slaves
are. But grant that land ought to be regar.
ded inap portioning Representatives,and slaves
not: What is to be represented ? The pine
trees and white sand ? Who is to speak for
the soil ? Is it not the owners? If it be, a large
part df the landintendfed to be represented be
longs to the State. The artificial personage or
body politic can hardly claim to send members
to its own Legislature. Nineteen-twentieths of
the remaining land in the lavored counties be.
longs to individuals residing in other parts of
the State. .
Are they given a share of the power claim
ed from their own land ? Do they vote in pro-
portion to the number of lots they hold ? On
the contrary, their own land is made a pre.
ter.ee for diminishing the influence of their
vote and giving all that is taken/row them, to
others, who live, indeed, where the land lies,
but do not own a foot of it.
We have now passed through oar minds
the general reflections which the subject sug
gests: let us endeavor to concentrate and
apply them. We have seen the utmost ex
tension which can be given to the democratic
principle, is universal suffrage. Tho im
portant modifications of the elective franchise
arc, either that power should be divided equal
and the payment of taxes to a certain mode
rate amount, should be sufficient; or, that a
particular race of men, who by our institu- . *
tions are property also, should be condsider-
ed in the basis of State as they are in'that of
Federal Representation.
The general principle, or any one of these
modifications, would still leave the government
in the hands of a majority of the people; and
would in contrast with the scheme of the Con
vention, be comparatively unexceptionable—
The capital objection of the proposed altera
tion indeed is, that it proceeds on no just
principle, is founded on no reasonable basis,
and places’ the powe¥‘*ih' the hands of a na-
nority. It is Aristocratic—not Republican.
It adopts neither universal suffrage nor
freehold- suffrage: neither numbers, uor vir.
tue and iuleillgence, nor wealth, alone or com
bined ; neither the free white basis, nor tho '
the federal basis; nor any other basis ever
recognized by a free people. Had it adop
ted any, it might be endurable; but it * pro
ceeds upon none; unless it be that the minority
shall govern. Now tho right to govern is not
among the rights of a minority. They have
a right to be" well governed^—to be exempt
from misgovernment; to be secured against
invasions of the fundamental compact by tho
usurpations of the majority: but apart from
express compact, a right in the minority to
govern the majority, can never be successful
ly and hardly seriously contended for in this
country. Bias,.indeed has said, the majority
are wicked. Pain? tells us they are fools.
Nevertheless they have the physical force,and
they prefer their own will, wicked and foolish
;—if you must have it so—lo the will of a wise
and virtuous minority. If they did not, they
would destroy the Republic and found a Mon
archy 1 , or an Aristocracy, in which a minority*
docs govern.
That a minority will govern under the
scheme proposed by the Convention, has been
irrefutably demonstrated by “ Baldwin,”
“ Richmond,” and other able writers. I do
not understand the fact to be disputed. It is
proved by tables, which, are in every body’s
hands, that “ a region of country lying in a-
compact form through the centre of the State,
from the Savannah to the Flint River, con
tains a majority of seventeen thousand of the
free white-population of Georgia; pays in
taxes, twenty thousand dollars more than the
rest of the State, and is to be in a minority
in both houses of the Legislature—-a fixed
minority of thirteen m the-Senate, and a mi
nority of ten in the House, to which will be
added.two more on the formation of ‘every 1
new county.”* Again, it is shewn, that
“ the twenty six most populous counties in
the State, without reference to locality, have
a great majority of the free whitei population
of the State, and are in a minority of both
houses. These counties have a white popula
tion of one hundred and seventy six thousand
one hundred and thirty-nine, with but sixty-
seven Representatives, and a weight in flip
Senate equal to thirteen Senators. The re
maining counties, with a population of one
hundred and thirty-three thousand six hundred
and ninety six, having thirty two Senators and
seventy-seven Representatives ; thus giving
to counties (which ^ontaih a minority of the
people by more than forty-thousand,) a ma
jority often in the House and more than ttfo-
thirds of the Senate.
At present,fourteen men, in the priviledged
counties, have as much political power in the
House, ps twenty one men in the rest of the
State; the Convention propose to give six
teen men, in the priviledged counties, as much
power in the House, as twenty-seven in the
rest of the State. If the existing ratio of in
equality merely was preserved, then sixteen
men would be entitled only to the power of
twenty-lour. Once for all, let it-be remarked
that I speak in round numbers, with the near
est approach to accuracy which they admit oft
for the sake of being more easily and gener
ally understood.
Let me make the matter if possible,-still
plainer. At present two men in the priviled
ged counties, have as much power as three
men in tho others.
This was one of the evils the people com
plained of, and the remedy proposed by the
Convention is, that five men in the priviledged
counties, shall have neatly as much power as
nine in the others. At present, in voting for
Representatives, the votes of six men in the
priviledged counties outweigh the votes pf
eight men in the other counties, and the Con
vention, by way of equalizing, propose, that
henceforth the votes of the six shall outweigh
the votes of ten.
The comparisons, let it be observed, are
between large masses of tarritory and popula
tion, lying in compact forms, not between
distant and disjointed fragments selected for
£he sake of contrast. *If the extremes arc
compared, the project becomes- more glaring
ly unjust and unequal. Thus in the election
of Representatives, one vote in Randolph, out-
wei ?hs kixlcen in Hall, and one vote in Wayno
over balances sixteen in Gwinnett. One vote
jn Glynn is worth more than sixteen in Hab-
ershkm ,Jifacri ‘in Monroe,fourteenin DeKsilb,
thirteen in Henry and Newton, twelve in
Franklin, eleven in Walton and ten in Jack-
son. Ten votes in Jasper and Elbert, are
less available than one vote iff Glynn—and
that same single vote turns the scale.against
eight votes in Washington, Houston,-Rich
ly among all free white men who have a stake niond, or Ogtethorpe, and prevails over
in the community; That the ownership’of a * -*3
certain portion of the soil, should alone, be re- * Richmond, No. 5.