Newspaper Page Text
1
My own opinions may be contained in a
nutshell: I am for confining the exercise of
the pouters of the General Government to the
letter of the Constitution* leaving nothing to
construction. I believe that a majority in Con
gress, can only be confined within its proper
sphere of action, by the wholesome and pru
dent interference of the Stale*; in preventing
„ nshrpaiion. Whenever a majority, by combi-
nation and bargaining, seek to benefit a pact
* T>f ihe ; Union, at the expense of another part
' of the same Union, I believe that the injured
party have a perfect right to secede; but that
ft ahull not be driven to that necessity, until it
attempts to call back the Congress to a proper
sense of it* rights and their duty, by prevent-
- ing the unconstitutional and injurious act com
plained of from operating within its sovereign
ty and independence, even where the bad
• effects of the act arc only felt and experien-
* • ccd in a single State.
It is this right only, that can protect the
smallest and weakest State in the Union from
being oppressed by the illegitimate exercise
• j>f the strong arm of’power, which the Gov
ctafrient of ; th* Union may attempt over its
members. v '
The Amphyctionic Council had the power
- of Compelling its constituent members to sub.
mission.; and so, perhaps, have the Congress
of the United States ; but they certainly have
no right to do so. It would be an act of war,
and like Helos of old, the citizens of a rcfrac
tory State, might be made the Helots of mod
ern times. But there would be a scene opened
’ upon us by such an effort, as wc all must de
precate; and perhaps it is hardly necessary
to anticipate, or to attempt to desc ribe its hor
rors. It is to be hoped, that the patriotism and
magnanimity of our people, will yet, for
long time, avert such au evil from our belov
cd country. „
With sentiments of pure respect, I am your
humble servant and friend,
- Ed: HARDEN.
J. J. Flourxoy, Esq.
tion of oppressors, may resist the oppressions,
and the Congress, or the. .United States, being
unable to form as full a meeting as they did,
on making the Constitutio n, will, of course, be
obliged to admit of amendments; and thus the
oppressive statutes fall at once from all effect.
If the United Slates do not regard the Pro
test of more than one-fourth of the States, then
nullification, by those States, may appear more,
rational and conducive to justice, than the pre
sent one by a single State.
These are my views .relative to the routine
to be taken when difficulties between our State
and Federal Governments arise.' T am for
Union;—Constitutional Union—and I believe,
that if the Congress so far forget every moral
obligation, as to attempt the overthrow of State
Rights, or the Heloteing of our citizens, that
there are, in a Confederacy of seven or eight
States, compulsory faculties enough to- bring
the government to a healthful republicanism!
I am, Dear Sir,
Very respectfully,
Your ob’t humble serv’t,
J. J. FLOURNOY.
procured suitable Globes, an Orrery, and other I us, that a part may resist; and he also tells us, I There can be, in the course of legislation, | as to arrest’the disasters which they
Astronomical Adjuncts, Mathematical Models, that the other parties may even annihilate the under a written compact, but two classes of otherwise continue to produce,
dec. which, together with high attainments in resisting party by war, to redrew the hpxy cases—the J\e embarrassmentsi we have expert
the exact sciences, constitute their means for sustained by such resistance; which, to all In referenced the first, the Constitution ex- and the heavy failures in the north reJJ
instructing their classes. It seems, that they intents and purposes, would constitute a double pressly declares, that a “ majority of each from the great pressure on the money nJJ
commence in each branch with the most sim- rectified case of revolution. The irresistible House of Congre^, shall constitute a quorum are ascribed,-in a great measure, to ££
inference from the logic of this Letter-writer, to do business.”. Here.lhen, is a judge of the moval of the deposited from the Bank of J
- - v - —• «« fa* — I a We have admitted, and
unaccountably confused iu head. It is I it regards toe ordinary class. « is w vn^u.inui uumu, that this measure of the’ GL*'
• i :c« "" i contributed to the embnrr.Tss m 11
pie elements first—suffer nothing to bo taken
for granted—analyzeevery succeeding article
in its order—pass nothing unfinished; and
I is, either that he is desperately wicked at heart, stipulations created by the compact, so far us U nited States,
or unaccountably confused iu head.. It is J it regards the ordinary class. It is a creation | still admit, that
’ has cont
thave be
pressure on the money, market
ixtended its cffer.ta .hi
has contributed to the embarm 8stn vu i
have been felt by our merchants * !
i mnnnv ,t 'l i
years, . , >. . . ....
enough; and yet we persist in withholding
the inducements to assiduity and vigilance—
those ^absolute prerequisite^ to proficiency.
A VISITOR.
: Athens, February 8th, 1834.
My Dear Sir :—I have just perused your
Tetter of this morning, and shall not lose
moment in returning a ready answer to the
same. The friendly and mild terms of your
letter, inspire me with better opinious of my
Nullifying Brcth ren, than 1 could ever have
derived from the heated Political Rostrum.
I shall convey my sentiments relative to the
powers of the .State and Federal Govern,
ments, in ns short a compass as possible.
- acknowledge, that your mistrusts and fears of
,%e Congress imposing, beyond endurance
. TO a State; or encroaching on its liberties
may be true, in some sense, and appear very
plausible as a supposition; and the right of
State either to secede, or to nullify, as a con
jecture, looks certainly very like consummate
reason. But a closer inspection into the foun
dation of the government, would induce a
contrary conclusion. The States, previous to
the achievement of independence from Great
Britain, were all mere united colonies of that
Island. And when the spark of revolution
was first blown up in Massachusetts, the whigs
of Georgia, at the other extremity, felt it as a
common obligation, to prepare for a deathless
resistance. And it is apparent to all who arc
read in the history of the revolutionary war,
that when Congress, in Philadelphia, appoint
cd Washington as Generallissimo over their
forces, he was made so in utter despite of such
States where there may have been a majority,
or even two-thirds, (the principle of sovo
,) of tones, who did not appreciate the
tion ef breaking off all obligations to
; is.mg. South Carolina, for instance, had
! majority of loyal subjects to the Eng-
Monarch—thefeeSle, becausefew devot ff
en. of Marion and Sumter, wore ineffectual
to the mighty, work of expelling the British,
nr putting down the tory hordes. It was not
until Gen. Green and hip Northern or Virgi
nian disciplinarians, moved to the rescue of
the South, that South Carolina and Georgia,
could ever claim their freedom, which was
something like a boon to them, from the Con-
FOR TUB SOUTHERN BANNER.
To the Edilors-af the “ Western Herald; n
Gentlemen—Seeing that you have enter
ed upon the business of conducting a “ news-
paper,*’ and that you have commenced your
vocation wilh as much energy and irregularity
as a man would fight a half dozen musquetocs
at the same time; and sincerely wishing you
may end with credit to yourselves, I (a# old
friend) take the liberty of making you a few
salutary suggestions:
I would advise, 1st. that you change the
name of your paper. The title would seem
to imply “ a precursor—forerunner—harbin
ger,” or the first proclaimer, &c. By look-
ing at its columns, there is nothing that sup.
ports the idea. It is a retailer of petty slan
ders, which pass us here in large cargoes,
and in three'weeks afterwards come back by
the gill, half pint and six cents’ worth. I, there
fore, suggest the propriety of changing the title,
and substituting in lieu thereof, the title of
The Retailer, «* The Ancient,” or “ The
Refresher,” or some such title. 1 dislike to
open a paper .and see in staring capitals
“ HERALD,” and fatigue my eyes by looking
in Vain, for something that has not been pub-
Ushed a thousand times in much better print.
2d. I would advise, that you never take
the labor to iuform yourselves either about
wbat you write, or re-publish. This is labor,
and frequently compels an editor to keep in a
track from which be wishes to bolt. In this
particular, I do not believe you are subject
to censure; and from your progress thus far,
you give promise that you will succeed to ad
miration. The practice of » Old Guieu,” and
a others, of making a labored argument oa both
sides, and adapting the truth in conclusion, is
any mm2 eise. to call the attention of our I thing is said, and another meant—a trap into on the application of the Legislatures of two- full amount of their debts. We can tU
community to these periodical examinations, whichthe unwary are seduced, and then forced thirds of the several States, shall call a Cort- safely assume the position, that the p reS( !
The benefits cf a numerous attendance, might into an adhesion to doctrines, at which their vention for proposing amendments, which, in embarrassments have hastened the
be incalculable. We have^dl complained for common sense, in the first instance, would either case, shall be valid to all intents and which would have been inevitable at 30tE
that our children did- not learn fast have revolted. purposes, as part of this Constitution, when ry distant period, because it is impossible'
2. Governor-Troup has. “ cherished a long I ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths | those embarrassments, resulting from the d
disrelish for Nullification, as advocated in ajof the several States, or by Conventions in rangement of our financial ^ operations, C J
Sister State”. ' There the people were told, J-three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other I have produced such losses, as to enable thj
that the remedy was peaceful-^-that it was mode of ratification may be proposed by the who have failed, to pay perhaps no Ol0 '
certain in its effects, dec. It is now manifest, j Congress.” , than-20, 30 or 40 per cent, of the amount! m
that it was neither: for extensive military pre-I By the ordinary, must be understood all the demands against them. £
partitions were set on foot to enforce it; and such acts of the Government as are palpably The fact is, that it is impossible i : , ^ j
it has so far absolutely failed, inasmuch as constitutional; and about which all are agreed, country to ascertain the real wealth of an j- f
the Nullifying Ordinance was repealed by the J Bv the extra-ordinary, all such as are of dividual, especially if he is in business,B
FOR TUB-SOUTHERN BANNER.
NO. X.
OOV*B troop’s LETTER NULLIFICATION
STATE BIOHT8, AND STATE SOVEREIGNTY. *
I have waited, in vain, for some abler pen
th«n tr. fi.rr-iah'tn th»» mihli*. „„ n iL; c very party who enactedit, before it had accom- doubtful constitutionality, such as the right to deals largely with the banks. This indin F
than mine, to f.imshto the public, an analysis | ^ J, ^ atom of the good intended . But establish a National Bank, to construct works ual may have houses, ships, and landed p 3
our Letter-writer, as if aware of the danger of internal improvement, to protect manufac- erty in great plenty ; but if he is in busing
to the cause which an open and frank avowal I tures, &c. The passage just quoted from the the amount of his outstanding notes niay ;< f
of the doctrine as there advocated^ would ere- compact, has exclusive refereuce lo the latter more than the aggregate amount of his pr
ate, has endeavored to gull our common sense class; and if judges' of the stipulations are erty at a. fair valuation. This-individual c
into the support of measures identically South 1 not as palpably created, and their appointment joys an entensive credit; he is considers
Carolinian, by such expressions as are above I as palpably referred to, as human language by the public as a rich man ; and yet, *het
quoted. tf Let us see if this be not the fact: | could have done st, then definitions of terms I he dies, we are surprised that his estate hi- .
of this famed Letter, and to expose the dire
ful consequences to this great Republic, to
which its doctrines must inevitably lead. We
have all along witnessed the insidious weapons
which the Nuliifiers have wielded, not only in
South-Carolina, but in other States at the
South, for the accomplishment of their pur
poses of Disunion, under the imposing mantle
of State Rights: Bull, for one, could hardly
have supposed, that George M. Troup would
have placed his character for fairness and
In South- Carolina, it was not the State Govern- j and safeguards for regular government, be- J solvent; and if he fails, we are equally ss-
ment which declared the Tariff Acts of.Con- J come, to all intents and purposes, nonsense. I prised that he is not able to pay more thaj
gress inoperative ; and therefore null and I Now if Gov. Troup’s case of last resort is j 40 or 50 cents in the dollar to his crefe
candor in a similar jeopardy, by declaring his I void > but ihe sovereignty of the State throughJ neither of the ordinary nor extraordinary as This muy not be the case with those iufe
long disrelish for Nullification as advocated * Convention. - ’ - ab ° ve de , fined ’ b . ut . a case J self-cjected from unis m the north who have lately failed: „ t
in a Sister State ” when, two years since in Now what does Gov * Tn ? u P sa y on tbis wrth ° al tbe constitution and laws; and if the know nothing about them; but would ill*
public response to a call from a conspicuous P°* nt 1 f f 1 wiU <l uote his own language. He constitutional number of States in favor of an very su rprising if they were not able to p
* * ... I I aotta «e nPUnn/v an n /\ c.A,wiwn,nn4ir in tuKal ■ I omnn/inmnt norm nt hn t\i>nnni>A«1 Via mnot l.t, I H1APO tlltin A(1 At* ■ n A.It. .1
portion of the same State, he had gravely and
unhesitatingly avowed, that «whatever It
might do in its sovereign capacity, would be
right.” * r ’ -
Let us, then, determine the degree of £on-
fidence which an enlightened community may
feel itself authorised to repose in the declara-
tions and logic of a man who would thus sport
with their common sense, and then tamper
with their liberties, as has been most palpably
If, therefore, this principle is established,
it certainly is no way very becoming politi
cians, to claim a sovereignty of a single State,
in contradiction to tbe will of all the others;
and as nullification and' secession are ground
ed on this sovereignty—this sovereignty then
not being proved from the early records of the
revolution, tbe. two incidental theories must
fall to the ground.
If South Carolina was never bound to Con.
gress, why could she not, having a vast ma
jority of tories, go back to England during
the first war?
If, however, we concede the practice of
Nullification, and its twin, Secession, as a vir-
tual matter of implicit right to a single State
or less than one-fourth of them, I do not per
ceive how either the Constitution, or the
Union, or even the liberty of the States, can
bo long maintained. The Constitution de-
• dares, that all laws in Congress must extend
over every State—its Constitution to the con
trary notwithstanding. Then to give the right
to nullify, to, detached parts, may nullify this
article in the United States Constitution—may
engender heart-burnings and strife-may dis-
sever the links of our Union, and certainly in
the .end dissolve liberty altogether.
’Therefore you perceive, ff ear sir, that the
assumption of the contingent right to nullify
the law of the majority by one Stat e, or any
small minority, cannot be taken ns a matter
of right from the.veiyjstructure of tbe govern
ment.
But you may nsk me, wh&t shall a State
do, supposing Congress make the President
a King, or swallow all the liberties of the
smallest States ? I have all along considered,
that a remedy better than assumptive nulfifi-
’iatici, is ever in our hands; You know, that
the Constitution was formed by two-thirds of
the States, -or three-fourths, ^1 forg-st which).
Therefore, a small number of States,' on tlm
sis of a Southern Confederacy, or of the
pie, which shall so prevent tt full assembly
w Irda, of theec-fourths, in n Cooven
practice by all means to be avoided. It is
irksome to read such productions, and is per
fectly disgusting to the fanciful. ' Ho con
cludes by a long train of reasons, both com
mercial and political, and I may add constitu
tional, that if it is necessary to keep the pub
lic money deposited in the Uuited States Bank,
it- is necessary to keep the Bank also. Now,
an article in your paper, of a late date, shews
conclusively the reverse, to wit; That the
Bank must not exist; and still the money must
be deposited in the Bank. Now this. is just
such logic as can well be understood by those
who know how to render null and void that
which is a nullity.
3d. I would advise, that whenever you arc
constrained to speak of public officers, that
you never speak of their virtues. It is ful.
some, and makes them proud and overbear,
ing in their dispositions, and makes you look
like a flatterer or sycophant. I must do you
the justice to sav, that you have reformed tbis
practice “indifferentlyand “I pray youf
to reform it altogether.” Whenever you speak
of Gen. Jackson—who, being the President of
your own choice, you ought to call Jack-
Ass” “ Usurper,” “ Despot,” “ Tyrant,”
“ Dictator,” and all such terms. He being
acknowledged to 1>e the “bravest of the
brave,” it shewa that you are not less brave
and it docs infinitely more good in sustaining
the honor, dignity and respectability of your
country, than to be like the ignorant of Eng
land, who are always praising their institu
tions and government officers. .
4th. I would advise, tjiat whenever you are
like to get into a newspaper war, neter speak
of an Editor in respectful language. If he
presents facts anil arguments which are trou
bl&some to answer, abuse the Editor in reply
•—say be has changed his principles—that he
has got on the fence, &c. dec. This is alto
gether sufficient, and is a reply that the learn
ed can understand : And whenever you wish
to vent your wrath, there «b Forsyth, Wayne,
and others, to let it jaff upon. And by the
time you have got to a sufficient distance in
political inconsistency as to raise the song of
“Oh, Lord, I wish I never corn’d .here,’** I
have no doubt you will think “ it shorter to
go over than turn back.*’
I must conclude, as my sheet is full. If
find you go on in the right track, 1 shall be
pleased; if not, you shall hear again from
AN AMERICAN.
• See Western Herald, 21st F^mary„1834.
FOR THE SOUTHERN "BANNER-
Messrs. Editors L visited, a. few days
since, the Fbxalb School of this place, con
ducted by Messrs. Taylor and Hunt. It
proved to be the day on which their monthly
examination fell. I heard- from 40 to 50
young ladies interrogated in the various
branches of studies in which they had been
engaged, for the last month , embracing Arith
metic, Geography,’ Laiin,.. Algebra, Geome
try, Astronomy, Natural Philosophy, &c.
This School, including most df the scholars,
has been in operation but two months; and
large majority ware new beginners. But the
astonishment’which I experienced at tbe fa
cility with-which many abstruse and perple*
ing propositmns were solved, fed me to en
quire, particularly, as to the method pursued
by tlie Tea* be ”* These gentlemen J»av-o
says, “ There is no sovereignty in what is amendment, cannot be procured, he must, by 1 more than 40 or 50 cents in the dollar to th-i- fi
called the United States.” But, as between necessity, stand convicted of anarchial or re- j creditors ? And if they are cot able to pr '
the Government of the United States and the volutionary principlesdr.his settled doctrine more, enn it be ascribed to the prescal « m .
sovereignty of a State, there can be no equal;-1 must be a separation or dismemberment of. tbe burrussments ? We are y well aware, its
ty—the two standing in tbe relation to each 1 Union. I think 1 can safely defy ingenuity to merchants possessing* thousands of dollar-
other of creature and creator. Hence the make more or less of this language. It would above the amount of their .debts, mav It
right of a sovereign State to decide for itself seem from the language of the instrument, I come embarrassed, and, sometimes, to sa:
“ without appeal.” Agai : \fter expressing that the Convention anticipated the very difii- an extent as to compel them to suspend thi
indignation at the ideaot forcing a 1 State into cullies under-which the nuliifiers now labor, payments. But this'suspension is onlj n»
obedience to the culls of the Union, whether J viz: the exercise of powers by Congress of tnentary, because having the means tops!
attempted in the letter under discussion For I j ll8t or Ui, j U8t > he asks, “If a single State, a doubtful character, or, ‘hat upon trial, pow- their debts, they easily resume their payneui.'
from the circumstances of its compos, tion-its standing-upon her sovereignty, resist the in- 1 — ^ 1 K ” ’
reception—its holy keepmg-and,its eventual va f‘°“ f ber n S b ‘ s y (mvasion m her opinion
promulgation, it could have been designed for I * v ’ coursc )> this is not to be endured ;
no other Duroose than to null the wood citizens I because lt endangers the Union . “ Surely it
is not intended to deny to a State the right
no other purpose than to gull the good citizens
of Georgia into the same difficulties which
now agitate South-Carolina; and that too, by
the same deceptive processes.
My general proposition is, that, by a prodi
gal use of a few almost unintelligible or irrele
vant abstractions, together with an affocted,
and, therefore, a garbled quotation from the
Debates in the Convention that formed the
new Constitution, George M. Troup stands
self-convicted of being—first, an unqualified
which is given to a worm—the right to defend
itself, and'the right to preserve itself.’
Again: Speaking of the constitutional pow
ers had not beeii delcguted which the expe-
rience of the country might prove to be use
ful. Butin cither cose,-could it be policy to
have left amendments to the whim or sup
posed interest of a particular State ? Certainly
uot; because reason, as well as fact, demon
strates that the country, with such a constitu
tional provision as that, might be agitated in
er of Congress to coerce individuals, be says, perpeluo, by Conventions, in settling doubtful
“ In the exercise of this power, it can proceed | points, suggested by the whim or interest of
by making sacrifices which only ilininiaj
the wealth they possessed before. Ikul
many, cases it is otherwise. Men begnkl
siness without capital; and without capital
they undertake tbe most hazardous spcadJ
lions. If they succeed, well and good.^l
meet the credit which their friends obiakKl
for them ; but if they fail in those specula j
tions, can thpy lose ? There has been a lofsi
and it must be incurred by somebody. Ti|
to any extremity which the Constitution au- individual States. Hence the necessity for merchant who operated on credit, may
thoriscs; but in proceeding to that extremity, j the requirement of three-fourths to ratify a
if it encounter the sovereign power o' a State, I proposition to amend.
must stop.” Here, then, we perceive I I have shown then,^contrary totlieasser-
South-Carolina Nullifier; and’ second? if Nul-1 iu tbe details of Gov. Troup’s argument, lie tion of Gov. Troup, that for all possible gov
iification docs not succeed in prostrating the I ad,n ils the propriety, and enjoins the necessity I < rumental purposes of a peaceful and regulaf
Confederacy at the feet of a single State, his of ti,e very-identical sovereign act of South character, - there are created in the clearest
project theu is, to call a Southern Convention, Caro,ina * b y which sbe nullified the Tariff manner attainable, two sets of judges of the
separate from the Uu^>n, and form a Southern I of Congress. It seems reuliytoconslitute I stipulations of the compact, whose powers and
Confederacy. If this proposition be true, and tbe vcr > quintessence of his theoretic views tenure of office would enable them to accom-
the establishment of ^ls truth, will be the ob-1 °i"l be structure of our .government: And yctjpHsh every legitimate object of a political
ject of the present and a few succeeding Nuin-1 be i a hes purticulur pains to start his feitcr by 1 society } short of revolution. And it the mi-
bers, then it becomes the duty of tite people I tolling us that he has “ no rclisii for it. 11 iiority are predetermined to place their oppo-
of Georgia to determine, and that quickly, how I w °uld ask, it it Can possibly fall within the 1 sit ion to a law in- the predicament of a fast
far they will^be 8n the alert in arresting the inoral c& P ablIi,ie f °* f our nature, to believe resort, in the teeth of reason, of experience,
pro-Tess of principles, so fraught with evils to ,bat eur Author is honest and clear-headed I o! sound criticism, and. of the express provi-
° _ both? He may be one, or the other: He sious of the -written.law, it is impossible f»r
cannot be both. I do not wish to be charged I them to furnish any guarantee that any gov-
with using, unnecessarily, -feirsh language, eminent on earth could satisfy them. If I
But I m y be permitted to ask for the differ- could believe that a majority in.our republican
euce between the actual Nullification of South Congress would recklessly violate the palpa-
Carolina, and the true theory of Gov. Troup 1 j ble provisions of the public law, I could not
And if there be none, upon what principle can have faith in the majority of any other Con
a gentleman, adopting the course which our I gress or tody of legislators. I should conclude
3. His acknowledged talents, for Alexander and! author lias done, claim our unqualified respect I in despair, that my hopes of government, upon
Cajsar had talents; and so had Bonaparte'and Burr. 1 as a constitutional critic ? South Carolina, as I any terms, were at an end.
4. The adscititious advocacy now given to the Troup contends, would not rely upon her State
O^nmm , bu. i. wto «cc.ri.„ce .Ub
of the State. - - - • I his own views, called a Convention—threw
5. A conscientious belief, that the reasoning of befse, f °“ her sovereignty, and did the busi-
said letter has been, generally, not sufficiently cximin- ness. At that stage of the matter, the General
Government being but a creature, and not
endowed, in any manner, with the a>tributes
themselves, and to their posterity. I am the
more inclined to the present undertaking for]
the following reasons, viz:
1. No ono has attempted it before, excopt partially I
or in. detached eiferts.
2. Tbe admitted influence, whether for good or I
for bad, Gov. Troup ia capable of bxertiug over the
State.
FRIEND TO RE3CLAP. GOVERNMENT.
t:oU«cnl.
Front the Georgia Constitutionalist.
To the removal of tho deposites from tbe
Bank of the United States, have been attrifi-
of sovereignty, encounters the sovereignty of I uted all the failures that have taken place in
the State; and, therefore, both from the struc- the north, and the depreciation in the price of
ture of our system, as well as from the “ eter- J domestic produce. This cry against the re
nal law of ju8ticoj” should have stopped. If moval of the deposites has been, and still is,
floctrine were founded on the difficulty of re-1 l his does not make out a- perfect case of Nul* so industriously spread in every .direction, and
conciling the peacefulness and constitutionali-1 Iification, and that a peaceful Nullification too, I so often reiterated, that we would not be sur-
ty which it asserted, with that powerful reme. 11 W° u ld thank any gentleman to define what I prised if the individuals themselves 'who first
diyj process, by which the wheels of the Fede. I * l is* If Gov. Troup had not set -out, in so | started it," should now believe that the story is
ral Government would bo stopped,” *fec. I many words, to tell us of ;is “ disr ’i^h” for it,
Now, one would infer, that revolution was 11 am.confident that no man upon earth would
ed to teat its absolute strength, or its genuine import.
1 will now .proceed to the Letter in detail:
at jeast to the extent, I hope, of establishing j
its proper and intended character:
1. After stating his “ long* disrelish” for
Nullification, he says, “M> objections to that
hero alluded to as this o powerful remedial have doubted his entire advocacy of. Nullifies-
process,” and that Gov. Troup entertained l i° a as maintained in a Sister State, But let us
some unconquerable aversion to such a mca- not be deceived by words. We have heard
sure of redress for the ptrAfeal grievances I much in favor of State Rights—St e sovereign-
urjder which the whole South has so long la-1 ty, and such other imposing epithets ; but,
bored, as iu the fangs of a cormorant. Yet he a ftcr minute examination, it turns out to be
says, “but contracts and engagements (the more of nullification and anarchy than any
Constitution) can he violated by communities thing else: And if our author is not, in some
(the States) under the sa.nclioa of that supreme I instances, a peaceful nullifier;-in othera, q
law, (the law of justice, which is before and revolutionist—then again, a separatist, or
above all contracts). “This.happens when the disunionisL—and at all times ready for either,
sovofei^i, (a State), judges that the safety, I whenever, ia the opinion of a State, the slipu-
happiness, and interest of the community, (the lations ofthe compact have been violated, then
State), requires such violation. But, with j our schoqls might well discard everything like
regard to Ihe rights of the other parties, what «-settled definition of words,
can they do ? As sovereigns, they can demand 3. After denying any and all constitutional-
satisfaction: they can goto war: they can on- j ground to the dominant party in a “Sister
nihilale the party resisting: they may satisfy I State”, he says, “ But who, in the last resort,
theirvengeance! * .. -j , I are the judges of these stipulations? .None
Reader: Is this not revolution, and that of] are created by the compact,” alluding to po-
thc most calamitous kind ? For. it actually litical questions between sovcyeigus-Jsuch as
subjects the resisting sovereign to utter anni- t'ie Tariff aq;l Force Bill, perhaps. If such a
lnlation. Therefore, when Gov. Troup gives question had bean propounded to Martin,
it to us os the reason of his “disrelish” for | Yates, Lansing, Madison, Jay, or Hamilton,
Nullification, that it leads to revolution, and alter tho ratification of the pres.ent Constuu-
that he j^as also a disrelish for this latter, we tion by overy State in the Union; -and particu-
cannot, we dare not, believe a word that he larly to (hose who had just written the cele-
uttera. Ho caqnot brook Nullification—rhe I brated Numbers of a VVork called « Tho
ednnot brook Revolution—he tells us, that Federalist,” it could have excite* no other
-Nullificattoq leads to Revolution : he tells | feelings burthoso of regret or'astoniohment.
true. When last fall cotton rose to 18 cents,
it was attributed to nullification and the stand
taken by the nuliifiers against the federal
government. The nuliifiers became duml
when cotton began to fall: it did not suit then
policy to attribute the fall as well as the rise
to nullification, Opportunely for the'nullifi.
era, the removal of the. deposites gave to’ thi
opposition some cause for censuring tho ad
midistratiou, and relieved .the leading nuilifi-
ers. from the. unpleasant dilemma in which
they hud placed themselves. The rise in
the price of cpttou was attributed to nullifica
tion, but the decline to the removal of the de-
pcsiies! But now that cotton is risings in
the European and in the domestic markets,
to what cause will it he ascribed ? to uullifi-’
cation a^ain, or to the great exertions made
to restore the deposites to the Bank of the
United States J We should like to receive
on explicit answer tp these questions. lathe
mean time we beg leave to observe that .we
have no objection to a thorough investigation
of the capses which produced the embaruss-
ments that have been, and are still felt by the
community. If the causes can be fully as
certained and explained to the conviction of
tbe people, measures would no doubt beta
ken to prevent their re-appearance among
us; and if: those causes themselves cannot
be immediately removed, their effects can, at
any rate, be so neutralized by prudent means,
ceed in obtaining an extension of credit; b
obtaining more credit, be is enabled to w«i]
the loss he has sustained in one speculum
He may succeed better in another specula,
tion. But is it always the case that a succcsj*.
ful Operation counterbalances the loss :ncu:
red in a preceding speculation ? Merchant'
can determine the question. Here then is
merchant going on in business, operaun^u
5-rge capital, which is not his own, in
wnich is liable to all the' fluctuations ccd
stamly attending commercial transactions.
If he lias ventured too much ; if he has beeLj.
imprudent; if after repeated disappointina;*
m coiumerpicl speculations, he still hopes tbr ’
uoiher speculation—and another, and anoth ]
er—would retrieve all his former losses, aa:^
fails in that also ; what is the consequence! - .
The immeuse business he may have done, <
has been productive but of loss to him aidlo
.;is friends. He fails, and he is not able to
pay more than 40 or 50 cents in the dctlar; ^
and this great loss of 00 or 50 percenr.ba
beeu effected by paying a greater percent^
lor the use cf money than the profits madcap
any speculation could, amount to. Withii.
merchant so situated, the removal of the'dc-B
pushes may have hastened his failure, ani
that is all. But all merchants are not so niton- > _
a ted. There are many who have ample
means to meet their engagements, but who
inay have been embarrassed by the. derange- j,
ment ofthe usual financial operations o!*tbs ^
country. ‘This derangement falls hearil) j
upon them, because they are actually thi! lo
sers by it; the loss is sustained by them, ani
not by their .friends. or endorsers, beenust
they have the means to lose. But noW/ith-
standing that such merchants feel deeply^
pressure, yet they cannot fi.il; they may sti
pend their payments, but it will be only
mentarily ; their credit may be impaired 1?
such a suspension ; but it can be easily k
covered by paying doUar for dollar to ’bes-
creditors.
No derangement in the financial operation!
of the government, and no pressure on the
money market, can affect the credit, or pro
duce the bankruptcy of merchants who In*
been prudent in their-business, and who ctf-yjj
tented themselves with a small but gradual o- ■
crease of profits. For a-few who have failedi ^.
there are hundreds of the New York and P idJ- •
delphia merchants, who will weather the storm,
without much damage t{* their credit « to
their wealth. .And it is possible, that of (h® 56 fe
who have taifed, some may yet be able tc I
sume-their payments'and to recover the cieo- j
it tboy .enjoyed previous to their fail ur ^'
But in regard to those who will not bo
to resume their payments, and will be c0 ®'
pelfed to compound with their creditors, 1
removal of the deposites no doubt accekt*
ted their .downfal.. . '.■:%■ '
Owing to overtrading last -fall, and to
rise and decline in the-price of cotton in
course of ti few months, may be traced t*
embarrassr ients we have been subjected tCl
and the failures which have taken p' ace '
Those embarrassments would not have ^ ccD
so great if the removal ofthe deposites W*
the Banl; ofthe United States had not led tn»