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of facts, whish, unless the highly respectable gentle
men who make it are entirely misinformed, i» calcu
lated to excite extreme regret. In the adminii tration
of the Bank of the United Slates, no principle is
more fundamental than its total abstinence from poli
tics. Its uniform object has boon to devote itnelf ex
clusively to its own concerns, leaving public affairs
to the public councils; to belong to the couni ry, not
to any section of it; to be true to every admiuistra. 1 censures the President for declaring that he bad very
much at heart “ tho purity of the elective franchise,”
and asks, What part of the Constitution gives him
any power over that subject ? Here, sir, as in the
other preceding instances, a remark made relative to
the Bank, a special guardianship over its movements,
granted by the charter of incorporation, is transform,
ed into a claim of general authority over elections.
The Executive has made no such claim; hut can it
be doubted that within the limits of his authority he is
bound to have “ much at heart the purity of elce.
tion of tho government, yet subservient to no le, and
while composed of fellow citizens of all partie i, to be
wholly unconnected with any. You know t'lat du
ring the many years in which I have enjoj ed tho
pleasure of your correspondence, J have nevtr made
single inquiry into tho political opinions of any
individual attached to the branch. I am att lis mo
ment equally ignorant and ini'ifferent, and my only
anxiety is, that thoy should so exercise the r own
rights as not to violate those of the institution. . u . ucu u. ueun ...o *.« w*. . . . , _ , . , .
Undoubtedly, the officers of the bank are s' ill citi. I lions ?”—to preserve it by the exertion of all his con- " avII1 S laired for a short time, returned and
sens, retaining all their privileges of free I bought 1 stitutional authority—-to remove every public officer I offered to the meeting through their Secreta'
and free action, nor would the directors pro umo to I subject to his removing power, who shall attempt to I ry, the following REPORT,
control the political opinions of the humble: it indi. j poison the great fountain of liberty—to punish the * Recollecting the severe party strifes that
b T form*,, year, distracted oar country,
cise of the elective right. JIo would be false to the 1 an “ so muc " embittered the blessings of so-
principl»s of the Government—to his own character | cial intercourse to the destruction ot our po
and high duties—a renegade and a traitor, to suffer liticul prosperity as a State, and our happi
any violation of the elective franchise he has const!- ness as mem hers of Society, we fondly hop
tntional power to prevent. I , . ...... r -i • .
Mr. F. proceeded to correct what ho termed tho I tliat cr f «»<• fuiy of evil passions always
misapprehension of several parts of Mr. Taney’s re- engendered in tunes ot high political excite*
port. Mr. Taney was censured for not having seen men!, had spent its force, and that a calm
the charters of tho banks in which he deposited the j would follow, in the quiet of which the com-
did not enlarge, but diminished the then exorcised au.
thority over the currency of the country. By the
act of 1789, nothing but coin was receivable for
duties.
Bv the Bank charter, notos of tho United States
Bank were to bo received. By practice and necessi
ty all Bank notes, not forbidden by the Secretary,
were received in payment. Tho resolution of the
year 181G, directed such measures to lis taken by the
Secretary as lie should deem necessary for collecting
d ltics, &c, in specie, notes of the Bank, of the United
States, Treasury notos, and notes of specia-paying
Banks, and that ailor “ February :23th, 1817, no du
ties, taxes, &c. &c. ought to be collected or received
otherwise than in the legal currency of tho United
States, or Treasury notes or notes of tha Bank of
tho United States, or in tho notes of B ulks which arc
payable and paid on de.nund, in the said legal currency
of the United States.” Mr. Dallas, in his report to
Congress of that yo.ir said : ** No Statu Bank notes
ore receivable ly law in payment of debts to the Uni.
tod States; the acceptance of such notes has been
properly left to the vigilance and discretion of the
Execut ive Department.” The resolution changed the
existing law by authorizing all specie-paying Bank
rotes to be rcccivod by the collecting officors ; it au-
thorized measures for causing such only to be taken,
and it expresses an opinion of the time beyond which
none others ought to lie taken. In none of these pro.
visions is to be found a disregard of the i tit It section
of tho Bank charter, nor can a command or perm is
sion to tha Secretary to overlook his obligations to
that institution be inferred. The Senator from New
Jersey, who quote? this resolution, read the word
ou,‘ hi as shall, and when corrected, asked with some
surprise, if ought and shall did not mean the samo
thing. Certainly not sir; the words ore not of iden-
tical, nor are they always of equivalent signification
in this instance the word ought was selected because
i* implied wliut really existed—a doubt as to the prac
ticability of effecting tho object. It was intended
to justify the Secretary in the adoption of unpalata
ble and unpopular regulations, that what was anx
iously desired might be obtained, and at the same
line to leave him a full justification to receive du.
t.es, &c. in notes of Banks not paying specio, if no
other notes conld bo obtained. The precaution was
aviso and an act of justice to the head of tho Depart
lnont. No one who remembers the condition of the
currency at that day, will deny that the efforts of tho
Secretary, Mr. Crawford, were crowr.od with unlook
nil lor success. The measures he adopted more than
realized the hopes of Congress.
One other reference to tho proceedings of Con.
grass, and I shall dismiss the point. 1 shall read to
tho Senate part of a report to Congress, and after,
wards explain why it is, that I look upon it, not as
an argument of tne correctness of Mr. Taney’s opm
ion, bat as an authority conclusive against the Bank
pretension.
Tha Countiy has a deep interest, that the Bank
should maintain specie payments, and tho Govern-
ment an additional intorest that it should keep the
public funds safely, and transfer thorn, free of ex
pense, wherever they may be wanted. The Govern
ment therefore, has no power over the Bank, but the
salutary power of enforcing a compliance with tho
terms of its chartor. Every tiling is fixed by law and
nothing left to arbitrary discretion. It is true that the
Secretary of the Treasury, with the sanction of Con.
greas, would have the powers to prevent tho Bank
■ from using its power unjustly and oppressively, and
tn punish any attempt on tho part of tho directors, to
l-ting the pecuniary influcnco of the institution to
hoar upon tho politics of the country, by withdrawing
the doposites from the offending branches. But this
power would not bo lightly exercised by the Treasu
ry, as its exercise would necessarily bo subject to be
reviewed by Congress; it is in its nature a salutary
corrective, creating no undue dopendunco on the part
of llic Bank.”
So, sir, the Socretary was believed to have the
power to prevent tho Bank from usi rig its power un
justly and oppressively ; to punish any attempt by
the directors to bring tho pecuniary influence of tho
institution to bear on tho politics of .'he country, and
that the provision of the charier is a salutary correc
tive. This opinion goes far beyond tho Treasury
1,'cpartment. Mr. Taney thought lie could look in.
to the conduct of the Bank, and remove the deposites
if its course was injurious to the puilic; this report
gives him the power to remove the doposites from offen
ding branches, to punish any attempt. of the directors
of them to bring pecuniary influence to bear upon the
politics of tho country. From whence does the Sen-
ntor suppose this extract is taken ? It is from a col.
ebrated report. Its author, an he nor to Georgia
whore he was born ; tho pride of a sister State by
v. hom lie has been adopted and cherished ; one of
tho most zealous, disinterested and enlightened
frimds of the Bank, to whose opinions it looks with
profound respect, and froni whose unwearied exer-
tio.18 it hopes to bo sustained against even life over-
whelming popularity of tho Presidotat of tho United
States: is, Major General George McDuffie of the
first division of the Militia of South Carolina under
the new organization. Tho extract is from the re.
report of 1830, the Bank’s To Kalon, beau ideal of
perfectibility, stamped by itself as worthy of univer
sal credit, ns a Bank token it was ahvays ready to re.
deem, which it has lavishly expended its funds to
distribute through every portion of our countiy.
Yes sir, under its golden influence, that report has
ascended our loftiest mountains, and penetrated onr
remotest valleys, has been laid on the parlor table
of tho rich man’s palace, and the humble shelf of the
poor man’s cabin, to give to all the people just and ac
curate ideas of the obligations, the in noxiousness, tho
utility and the responsibilities of the institution.
With this broad decisive opinion in front, as an im.
pregnable defence, tho Bank must have the impudence
of the Divil himself, to assail the Secretary of the
Treasury, for his exercise of power, under the 16th
Fiction of tho charter of incorporation. Even those
who do not thus stand committed to tho truth of
t'ut report, must be compelled to allow that the
Secretary of tho Treasury lias not expressed a very
singular opinion, when he declared ho had power to
remove the public deposites for good reasons, even
though tho safety of theso deposites could not be
doubled.
These paragraphs in tho report or 1830, made by
Mr. McDnffio, Mr. Verplanck, Mr. Dwight, Mr.
Smyth, Mr. Ingcrsoll, Mr. Gilmore, and Mr. Over
ton, furnish us with a key to a somewhat extraordina
ry letter of the President of the Bank to a President
of the Branch Bank at Charleston, !*iouth Carolina.
Extraordinary, not so much in tho sentiments it ox-
presses with tho ordinary felicity of its author, as in
the circumstances which produced it, and the time
of its publication. It was published in 1832, in the
National Gazette to refute the charge that had been
made against the President and Directors of the Bank
of the United States, of interfering in party politics,
and to exemplify tho plan of total atotinence which
had been pursued by that institution. Total abstin
ence from all political interference in 1830 and 1832*
(WVATK.)
Bank of the United States, Sept. 27,1839.
Dear Sir: I have recently received a pamphlet
entitled “ Proceedings and the Resolutions and Ad.
dress adopted by the .State Rights party in Charles,
ton,” which contains tbe following passages: •• Wo
had arrayed against us the influence of the president
of the bank of the State of South Carolina, emphati
cally your bank, who was among the most zealous in
his efforts against us, and among tho most industrious
, hi his cry of civil war, Mood, and revolution. The
President of the Bank of the United States was not
(ess active, and the head which presides over this
great federal institution was seen superintending
with an anxious scrutiny the polls at the election.”
.. .And again a “But, if Charleston be fated to be
governed by northern traders, officers of the federal
judiciary, custom officers, and officers of tho United
Stales Bank, wo know," &c. And farther : “ All
tlie power of the custom house, and of the Bank of
the United States, all the power of the federal judi.
c lary. mid even to a certain extent, of the bank of our
gfctf.3, bibj bo axmyod against oi."
•its
However unwilling to interpret very literally, ex-1 ble of corrupting innocence or seducing virtue, bat
pressions provoked by tho ardor of political aontio- 1 like men of the world when they want the services
versy, there is yet in these extracts a direct assertion J of knaves, they know how to command them. A
highly censurable application of the funds entrosted
to their care has been made, bat they have not cor.
ruyted the press, The sentinel, who suffered the
body of the malefactor, he was stationed to watch, to
be stolen at midnight from the gibbet, was guilty of
a grave offence, but he did not corrupt the Ephesian
matron.
Tho honorable Senator from Kentucky (Mr. Clay)
mutual.
From the Washington News.
UNION MEETING.
Pursuant to public notice, a large number
of the citizens of this county attached to the
Union, convened in the Court House on the
4th inst. The meeting was organized by
calling Col. THOMAS WOOTTEN to the
Chair, and appointing A. G. Ssuaiss Secre
tary ; when ils object was briefly stated by
Col. G. Andrews, who also moved that a
committee be appointed to draft a suitable
preamble and resolutions: Whereupon the
Chair appointed Messrs. Andrews, Hay, Wi.
ley, Irvia and Willis. It was moved by Col.
Audrews, that the Secretary be added to the
committee, which was done. The committee
vidual in their service. Yet it. is not an unreasona
ble expectation that they who voluntarily en gage in j
the employment of the institution, should conform to I
its essential jtolicy, and cautiously abstain fnm any
conduct which may bring upon it undeserved odium.
Now, there is nothing more adapted to offr nd and
estrange tho community than an active and ostensi-
ble participation in popular elections by the officers j
of the bank. Whether they arc in the rigl it or in
tho wrong, whether the occasion be great or small;
whether they succeed or fail, are matters of not the I
ways been taught to believe that Georgia was
a republican state, even before nullification
hud an advocate within her borders. To the
inconsiderate and rash, whoJove agitation for
the sake ofthe excitement it produces, and
who may have nothing to lose by commotion
and revolution, we have nothing to say—to
the leaders who may have committed them
selves in advocating this doctrine of South
Carolina origin, either honestly or corruptly,
we have nothing lo say, because they have
gone so far that they must sink or swim with
the creed, and we know too well the effects
of pride and interest on the human heart and
understanding, to hope that they will now
abandou it.
To those who have taken sides on this new
division of party, and such of them as may
believe that the party to which they belong
can do no wrong, and who are ever ready to
cry on any trail, to which their leaders may
point them, we have nothing to say, because
their party is dearer to them than their coun
try, and they would see her suffer for the sake
of party triumph. But to the honest, patriot
ic, and orderly citizen, who'feels that his ev-
ry interest is identified with his country’s
munity might attead to the true interest of our
slightest consequence. All parties think themselves I public treasure.
alwavs right. To all parties all contests seem im-j Mr. T. did not say he had not examined the char-i Q - , - , , , . -%m ,
portent; and all, if they do not succeed, are sure ters. He did not send the charters of all the banks- State, and of he country at arge. Most
they ought to succeed ; so that, whether victorious | preferring, to avoid delay, to wait until copies were I cheerfully would we nave united with our tel -
or defeated, each party retains a feeling against its j received, daily expected from the banks. But he low Citizens in abating the unnecessary ex-
proniinent advcrsarics.which it inevitably transfers lo expressly states that tho charters of all those banks, I citement whir-fl now exists. But \vc were
the institutions identified with them. | except one, are in the library of the Department of ij pcrjn j tted to engage in this grateful and
He was supposed to assert that the great credit of j pleasing task without giving up as we bc-
the notes ofthe United States Bank was to bo impu- | lieve, our country to disorganizing doctrines
ted entirely to their being receivable by law in pay.
ment of drafts, &c. He asserted that the superior
credit of those notes waR imputed to that cause
Mr. Taney is thought by tho Senator from S. C.
(Mr. Calhoun) to have considered himself the joint
agent or trustee of the bank and the Government, to
The board of directors arc therefore extremely un
willing that the officers of tin) Bank should bo zeal-
oils or conspicuous at elections, and the reproach
thus publicly vouched is of a character to excite
great sensibility. That feeling I trust you will be
able to remove or allay, so as to relieve tho institution
from tha imputation of political interference, and I
therefore take the earliest opportunity ofinviting you
to furnish me with the means of placing the subject I
before the board in a satisfactory light. This will
bo very acceptable to them, and particularly gratify,
ing to yours, with great respect,
N. BIDDLE, President.
Joseph Johnston - , Esq.
President of the office of the Bank of the United S.
at Charleston, South Carolina.
Tho election, Mr. President, for whose activity at
which Mr. Johnston was thus rebuked, involved, in
tho view of the contending parties, the liberty of the
people, and the union of the States. That gentle
man exerted, attempted to exert no rights but those
of a simple citizen, to whom lihorty and union were
far more dear than the emoluments of his office, or
the popularity of that institution under which he
held it. While tho B:nk Ins thus professed to ab
stain from politics, to leave public affairs to public
counsels, to be true to every administration, to be
wholly unconnected with all parties, it has actively
engaged in enlightening the community through the
public press ; it has endeavored to demonstrate the
necessity of a change in tlie counsels of the nation,
and has connected i’ l fate intimately and indissolu
bly with the fortunes of the party adverse to tho ad
ministration. No surpriso ought to be felt by itself
or its friends, if the feelings of the victorious party
“ against its prominent adversaries, should be trans
ferred to the institution identified with them in the
contest.'
It is asserted, Mr. President, that the Chief Ma
gistrate and Secretary of tho Treasury have found a
now source of power in the result of a PresideAitial-J
election. This is a most wonderful misconception
superintend the stipulation and faithful observance
of the charter. lie throughout assumes that the
Secretary of the Treasury is the agent of the Gov
ernment only, representing tho power of the whole
government so far as regards the removal of tlie de
posites.
He was supposed to claim a right to decide offi
cially upon the constitutionality of tho bank, and to
have said that Congress had nothing to do with it.
On the contrary lie admits throughout, his obligation
to consider the charter os obligatory and in force nn.
til it expires by its own limitation in 183G. He
speaks of his opinion of the constitutionality of the
bank, as ono of the reasons why, entertaining that
opinion, he had not a right to act on the assumption
that must inevitably result in misrule and the
overthrow of our free uud happy government
A government at once the pride of its citi
zens, the terror of monarchs, and the last
hope to which the liberal and just throughout
the world cun point as a monument to prove
that a people can govern themselves.
We know that the formation of political as
sociations, will tend greatly to disturb the
peace of our citizens, and gladly would we
have been spared the necessity of countenan
cing them by an organization on our part
But we see a party in our State, taking the
name by which the Nullificrs of S. Carolina
have thought proper to designate themselves
forming similar associations equally destruct
ivc to the good of our common country—pre
that the charter would be renewed. He no where tending that the principles upon which they
even intimates that Congress has nothing to do with it. I act, are founded on the same high authority
He is supposed to have withdrawn tho deposites (Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions) which
on the ground that the charter was forfeited. He thev have | lan dlad but to abuse bv gross and
f nul
misconduct amounted to a forfeiture. libers * n Carolina, and all others that have ev
He had not said, as has been assumed, that money er attempted to overturn good and wise gov
on deposile in the bank is not in tho Treasury—it is I ernments, they have used the holy name of
undoubtedly so, but it is equally in the Treasury when Liberty—but to excite the feelings and in
transferred to another place of deposite, to any State „ ", ..., . . j j u
bank, where there is. or where there is not, a branch flame the Prions of the contented and happy
bank of the United States. I citizen, professing an attachment to the gen
Mr. President, the senator from Kentucky (Mr. j eral government and the union of these states.
but using their utmost endeavors to alienate
| the affections of the people from both. And
like them wc have no doubt they will in a few
veers, if they should acquire the same power
Clay) has asked, why did not tho Secretary of the
Treasury lot tlie public money remain in the bank un
til the last day of the charter 7 The answer to the
question may bo found by the senator in the report
of the Secretary. Ho believed it his duty to look to
of a very simple and unpretending truth, that the re-1 thc future > and prepare for an expected event. Ho I over the people, find some pretext to nullify
suit of the election provod that tho principles which knew the charter was limited to 1836, and did not a J aw 0 f the United States, and bring us in
had governed the administration were approved by anticipate its renewal. Tho suggestion that no pre- direct and hostile collision with the General
— ■ paratory precautions were necessary, because the bank
has two years after 1636 to settle its affairs, is enti-
tied to little consideration. If in this respect, how.
over, thc Secretary has erred, his error is to be traced
to the bank itself, and to its ablest friends. What
said the senator from Massachusetts in his speech on
the veto messago ?
“ In three years and nine months from the pre
sent moment, [July, 1830,] the charter of tho bank
tho people, especially on thc Bank question, on
which the President had been, in the canvass, most
fiercely assailed. The popular approbation of the
Veto message was not supposed to confer new pow-
ere, but to direct that tho regular constitutional au- ]
thority of the Executive should be exerted as it had
been exerted until the Bank charter expired. I know
sir, that the Senator from Kentucky alleges that
there is no color or justification for tho assertion 1
that the question of Bank or no Bank was fully and
fairly submitted to the people, and a decision pro.
nounced against it by them. I have already attemp
ted to prove that there was not only color of proof
bat certain proof that the question was originally
made by tho Bank itself. Will the honorable Sena
tor tell us why so much money was expended,
and so many explanatory pamphlets distributed, the
few months immediately pending the last election,
and why tho expenditure and distribution coased as
soon as thc election was decided ? There can be
but ono answer to this question. The object Is no
toriously apparent. Tho means adopted, sir, were
not well calculated to promote thc end. In ono as.
pect of the subject I am not sorry that tlie experiment
was made to test the influence of this moneyed cor.
poration upon popular will. This signal failure may
be hereafter safely quoted as an answer to the alleged
dangers of such an institution to free Governments.
Sir, if this experiment had been successful, if the
weight of the Bank in the scale had rendered the is-
Governmcnt, and like them persecute and dis
franchise their political adversaries, the lov
ers and supporters of the Union. But tlioug
we regret the state of things which now dis
tracts our country, we cannot resist the ap
peal which is made to the heart of every pat
riot and lover of Liberty, we cannot sit idle
expires; within that period, therefore, it must wind I and see political fanaticism Stalk over the
up its concerns. It must call in its debts, withdraw | and and trample in the dust our dearest rights
its bills from circulation, and cease from all its ordi. I ...... * ..... . . .
nary operations. AU this is to be done in three ? nd I liberties, without raising a hand to arrest
years and nine months; because, although there is a I l * s desolating march. VVe will not therefore
provision in tho charter rendering it lawful to use I delay adopting some liberal but energetic pol-
thc corporate name for two years after the expiration I icy which wc hope in co-operation with the
of the charter, yet this is allowed only for the pur- exertions of our fellow citizens, will save our
to too" bank.^nffor no other7urpoTX?vcr7too | Union fr ? m total dismemberment, and our
whole active business of* the bank, its custody of I country irom thc lungs of intestine wurs quo
public deposites, its transfers of public moneys, its foreign despotism.
dealings in exchange all its loans and discounts, and Notwithstanding the many complaints of
all its issues of bills for circulation, must cease and I , ° /. , . 1 . .
determine on. er before, the 3rd day of March. 1836; tyranny and oppression which is sounded
and, within thc some period, its debts must be col- abroad in our land, we nrc unable to feel the
loeted," &c. &c. hand of tyrannical exaction and oppression,
The truth of this statement was and is undoubted, but find ourselves in the full enjoyment of all
ESt tos 1“ rT liU0U 0< i th r at , ma f° b ? the ‘bat freemen value; and we arc at a loss to
If, satisfied with the practical operations of the d,v,ne th p cause of agitating and exciting the
suo doubtful, I would have sworn to it an unceasing institution, your honorable body shall deem it worthy public mind, uuless it be to effect a change
hostility. The Bank never was and never can be a I of continuance, it seems expedient to relievo the I which we know cannot be for the better, but
popular institution—money against well earned pop-1 country, as soon as may consist with mature dcliber- I one long to be remembered and regretted by
ularity is but dust in the balance—the resort to it I ^on, from tho uncertainty in which all private Iran- ourse 1 ves nosteritv and the advneaTea nf R.>
works the destruction of the miscreant who uses it j sictions, and all public improvements, dependant on I ... ^ , , , ..
-ambitious rivalry, calumnies, even personal vio- future condition of the currency, andmount c f I Pelican Institutions throughout tho world
Icnco at elections, tho |«ople will endure and for- capital disposable for those objects, must necossarily « is said, wit! truth, that «the most danger,
give; lait he who uses money to corrupt,commits the un-1 bivolved until your decision is known. If, on the I oils of all errors are those which give false
pardonable crime—the plaguo-spot betokening certain I °B l cr hand, the wisdom of Congress shall determine impressions of fundamental political rights:
political doath is upon him—bumble penitence before u,at th « bank must ccaso to exist, it is still more im- l fi rm i v convinced that thev are true it
the throne ofthe most high may purify him from tho portantthat the country should begin early to pre- . Convinced that they are true, it
moral guilt, but here there is no escape from public I 1*“° f° r ‘bo expected change, and that tho institution ** thought a duty to defend them at the risk
neglect or public execration but in tbe grave of ob-1 should have as much time as possible to execute the I of life aad the expense of fortune, the tHUl
livion. duty, always a vory delicate and difficult one, of aid- quillitv of tho country is sacrificed,its institu-
Tbe President and Secretary are accused of the I in 8‘bo community to seek new channels of business, I tiong de;5 { roycdj and j ts dearest interests dis
turb crime of usurping power over tlie morality of I and > b y gradual and gentle movements, to press with . i. , ...
ihl people. I presume Mr, that the President in the ‘be W inconvenience on tho great interests con- re g arded > men > wh ° w “ h purest mten-
execution of the laws is bound to regard, to watch I noct e d with it.” I tions have adopted on trust, the opinions of
over tlie morality of the people, in the same manner | The language of the bank memorial is explicit; the I others, in whom they have confidence, and
that wo are bound to regard and watch over it in the I directors well understand their duty to the institution I who ave taught to believe that disobedience to
enactmont of laws. Why sir, we cannot have a tax I and to the public, and if the Secretary began too ear- legitimate authority is resistance to opnres
proposed on foreign spirits or molasses without a I to provide for winding up tho concerns of thc bank I , r ,i lo -r . »_ .
homily on tbe demoralizing offects of imported and in ‘be opinion ofthe senator from Kentucky (Clay.) SIO ?» tI,e exercise of an unauthorized pow
New England rum—it is true that the object of such | be began too late by one year and throe mouths, in ® ‘be assertion of a constitutional right.
tax the encouragement of ties manufacture of spir- “ ie opinion of the bank and the sonator from Massa- These considerations should make us tremb-
its from grain—is npt quite consistent with the moral j chusetta. [concluded in oua next.] | fingly apprehensive of the Dossibility of adopt-
tendencies of the homily. Yet sir, those who use ' ...
such arguments must believe the preservation of the
- ing thc new and dangerous doctrines advocu-
Juntos.-—Thelazi foreign ptpersmeation the death | tcd by the Nu i Hfiers or State Rights Party of
morals of tho people within the range of constitu-1 of Ixird Grenville, at whose death it is said to be pro- A,. . j cs .u r* i« T A
tional obligation in making, and therefore cannot de. I bable that the author of Junius’s Letters will be mado “ l,s ani * ® ou ‘“ '-'Urolina. Let tile peo
ny that to the same extant the President may look to known. pie be not deluded, by being told that they
the public morals in the manner of executing the 1Iig Excellency John Breathitt, Governor of the are f he republican doctrines taught by Jeffer-
j , .. . ..... „ ... ,.. State of Kentucky, died at Frankfort a short time son in ’98 dt ’99. Mr. Madison,the compan-
Secretary protend to* oaercis'e a pLeTover tho P S j^^rel laSt ° f ’ wa8to attond ion of Jefferson, one of the members of the
he press. In this body this assertion is made with a I ™ - convention, that framed the Federal Consti-
peculiarly bad grace. How long is it, since we have I A sort of human quadruped is advertised for .exhi- J lution—a member of the Virginia convention,
seen parsons rejected by tlie Senate when nominated b . ll,on in ‘be Museum at Cincinatti, Ohio. It ia a lad that adopted it m that State, and who took as
to office, mon of unblemished reputation and every e, Ebt years of age, who has feet and inkles but no . ■ , . - . . ?
way qualified, in order to preserve press from eZ goes about on aU fours. It is said he is well ™“ cI * mt c ^ “ early his ory as any man
ecuuve influence. Surety we wb o guard the purity formcd in oth ® r respecta, healthy and lively, and lmn g» and finally, the individual who drafted
ofthe press from Executive influence, may permit, I 8ki P sabou ‘ upon his hands with as much agility is » the Virginia Resolutions, tells us what those
without censure, the Secretary to interpose a shield j mon hey. . " ..... doctrines are, in terms too plaiu to admit of a
°r tho Unitod 8tates - Tho UnitorJ Sutes Gazette, of the7th inst. says— doubt. If Nullification now advocated bv the
drtire Senate and of tie th °a ct i° n “W° were yesterday shown a delinttttion fora mbdi- State Rights Party be the Republican'doc-
«*•«»*»>} .*« r
mdanger of being corrupted. I think, however, Mr. is highly creditable to his taste add execution, and five ^publicans to be found in Georgia five
President, that the Bank is not truly charged. Tho will, when finished according to thb design, serve to y enrs a g ,) > for ‘here were not so many profes-
yzwspleni and direct x ir l trust and believe mcapa-1 add to the just pre-eminence of Philadelphia artists." 1 “»g the Carolina faith, and yet we have a1-
prosperity, and who can only feel secure and
contented whore government is secure and sta
ble—to such we appeal, and we hope our ap
peal will not he in vain.
It is to be lamented that party organization
in our state for many years nas been so rigid
that many have trusted their political opin
ions to the direction of others so long, that
it is almost impossible for them now, to think
and act .or themselves. But it is gratifying
that there are some, who can throw off these
mean shtickles, and with honesty and manly
firmness act independent of the will and dic
tation of ambitious men—we woulJ say to
those who adopt as true, all political maxims,
because they are taught by those in whom
they have confidence, to recollect that there
is uo opinion, however absurd or dangerous,
but what was had its support from talent and
reputation. The Hartford Convention, which
was called to form some plan to resist the
laws of the government, had its advocates
among the most popular men in New Eng
land. And yet, who will advocate the pro
ceedings of that convention now. To those
who believe that the liberty and rights of the
Suites are in danger, whenever the alarm is
given by those in whom they have trusted, we
would say to them, be not deceived, for in the
name of Liberty, and Religion, have the most
horrid crimes been perpetrated, that ever
blackened the page of history, and that in
their name they have themselves been cloven
down. To those, who eighteen months ago,
had not the firmness to stand the practice of
Nullification when there was an effort made
to league Georgia with Carolina, in her unnat
ural and arbitrary step, against the General
Government, but have not now the muni
courage or political honesty, to oppose those
who are endeavoring to establish principles
that at no distant day, will bring about the
same results us regards our own State, to
such we would say, that you may again call
upon the Union men, whom you now wish lo
crush, to save the country, but they may not
then be able to do it, and you will have to
drink the bitter cup of revolution, which you
..re now preparing with an unsparing hand.
To those who disavow their belief in nullifies
tion, and vet support and assist the nulliners
in inculcating their doctriues for the sake of
keeping up with their party, we would say,
you are exciting a temper and feeling hostile
to your government, which when it shall have
become sufficiently general, will be kindled
into a flame that cannot be extinguished—
that by your exertions, a political storm may
be easily excited, hut who can stay its fury or
say thus far shall thou go and no farther.
God save our country when there are to he
found, men who praise the government which
secures to them life, liberty and happiness,
and yet are industrious in bringing it into dis
repute, and betraying its liberties with a kiss.
When united, our government can bid defi
ance to the world, though it should combine
agaiust her, but who can save her against such
friends !
Therefore Resolved, That we are attached
to the union of these United States, and will
support it by our every exertion.
Resolved, That in our attachment to, and
determination to support the reserved rights
of the States, and a strict construction of the
Constitution, wc yield to no man or party ot
men, whatever name they may assume.
Resolved, That \\ henever any government,
State or Federal, shall become so oppressive
that the hazards and horrors of revolutio:
shall be preferable to obedience, it is time
then to throw it off as our Fathers did that of
Great Britain. If this necessity will ever ex
ist, we will not hasten it on by encouraging
the hostility (which now exists without cause)
between some of the people and the institu
tions of their country.
Resolved, That the charge made by some
that we wish a consolidated government, is too
unfounded in fact, and the motive with which
it is made, is too obvious to deserve the re
spect of a reply.
Resolved, That we believe in tho Virginia
and Kentucky resolutions, as expounded by
Madison, the drafter of the former,aniJ not ac
cording to the interpretation of the self-styled
“ State Rights Party” in South Cu.olina and
Georgia.
Resolved, That we believe the doctrine of
Nullification has for its authority, not the Vir
ginia and Kentucky resolutions, but from that
part of the report of the Hartford Convention,
which declares “ That in cases of dangerous,
deliberate, and palpable infractions of the
Constitution, affecting the sovereignty of a
State, and liberties of the people, it is not only
their right but the duty of such a State to in
terpose its authority for their protection in the
manner best calculated to secure that end
when emergencies occur, which are either
beyond the reach of the judicial tribun es or
too pressing to admit of delay, States which
have no common umpire must be their etP9
judge and execute their oum decisions
Resohed, That the doctrine sought to
impressed upon the people by the State fi r
Party of Carolina, that “ Nullification nr a?
is equivalent thereto, the power of a St ,
arrest at will, the movement of the lo
Government, is a peaceable and constitu,^
al remedy,” is a doctrine calculated toita!? 1,
the people and to cheat them gradually'* 1 '*
civil strife, und strip them of their rights
liberties, and if acted on, will chan.r C
constitution into a mere league or trnt ^
common tie between all foreign StatesV
abandoned whenever either one of the\° ^
tv-four states shall believe or pretend ^ ?
lieve it violated—will destroy our G cnc j
government and leave us twenty-four nf
nations to be devoured like thc Grecian 55:1 ’
by internal strife aad foreign domination
The Preamble and Resolutions having
read, Cob Andrews offered some appiw ^
and impressive remarks in their support •
n - ere then offered to the meeting and
• • , . o M l»uSS» n
without a dissenting voice.
The following resolutions were thenofiV re |
Resolved, That the Chairman ap|, 0 j„t
Committee not more than (32) thirtv.two *•
the citizens of this county, to correspond «;!'
tho Central Committee heretofore
“I'Pointci .•
in Milledgeville, by thc Union p, ir ty ' 0 f ^
State.
Resolved, That thc County Connint f » ■
elect ils own officers, appoint its own lime „• J
meeting and organize itself in such mann ft 1
as it may think proper.
Resolved, That said Committee hare t’„.
power of adding to their hotly, such member
as they - may think proper.
The County Committee were Messrs. (1
bert G. Semmes, James T. liny, Jones Jfei.f
drick, Thomas Haliduy, Matthew .Mo s -i C( •
Richeson Booker, Richard I. Halida*, Wi
liam Kilgore, Samuel Dunforth, John Jesse.
Jesse Hinton, William Andrews, Stephen \
Johnson, Jonathan Philips, Ephraim S. Ho
ping, Wiilium Pool, Lodowiclc M. IJjii, Th.c".
mas Faver, Luke Turner, James I).
Nicholas Wylie, Nathan Trait, Charles L
Bolton*, Thomas Anderson, Isaiah T. hna,
James M. Dyson, Garnett Andrews, (; for ,„ J
W. Johnson, John Crosby, Thomas Vflk'm. 1
son, Daniel Woolbright mid Chcnofh Petc-et
THOMAS WGOTTEN, Chairman.
A. G. Semmes, Secretary.
From the Washington Globe oj the 5t!i .'tut.
The Repost.—The report of the Commit
tee of Ways and Means, which mikes up &
final issue with the Bank, was presented ves.
terday by the Chairman. It is a document
of facts, not speculation. The question of
right, in regard to the power assumed by thj
Treasury Department over the deposites, :i
settled, not merely upon tlie broad nutliont)
reserved in the Bank charter, but upo i anus,
interrupted chain of precedents, showing It
their unbroken tenor, that every atlmiiistrl
tion since the foundation of the govi rnmeni.
has given the same interpretation to thc 1
in relation to this matter, which has reccnlW
been acted upon by Mr. Taney.
The views of thc Committee against t!r
renewal of the charter of the Bank of the l.i
ted States, and the restoration of tlie depos-
ites, are clearly presented. They are de<;-
sivoly followed out by suitable resolution
which wc have no doubt will receive the sauc
tion of a large majority of the inmicdi ite r<
resontalives ofthe people, and ihus seal il
fate of the corrupt colossal ty ranny, winch
lias a foot set upon each State in the republic.
The committee give their opinions at large,
upon the subject of tho State Dank ngenc
in thc management of the public fiu .net
Thoy show that reliance on them was p.r
of the long-sighted policy which induced tb
framers of the Constitution to reject the pro,
osition to confer the power, creating corivi
rations, upon Congress, und that it vv.is in ft
tiic resort ot the confederacy before, as wc l
as after, the adoption of the Constitution.
They propose, however, to begin a new era
and to throw new safeguards around thc pub
lic deposites, by specific legislation upon the
subject.
To secure the pecuniary interests of tie
Government yet entrusted to the Bank c
the United States, and to ascertain to ul>'
extent the abuses have gone, and how far
ha3 contributed to produce the present cow 1
mcrcial distress complained of, a full m
searching inquiry into its management is pre
posed.
The report will doubtless be read with ii
tense interest by all classes of our country
men. Thc questions it discusses are of vita,
interest, not only to the present gener.itios,
but to unboru millions. The decision of them
involves, not merely the fate of the Bank, M
the fate ol the Government.
From the Nashville Republican, Feb. 25.
Columbia Rail Road.—We have seci:
letter from a gentleman in Columbia—uni? 1
date of 4 o’clock, P. M. of Saturday lust. ^
which hour the subscription hooks were cki
sed—which says, for the last hour a curs#
crublo rush was made to get stock; up >'
this time upwards of $400,000 have ^
subscribed.
“I know not of a single subscription
yond the limits of (his county, which I
sume was principally owing to thc short
given. I
“ This subject having been agitated hut 1 *
few weeks, and the promptness with which ^
bone and sinew’ of our couuty has sicpp? -
forward to promote this great-public
ment, speaks volumes inffitvor of their lib?' -
ality and public spirit. ’
“The stock has been principally taken b'
our most wealthy and substantial citizens, a"
that the work will be completed, not a ^
is now entertained.”
A public meeting was held at Mount Plea* |
ant in Maury County, on the 15th insb, d
which Dr. D. N. Sansora presided, at wki?» v
resolutions were adopted approving of |
Rail Road enterprize, and manifesting ^
same commendable spirit that exists in otb^
portions of the county.
A public meeting has likewise been
at Pulaski, «»to discuss the merits of # R* 1