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would have the effect of ranking: the State
Banks pay their notes in specie. Whilst now,
what did they see in practice by the Bank ?
Why, that when they received the notes of
the State Bunks, instead of demanding spe
cie from them, they re-issued it, so ns to make
the currency of the country one of paper
alone; and ibis being the practice of the old
U. Slates Bank, had upon the State banks
precisely the same effect, which w as to ren-
der them less solvent titan they otherwise
would have been. It was said, however, that
«it was idle, perfectly ideal, and \ isionary to
oxpeet that the notes of the State Banks could
maintain as safe and general circulation as
those of tho present bank of the U. S.” He
would assert, however, that this was possible,
and that the effect of encouraging the State
banks would be, to make them a safer cur.
renev than that of the United States bank was
ot present. For they would more effectually
compete with one another, and thus each cir
culating in its own State or neighborhood,
they would be the more likely to b>; called on
to pay in specie, and must therefore be al
ways prepared with specie for this purpose.
It tyas asked how the exchange could be
carried on without a Bank,-between one part
of the country and another. How were ex-
changes now carried on between New- York
and Liverpool ? It was through an inter-
change of products. No two cou (tries car
ried on a trade in which one was constant!)
drawing from the other. If this G overmneni
would do its duly as well as the State Gov
ernments do theirs, all would be ri ;;ht. This
Government has the power to coin money and
to regulate the value thereof. Gold was pro-
duced and coined in ahundance in this coun-
trv. But this Government, instead of retain,
ing it in tho couutry, suffers it to be transport,
cd out of the country, by neglecting to fix
and regulate its value in a prope r manner.
But Mr. G. looked to consequences of vastly
more importance. The question was at the
foundation of individual interests, and of free
Government, lie believed that he who con-
tributed to tho rc-charter of the Bunk of the
United States, struck a deadly blow at the
liberties of the country. The original ques
tion between the federal and anti-federal par.
ties comes up: Is it proper to strengthen
' this Government by connecting witii it a Bank
' of thirty-five millions capital? The Bank of-
the United States had in its power to come
into the market in every part of tho country,
and controlling the issues of the State Banks,
to fix the price of the whole product of the
country. By establishing this Bonk, we give
to twenty-five men tho power to control,the
whole property of the Union, and they must
use their power for the benefit of the Stock
holders. But we not only make the value
of all property dependant on the Lise of the
authority which we grant the Bank of the Uni
ted States, but we take from the St ite author
ities the power to resist tho usurpat ions of the
Government. There were but tivo means
by which the State could resist oppression
the first by revolution, and the second by the
power of the States to exercise authority with
in their respective limits, flow are the States
to use cither of these means in opposition to
the Federal Government? How can they
organize any resistance ? All the moneyed
power is through the National Bank, depen
dant on Government, and it was this interest
of the Bank to strengthen the hands of the
Government. A National Bank, therefore,
took from the People both the honor and the
inducement to resist oppression. He called
on his .State right friends to look well at this
subject. It was idle to say that we were un
der an obligation, by restoring tho eleposites,
to put it in the power of the Bank to force a
recharter. The position .was erroneou s. They
had not the power to give or sell to the Bank
the exclusive control of the public money.
Ho called on them as advocates of tho con
stitutional right of the Slates, now o speak
out, or to hold their peace forever. This talk
of Andrew Jackson as an usurper, hud drawn
off the attention of the People from the true
question before them. The real question for
the People to decide was, will you maiutain
the right of the Bank to the People’s money
—will you agree that you have sold to the
Bank the control over the public money 7 It
is said this is not a question of rucharter.
But that was the only question worth con
tending for, and upon the decision of the
question of restoration depended the decision
of the question whether the Bank shall be re-
chariered or not.
South, and had produced such just com
plaints against the General Government, were
brought to a close with its last session,” [of
Congress.] Here, then, was a consumma
tion most ardently desired. What a pity the
just expectations of the country cannot be re
alized !
“ But they were succeeded,” say the Com-
mittee,««and doubtless for the special pur
pose of subserving, at some future period, the
very principles they were compelled to aban
don, by the enactment of a law equally objec
tionable, and certainly more dangerous to the
liberties of the people then their former op
pressions.” Ifit be intended to say that Con
gress were compelled to abandon their prin
ciples by the inflammatory proceedings in
Carolina, then I utterly deny the fact. It is
well known that, aftor things had, for some
time, worn a promising aspect, our prospects
were well nigh blasted by those very uro-
that construction, which gives his Proclama
tion a consolidating tendency; and it may be
presumed that he will, during the present ses
sion of Congress, take an opportunity to em
body his disclaimer, either formally or vir
tually, in some official paper.
_ EXAMINER.
December, 1833.
cecdings. Will .the General Government be
driven by a single State ? Will it be driven
it all ? These were the enquiries ; and the
answers were such as might be expected.
But although Congress, as the organ of
all the States, was unwilling to be controlled
or restrained by one of them; yet they were
unwilling to withhold justice from several, on
account of the violence of one. It was in
this spirit that they ultimately went into a
compromise, which even Mr. Calhoun ac
cepted. If it still be insisted, that they were
driven into this compromise, let it be remem
bered, that it is a comptomise, which may
injure the country ; ns it may prevent the bet
ter arrangement which might be made during
the present session of Congress. Mr. Clay
distinctly declared, if an adjustment of the
tariff were not effected during the last ses
sion of Congress, the protective system must
fall during the present. The system, then,
was continued, (under favorable modifications,
however,) if, indeed, it has not been perpelua.
ted, by Mr. Calhoun’s compromise. If, how
ever, the peace of the couutry has been maiii-
tniiied; if tho Union has been preserved, by
that compromise ; it ought, by no means, to
be rashly disturbed. EXAMINER.
December, 1833.
From the Georgia Journal.
No. II.
Committee of Correspondence—Associations,
and Counter Associations—Clay's and Cal
houn's Compromise.
I have said that tho gentlemen who com
pose the Committee of Correspondence, are
more acceptable than the gentlemen who
drafted the resolutions. Among th« latter,
there were hut few Anti-Nulhfiers; among the
• former, there is a tolerable number. What
tho relative strength is, I do not know. The
danger now is, that the moderate mcri on the
Committee) of Correspondence, may fold their
«rms in false security, while the more violent,
prompt’in their attendance, and ardent in
their fadings,Jinay turn the correspondence
to their own purposes.
But, in truth, I perceive no necessity for
such an association -us that recently formed.
1 have paid some attention to the political
movements in Georgia for the last thirty
years; and it has not been deemed nocessury
to have such associations, Tho unhappy
State of South Carolina has been turn into
factions by their various associations \ and it
may well be feared that the formation, of fifty
or a hundred. Associations, and os many coun.-
tor. Associations in Georgia, defnmiiig each
othot, and striving for the ascendancy, will in
flame th? public mind, and destroy the pub-
lie peace.
But I will lake up the matter in ha nd in a
■ move orderly way. .
7 ’ The Committee of thirteen say, «the long
which agitated the whole then:
UNION CONVENTION. ;
Greenville C. H. March 24,1834.
Agreeably to previous notice, the Union
Convention of this State convened in the Meth
odist Episcopal Church at this place, and
were organized on motion of Maj. Perry, by
calling the Hon. Damkl E. Huger to the
Chair, and JonN Rosborocgh and Thouas
P. Spierin, Esqrs. to act as Secretaries.
On motion of Major Perry, a Committee
consisting of five persons, viz : B. F. Perry,
S. Bobo, Joseph Grisham, B. F. Pepoon
and John S. Pressley, Esqrs. were noiniua-
ted by the Chairman to appoint the officers of
this Convention.
The Committee nominated to appoint offi
cers of this Convention, made the following
report: That they have appointed
Hon. DANIEL E. HUGER, President.
Gen- E. DAWKINS, 1*< Vice President.
Col. R CUNNINGHAM, 2d Vice President.
JOHN ROSBOROUGII, Esq. of Chester, and
T. P. SPIERIN, Esq. of Abbeville, Secretaries.
The President then rose, and in a clear,
Incid, and eloquent manner, explained the ob
jects of this Convention.
The Delegates present, from the several
Districts represented, -then enrolled their
to force, to repel forcible attempts to constrain
them to violate their sacred obligations to God,
and their country. We deem too highly of
the character of our fellow citizens, to believe
that they will be the willing agents to exe
cute such tyrannical acts, or aid in destroy
ing the peace and happiness of the whole
community for the gratification of the few.
A majority of the people of the State took up
,urms to defend their rights, which they thought
had been invaded, and to redress grievances
they were taught to believe had been inflict
ed upon them by the General Government.
With what justice, then, cau they turn their
arms upon that portion of their fellow.cilizcns,
who, animated by an equal devotion to free
dom, have resolved to protect each other iiv
the enjo\ rnent of their rights, and liberties,
and to resist the execution of the most unjust
and tyrannical Act which ever disgraced the
legislation of a free State ? We deem too
highly of their character to believe them capa
ble of being driven to the fatal extremity of
shedding the blood of their brethren in such
a cause—mid we should regard those among
them who are so lost to every sense of honor,
and virtue, and manly feeling, as to follow
their leaders to so disgraceful a conflict, as
more slavish than the hireling soldiers of Rus
sia, who were urged to slaughter the gallant
Poles—If we are destined to the same fate as
that noble people, we will endeavor, like them,
to command the sympathies of the brave and
the free of other and happier countries, by de
fending our liberties to the last.
We are of opinion, however, that there is
a conservative principle in our Government
We believe that an independent Judiciary is
names.
Ou motion of Mr. Poinsett, a General »
,mmit.ee was constituted. nflwJLJ *v™, l*°P er unconstitutional leg-
course which Maj. Henry would take in the
great contest now going on, was not under,
stood, and concluded by moving that Maj.
Henry have leave to address the Convention.
On leave being granted, Maj. Henry, ia an
able, clear and manly manner, vindicated
himself from the aspersions which had been
attempted to be put upon his principles. He
avowed his unalterable determination to ad
here to the Union Party, whatever their fate
might be; in evidence of which he had vol
untarily attended the Convention, and now re
quested to be permitted to sign the Preamble
nnd Resolutions which had been adopted, and
which he was resolved to maintain with his
life. His address was received with enthu
siastic applause, and leave granted by accla
mation. On motion, it was
Resolved, That every Delegate not present
have leave, at any time hereafter, to sign
the Preamble and Resolutions.
On motion, the Convention appointed Maj.
Perry, and Capt. D’Oyley a Committee for
superintendingand distributing the proceedings
of the Convention, who wore charged to
address the members of the Union Party in
the different Districts in the State, and to
procure from them their opinions of tho pro
ceedings of the Convention, and as to meas
ures hereafter to be adopted.
The President made a most feeling and-el
oquent Address to the Convention at parting.
The Convention then adjourned.
DANIEL E. HUGER, President.
ELIJAH DAWKINS, 1st Vice President.
ROBERT CUNNINGHAM, 2d Vice President.
John Rosborough,
Thomas P. Z-picrin, Secretaries.
Committee was constituted, of Delegates from
each District, to draft a Preamble and Reso
lutions for this Convention, whereupon the
following gentlemen, who composed ;ho Com-
mittee, were appoiuted by their respective
Delegations, viz:
No. III.
*» Force Bill"—Nullification—Proclamation—
State Rights Associations.
But the «angry contests” which were
“ brought to a close,” during the last session
of Congress, were succeeded by “ a law
equally objectionable,” with the “ principles
they were compelled to abandon, and certain
ly more dangerous to the liberties of the peo
ple, than their former oppressions.” And
what is the suin and substance of the far-famed
“ Force Bill,” of the last session ; which some
may be surprised to find is nothing more nor
less than a bill “ further to provide for the
collection of duties on imports ?” It has been
remarked by one well acquainted with the
subject, « that the least feature of it is force,
and that even defensive force. The main
body of the kill cosists of a variety of fiscal
and judicial provisions, intended to counter
act the unconsiiutional devices of South
Carolina nullification, to preveut the collection
of the revenue in that State, with one or two
sections only, authorizing the government, if
an .attempt should he made, an the. part of S.
Carolina, by force, to rescue goods from the
custody of the custom house officers, or to
obstruct, by force, .the execution of the laws ;
in such.cuscs, to repel forte by force,' if it
should he necessary ; but strictly limiting the
employment of force to these lawful and de
fensive purposes.” If this he the character
of the law, (and we have uo reason to doubt
it,) it would seem difficult to justify the abuse
which has been heaped upon it, and upon its
supporters. .When the General Government
is no longer permitted to execute the laws, or
even to defend itself, it is no longer worth
support.
But the tariff acts were declared by a
“ Sovereign State,” to be unconstitutional and
“ not law.” Indeed ! But they were consid
ered by a decided majority of the “ Sover
eign States,” ns constitutional and obligatory.
Buteach party has a right to judge for
itself.” It should be remembered, however,
that the majority of the parties have at least
as much right to judge ns the minority.
The majority may judge for themselves, but
not for the minority. And so indeed they did
judge for themselves, in considering the tariff
laws us constitutional, and the action of S. Car
olina as unconstitutional.'- The right of each
party to judge for itself, docs not exclude, but
really sustains the right of the other parties
to judge for thomselves, coiicerning Vie same
mailer.
Tho Committee say, the President’s Proc
lamation “ instantly revived the doctrines ot
the Federalists of ’98.” This is denied by
the President and hie friends; and the recent
explanations go to disprove it.
The Committee say that “parties are form-
ing every where, and particularly in our own
State, for the purpose of supporting the prin
ciples of the Proclamation and Force Bill
(why did not the Committee call it thie bill
< further to provide for the collection of du
ties on imports?’) “ and thereby insidiously re.
storing to the Federal Party the power which
they lost under the elder Adams.” What is
doing in other States, I know not; but I do
not believe the movements iu Georgia- justify
this imputation: I believe that they arc intern
ded to sustain the Union, as well as the
States; and the States, as well as the Union.
“Those republicans who still adhere to the
Virginia and Kentucky resolutions, the great
moral instruments by which Mr. Jefferson ef-
fected the overthrow of the Federalists, are
» Vr"® to defence of the Constitution' of
the United States, frdm North to South, by
counter-associations, designed to re-organize
the old Republican Party, and to check im
mediately the growth of the doctrines of the
Proclamation which must inevitably lead to
consolidation, if not successfully resisted.”
As far os the doctrines of the Proclamation
tend to consolidation* I am ready to oppose
Indeed, the President himself discards
Joel R. Poinsett,
B. T. Watts,
A. La vhon,
Benj, Dickson, '
Silas R. Whitten,
John MKce,
Joseph Griffin,
Thomas Poole,
P. Farrow,
F. N. Garvin,
Josiah Kilgore,
T. P. Spierin,
S. B. Gibson,
James S. Po;*, -
James Young,
John Hunter,
Joseph Grisham,
B. F: Perry,
J. S. Pressley,.
John Landrum, jr.
And by the unanimous voice of the 'Con
vention, the President Was added to this Gen
eral Committee, on the motion of Mr. Reese.
The President communicated to the Con
vention, the desire of Col. Richard I. Man-
ning, and'Mr. Alfred Huger, to be with
them at this time, but who were prevented
from attending by family afllictions, each of
whom authorized him to say to this Conven
tion, that their lives and their property were
pledged in the cause for which it was assem
bled.
Adjourned until to-morrow morning, 10 o’
clock.
Tuesday, March 26th', 1834.
The Convention met according to adjourn,
menf, and proceeded to businsss.
Mr. Poinsett, Chairman of the General
Committee, reported progress, and asked
Icqve for the Committee to withdraw and sit.
Leave granted.
On motion of Maj.* Perry, Mr. Henry
Coub was added to the General Committee.
On motion of Major Perry, the proceed,
ings of a numerous meeting of the citizens of
Charleston, held on the 15th inst. were read,
Col. Cunningham,' 2J Vice President, in the
Chair.
Adjourned until to-morrow morning, nine
o’clock.
Wednesday, March 20, 1834.
The Convention met according to adjourn,
ment; .* .
By request, the -Rev. Mr. King opened
the proceedings of this day. by prayer, in a
very appropriate and feeling manner.., . , :
A letter from Georgetown District, -sign
ed by the Committee of Correspondence lor
that District, requesting Mr. Joel R. Poin
sett, “ to assure this body that this District
will go as far in constitutional opposition to
the obnoxious measures of the Nullitiers, as
any other in the State.”
Mr. Poinsett, Chairman of the General
Committee, then reportod the following Pro-
amble and Resolutions - tor. this Covcntion,
which were read by hirp, with explanatory re
marks, clearly and plainly expressed.
Preamble and Resolutions adopted by the
Greenville Contention, March 20, 1834.—
Whereas, liberty of conscience, freedom of
opinion, and the enjoyment of equal rights are
the birthright of freedom, and the foundation
of civil liberty ; and the passage of the Mili
tary Bill and Test Oath, has violated those sa
cred and inalienable rights, making an uncon.
stitutional and ambiguous Test Oath the con-
dition of holding office under the Stoic, and
preventing the people, attached to one party
in the State, from serving under officers of
their own choice ; For men professing the
same principles os ourselves, and who ac
knowledge no power beyond the Constitution
and laws of their country, neither can or
will take on Oath of Allegiance to the State
pf South Carolina, which if prescribed by the
Legislature, in conformity with on Ordinance
passed by the Convention at their session of
M.-irch 1833, and inteuded to be explained
by that instrument, is the acknowledgment of
a power above the Constitution and laws of
the State, and is regarded by us, as a violation
of the sanctity of oaths already taken, and
obligations already incurred to preserve, pro-
tect and defend the Constitution of the United
States, from which no power, can absolve us,
We regard this attempt to make us violate
our obligations to tho United States, as one of
a series of measures,' devised to destroy the
Government of our country, and to dissolve
the Union of these States, on the existence of
which our liberties depend : And we believe
it to bo our imperative duty, to recommend to
our .constituents to oppose its execution ; .but
by peaceable and constitutional.means, if they
are permitted to use them ; and only to resort
in the House of Representatives, f or t v
members, and each of them, except \ ‘
Carolina* have, instructed their Scnau^
vote against these resolutions, and th e p '°
pie of North Carolina are clearly on the C °
The State of New Jersey also, f ^
side.
islation, and we still hope that the laws of the
land may throw their broad shield over us
and protect us Irom tyranny and oppression.
Therefore Resolved, That in our opinion
every peaceful and constitutional remedy
against the evils we suffer ought to be resort
ed to ; and we cherish the hope that the ju
dicial tribunals of the country will relieve us
from the operations of a legislative act which
violates our rights.
Resolved, That we will recommend to our
constituents, to elect Candidates of theiaown
party, whenever they have the power to do so.
Resolved, That we will recommcud to them,
not to serve under an>' officer who shall be
appointed to command them.
Resolved, That a Committee of five mem
bers be appointed to correspond with a Com
mittee of three in eacli Regiment, who wili
correspond with a Committee of three or more
in each .Beat Company
Resolved, That these Committees shall to
gether form a Convention, and meet whenev
er required to do so by the Committee of five,
or a majority of them, who are hereby auth-
orized to appoint the time and place of mee
ting,
The Preamble and Resolutions were then
put to the vote of the Convention, and were
unanimously carried.
Several- Communications were presented
from some Districts whose Delegates were
unavoidably prevented from attending, expres
sing pledges of life and property to sustain the
proceedings of the Convention.
On motion of Beaufort T. Watts, Esq. the
following Resolution .was unanimously adopt
ed : Gen. Dawkius, 1st Vice President, then
in the Chair.—
Resolved, That the thanks of this Conven
tion be tendered to the Hon. Daniel E. Hu
ger, for the manly, dignified, and dispassion
ate manner in which he has presided over
the deliberations of the Convention.
On motion of Ogden Hammond, Esq. the
thanks of the Convention were tendered to
the Secretaries, John Rosborough and Thos.
P. Spierin, Esq. for the assiduity and ability
with which they had discharged their duties.
On motion of Major Perry, the thanks of
the Convention were tendered to the members
of .the Methodist Episcopal Church, for the
readiness with which they complied with the
request of the Convention to use the Church.
On-motion of Col. Grisham, the thanks of
the Convention were unanimously voted to the
Reverend and venerable William King, for
the affecting and solemn appeal he had made
to Almighty God, in' behalf of our beloved
country, for the preservation of the Union, and
for a successful issue to the efforts which the
Convention were then making to secure our
Liberties.
The thanks of the Convention were also
unanimously voted to Gen. Dawkins and Col.
Cunningham,. the two Vice Presidents, for
the zeal and ability with- which they had. as-
sisfed in the business of the Convention.'
The following Resolution was then unani
mously adopted, on motion of Major Perry :
Resolved, That a Committee of five, consist-
ing of the Uon. Joel R. Poinsett, James L.
Petigru, Esq. Thomas S,. Grimke, Esq. Hon.
Richard I. Manniug, and James .H. Smith
Esqrs. be appointed on the part of. this Con
vention to prepare an Address to the people of
the United States, explaining to them our sit
uation, and. the peculiar nature of the present
controversy in South Carolina.
Mr. Pressley j of 1 Abbeville, made a few,
but very pertinent, remarks to the Conven
tion, which elicited a warm expression of
the fe lings of the Convention, and mutual
pledges of life and property in the course they
intended to pursue.
The President on resuming the Chair, was
addressed by General Dawkins, and inform
ed of the Resolution which had been passed.
The President made an elegant.and heart
touching reply, in which he took occasion to
say, that he ielt satisfied he did no more than
justice to every member of the Convention
when ho said, that he had no doubt they fully
responded to the sentiment of his own bosom,
which was, never to yield in the great cause
in which they had engaged.
Mr. Bobo, of Spartanburgh, then rose and
informed the Convention, that Major Jame3
Edward Heniy, of Spartanburgh, was then in
the Meeting—that he was conscious the opin
ions of Major Henry had been greatly mis.
represented, and ho felt convinced that the
From the Greenville Mountaineer March 29th.
Greenville Convention.—The Conven
tion that assembled at this place on Monday
last, was attended by 110 Delegates. The
short notice given rendered it totally iniprac-
ticuble—we may say, impossible—for many
of the most distinguished members of the
Party to reach Greenville in time. Never
have we had our feelings more deeply or
more solemnly affected, than at witnessing
their proceedings. It seemed as if every
member duly appreciated the great responsi
bility which rested upon him ; nnd their man
ner proved the unalterable resolution of every
one to resist, even unto death if necessary,
rather than submit to the tyranny of their op
poncrits. Is it not enough, they asked, to
satisfy the dominant party, that they have de
prived us of all offices—notwithstanding we
contribute our full. share of taxes—is it not
enough that our property is to be taken from
us, under the guise of Military fines, and our
persons imprisoned, must they, in addition to
these enormous oppressions, force us to de
stroy our souls by perjury, to satisfy a wicked
and capricious ambition ? No, never—nev.
cr will we submit to such tyranny, was the
general answer. Well did the Honorable
Joel R. Poinsett observe to the Convention,
(hat from his intimate acquaintance with the
character of the Russians, from his long resi-
deuce in their country, he believed the tyran
ny of the Nullificrs would make even them
revolt. The course of this Convention was
one of great difficulty, not from any intention
of present or ultimate submission to the ob
noxious measures complained of—there was
no idea of that—but the difficulty lay in
adopting such a course as would make the
Nullifiers the aggressors. We think, how
ever, the Convention have passed proper Res
olutions. Without commencing or provoking
any hostilities, they will be prepared to repel
any and every attack made upon them. The
proceedings were perfectly satisfactory to all
present, and 'are to be submitted to the citi
zens of those Districts not represented, for
their adoption, and wo have no doubt, from
the letters received from them, that they will
meet their entire approbation. The Pream
ble and Resolutions will speak for themselves
we have not time nor space to do any thing
not divided in her senatoral vote, has iiistrlf
ed liCT Senators in the same manner, t ?' j
her vote then, from the twelve States f
mentioned, leaves the number in the Ho' 1 *
from the States that voted in the affirmation
eighty-two; add the four divided States iT
gether with New Jersey, to the States’ t£
have sustained the administration in the
ate* and the number is one hundred .
fifty-eight. Deduct the number of m ^
bers in the House, from the States that °
pose the administration in the Senate, Ut j
tho majority is seventy-six—yes, seventy
six—the year of our independence. Thy,
it will be plainly seen, that the numerical
strength of the States who are in favor of tl
administration as now represented in t| lc § e
nate, and instructed by their Legislatures
us 158 to 82. What, then, is a fair infere QCe
of a vote of the People of the United States
on this question, taking the House of R
n prc.
sentutives as tho data from which to calculate
that vote. The number of members in ii lf .
House is 240—each member represents 47 .
700 souls—multiplied by the number of men!,
bers 11,448,000—from this deduct 7,5:16.
000, the number represented by 111 ■ 53
members,'leaves 3,911,400, that are re» rc .
seated by 82 members in the House i : r „ m
those States who are opposed to the admins,
‘ration in the Senate. Thus the Senate »f
the United States, if any thing can be rcliui
on from the expression of public sentiment
in the elections of the people, oppose i:i the
vote they have given, a majority of 3,025,200
of tho People of the United States ; and wc
think we hazard nothing in the assertion, that
if the question was at once directly referred
to the People, the majority would be found
proportionablv larger. These facts furaish
;in instructive lesson to the American People,
on the nature and structure of their Govern'
ment. The Senate is the most irresponsible
branch of that government, and is thus assu.
ming the power to censure, check, and control
the other branches ; a threat has lately been
made in that body, to continue tbe session for
the purpose of compelling tbe other branches
to adopt its opinions. We say then to the
People of the United States, is it not worthy
of consideration to provide an amendments
the constitution, limiting the Senatorial term
to four years, and making the office’ elective,
by the People of the several States ? fi'c
may resume this subject on a future day.
List of Letters*;
Rcihaining in the Post Office at Gainesville, Ga.
on the 1st of April, 1834, which if no! taka
out by the first of July next, will be returned
to the General Post Office as dead U tters.
Joseph Adkins, Esq.
Barrel Atkinson
Thomas Byrd, jr. 2
James Barmorc
Edward Brown or
George Cook
James Bibbs
Wiley F Bishop 2
Mark Bennett
H Bra riel
Philip M Byrd
A Bishop, Esq.
John Con
Jacob Cockram
William Carrell
Joseph L Cantrell
Win Chamblee
Alexander Crawford
William Chastain
Jesse Clayton
Moses M Cantrell
James Carnes
Rev Wm Culverhouso
John Carrell
Mount .Salem Churcli-
Jolm G Collier
Thomas Cheek
James Huckeby
Reuben Hutcherson
John J Hen Jrkks
Franklin Howell and
James M Daniel
William Harper
Grandison Herrin
John O Jordan
Ralph Juckson
John I ley
David B Kitchens
Miobacl Kcman
Jacob Keller
James Loggins
Martin Maddia
Allen Matthews
Robar Mullins
William McCain
Richard Majors
Brice C McEver
Allen Malone
Mary McDufl’co
John Nicholson 2
William Owens
David Owens 2
William Pitman
Samuel Price
like justice to the proceedings of this interest- j 08C j,i, Dent, Esq.
Arthur McTear Crawford William H Pesnc'I
iag and respectable body.
From the Washington Globe.
The Vote of the Senate.—On Friday,
the 28th ult. a vole was taken in the Senate
of the United States, on the following reso.
lutio.iS offered by Mr. Clay; and although
more than three months’ debate has been
had on these resolutions, yet we are satisfied
that the opinion of no one member of that
body has keen changed by it. The resolu-
lions are ns follow :
Resolved. That the reasons assigned by
the Secretary of the'Treasury, for the remo
val of the money of the Un.ied States, de
posited in the Bank of the United States and
its branches, communicated to Congress on
the fourth day of December, 1833, arc un-
satisfactory and insufficient.
Twenty-eight members voted in the affir
mative—eighteen in the negative. The next
resolution was as follows:
Resolved, That the President, in .the late
executive proceedings in relation to the pub
lic revenue,, has assumed upon himself au
thority and power not conferred by the Con
stitution and laws, but in derogation of both.
On this resolution, the vote was 20 in the
affirmative—20 in the negative.
The last resolution we consider as the test
question of this long and protracted debate,
and it furnishes matter of deep thought nnd
reflection for the American People. It will
b's seen, by a reference to the proceedings
of the day, that the Senators from twelve
States voted- together for the last resolution ;
to wit: from the States of Massachusetts,
Rhode Island; Connecticut, Vermont, New-
Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, South
Carolina, Kentucky, Louisiana, and Missis
sippi ; and that in the House of Representa
tives those States have eighty-eight members.
The States that voted against the resolution,
are New York, Pennsylvania, Georgia, Ten
nessee, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, and Ala
bama—eight in number'; and those States
have, in. the House of Representatives, one
hundred and seven members. Four States
divided; to-wit: North Carolina, Maine, New
Hampshire, and Ohio. These States have,
fthailrick D Deal
Win E Davis
Thomas Dansnan.
fthenvood Dunman
Joseph Dunugnn
Absalom T Davis 2
Thomas Davis
Joshua Davis
William Erwin
James Fcnloy
Orphans of J S Gormon
.Samuel Gladden 2
Martin Graham
Hiram Galey
William Gladden
Thomas Grcn.uaway
Hail Pruett
Asa Garrott
James Gilliland . .
Gol David C Gibson
Isaac N Green
Ruth Henderson
Mrs.Mary Ann.Herrin
John Holland
William Hartgrovc
Miij Hancock
Emanuel Hendrix
William Holcombe
Barnett Parker or
Barnett Fry or
Milly Parker .
Lieut. John Pirklc
William Power
Allen Peeler
Reod W Rork
John Rider
Samuel P Ross
Holman F Simmons
John Sherpard, Esq.
J S Swift 2
Nathan Townsend
Doct B B Trent 2
Willis Twigs
Jeremiah White
Peter Weaver
Joseph Wadkins
John Whitmire
Ransum Wilson
Mary Walden
Miss Winny Wilson
Benjamin Waters
Miss Edy Wilson
Hugh Wilson
A Wallace
Joshua Youngs
William Young
April 12—4—3t.
M. W. BROWN, P. AT.
NOTICE.
^ LL persons indebted to the estate of Jam!!}
Wardlaw deceased, are requested to come for
ward and make payment; and all persons having de
mands'against the estate, are requested to render
them in, approved as the law directs.
- WILLIAM McCONNELL, Adm'r.
SARAH WARDLAW, Adm'r.
Lawrenceville, April 5—3—40d.
NOTICE.
A LL persons having demands against tho Estate
of Sarah M; Clements, lato of Madison county
deceased, are requested to present them in terms ot
the law ; and all those indebted-to said estate, will
please to make payment.
JAMES GRAHAM,
Administrator with the will annexed.
April 5—3—40d. . ;
WM. L. MITCHELL,
ATTORNET AT LAW,
ATHENS, GEO.
W ILL practice in the Western Circuit, and ad
joining Counties of the Northern and Oak-
mulgeo Circuits, in which business may bo confided
to him.
Jan. 4—42—tf. i ■ jjl ■
jjgLs
IH
ii