Newspaper Page Text
t 'S&iff fee***.-
T—
iMUfcal.
From the Richmond Enquirer.
MR. CALHOUN—ami the DEPOS1TE BILL. -
There is no understanding the zigzag poli
tics of Mr. Calhoun. He scerns to have no
fixed principles-of action. It is the erratic
course of the comet, without any subjection
to the regular laws of the Solar System.—
He is inconsistent with himself, not only from
cycle to.cycle, but from year to year, and
sometimes even from month to month. At
one period of his life, we hail him as the ultra
Federalist—at another, as a rampant Nullficr
—at one time, the Copsolidatinnist of all pow-
cr in the hands of the General Government,
and next, as the flaming contemner of its
authority—all for the United States at one
period—all for the separate States, at nnoth.
er—note, the decided friend of the Tariff sys.
tcm—and then, as its bitterest opponent. In
*32, he appears determined to tear the Union
asunder, if he cannot at once annihilate all
the restrictions of the Tariff- and in ’36, he
utters the most soothing strains,deprecating all
injury to the manufacturers, declaring that
“time had to be allowed (or the reduction of the
du-tics to the point which the-constitutional
wants of the country might require;'that a sud-
den reduction would have prostrated the manu
facturers with the loss of an immense amount
ofcnpital and skill, and the danger of a re-act ion
that might prove fatal to the country; that
we intended no war against the manufactu
rers—We wished them no ill, and were at
oil times, both then and before, willing to al-
low ample time for a reduction so gradual, as
viewed both at the last session, and had the
good fortune to succeed in passing them in ;
one hill in the form, which thoy finally assu
med in the deposite act. The effect will be,
to restore to the States, as.the immediate rep :
rescntatives'of the people, all the money not
needed by the Government; and of course,
so far as the diseased State of the Government
depends on a surplus, at once eradicate the
disease ns effectually ns it the duties had
been at once reduced to the legitimate and,
constitutional wants of the Government, and'
that without in the slightest degree injurious-
ly affecting the manufacturing interest of the
country. It does more—vastly more. It not
only takes the surplus from the Government,
hut by placing it in the custody of the States,
puts it into the opposite scale. The effects
will be, to convert the State Governments in
to active and vigilant guardians of the com
mon treasury, and to enlist them by their in
terests to become the advocates of economy
and retrenchment in the General Government,
without which there can be no effectual re
form- While accomplishing this important
service, it will nt the same time restore to the
staple States a large portion of that-excess,
which they pay into the general treasury
through the duties.”
Does Mr. C. now propose an amendment
to the constitution ? Not a word of it in this
whole speech. Does he not then still con
sider the Deposite a Distribution Bill? Not
a syllable upon that. point either.. Does he
then go lor accelerated reduction of the Ta
riff? Exactly the'contrary. What then, is
the great scheme of this -great statesman ?—
Still go on till ’42, receiving the surplus as it
tdavoid a shock, both to them and the coun
try : that this was effected In the Compro. j comes in— depositing it with the States, in oth-
mise Bill,” &«•., &c., and now lie stickles for ! words, distributing it, without any consti
this Compromise Bill; and protests against tutional authority, thus persevering in i‘on,e
any earlier reduction of the tariff'. In ’31, «»' the mosl dangerous, unconstitutional, and
>!Vlr. C. is a most decided opponent of a dis- absurd projects ever devised by - any govern-
tribution of rhe surplus—the other day he de. jjneiii." And this scheme lie is determined
clarcs the late Deposite Bill was. to all intents .1° prosecute, rather than touch the Tariff hi|l,‘
a Distribution Bill; and now he is crying "up rather than reduce the profits of the muiiufitC-
this Deposite Bill to the very echo. What turers, rather than leave the money in the
ore we to make of so wayward a politician ? pockets of the people, rather than reduce the
IIow can the people confide in him—consult income of the Government to its economical
him as the oracle of the Constitution—or lis. expenditure No, no sir—give us the plan
ten to the Syren strains which would recoin-, of. Mr. Van Buren in ins letter to Sherrod
mend a Southern Confederacy, to the irnrni- Williams—give us a systeip of revenue and
nent peril of the Union of our country ?—Let expense, which the Constitution sanctions,
Mr. C., however, speak for himself on the which common pense approves—and which
Deposite Bill; the republican party will henceforth adopt as
1831. i their standard of faith. Whatever difference
In his « Opinions on the Relations of the States of opinion may exist about the late deposite
and the Federal Government,” published in bill, let us nllagree upon one maxim—As it
the Pendleton Messenger; is the first,let it be the last time. And let us
“ After alluding to the near extinction of determine • never to adopt a system, what is
the public deb:, aud the accumulation of a truly characterized as one of the most dan-
surplus that would necessarily ensue of 10 or gerous and absurd projects ever devised by
12 millions, he naturally asks * what shall be any Government—much less, a Federal Gov-
•done with it ?* and then proceeds, (Mr. Piutk- eminent.
uey says,) as follows;
« The honest and obvious course is, to pre
vent the accumulation of the surplus in the
treasury, by a timely and judicious reduction
<JT*me imposts: aria thereby to - leave the
money in the pockets of those who made it,
end from whom it cannot honestly or consti
tutionally be taken, unless required by the
fair and legitimate wants of the Government.
General tnttlUsnue.
SUPREME JUDICIAL COURT,
OF M ASSACHiTSRTTS. .
Habeas Corpus, for the liberation of a child
born a slave.—For the rehearing of this case,
the full Court, consisting of Chief Justice
Shaw, Judges Putman, Wilde, and Morton,
If, neglecting a dispostion so obvious and just, met in the lobby adjoining the Librury, on
the Government should attempt to keep up : Friday forenoon.
the present high duties, when the money was ! Counsel for the petitioner, Caban H. Har.
do longer wanted; or to dispose of this im- iris; for the liberty of the Child, R. Choate
mease surplus by enlarging the old, or devi- i and E. G. Loring, Esqrs. For the respon-
aing new schemes of appropriation, or finding dent, Thomas H. Aves, now in. possesion of
that to be impossible, it should adopt the most the child, subject to .the orders of its owners,
dangerous, unconstitutional, and absurd project Charles P. Curtis and Benjamin R. Curtis,
ever devised ly anu Government, of dividing the Esqrs. . .
surplus amongst the States; (a project, which, | There is no controversy respecting the facts
if carried into execution, could not fail to ere- ; in this case, which are briefly as follows :—
ate an antagonist interest between the States j In the month of May last, Mrs. Mary Sla-
atid General Government, on all questions of i ter,wife of Samuel Slater, of N. Orleans,came
appropriations, which would certainly end in ! to this city on a visit to her Dither, Thomas
reducing the latter to a mere office of collec- j Aves, bringing with her Mary, a colored child
tion and distribution ;) either of these modes : about 6 years of age, and the daughter of a
would be considered by the section suffering I female slave, owned in Louisiana, by Mr. Sla
under the present high duties, is a fixed de.
termination to perpetuate forever, what it con-
aiders the present unequal, unconstitutional,
and oppressive burden; and from that moment,
it would cease to look to the General Govern,
ment for relief.” .
I $36.
In the Senate, Mr. Calhoun said. “ no See-
retary of the Treasure will ever dare to tic-
mand a dollar of it from the Statesand again
he said, “ that the Slates might now improve
their own harbours, out of the money deposi.
ted with them by the Government.”
In his Speech, at the Pendleton dinner the
other day, what does he sa v of this most dan
gerous, unconstitutional aud absurd .project
over devised by any Gpvernment ! « Leave
the immense surplus in the hands of the Gov.
eminent, with the means 'of controlling the'
circulation aud the banking operations of the.
country, and of making whatever disburse
ments it pleased with the view to purchase?
States or individuals, and how idle would be
the hope of reform ! but as it is, divested of
the surplus, with the public deposites and de-
posite banks plured upon the protection of law
and beyond the control of the Executive, the
patriot tonay still hope. It is indeed a daw-
niog—a gleam of light to those who love the
country and its institutions.” v
Again:—** It became apparent the next
year there would be a surplus, and my atten
tien was at an early period directed -to the
subject, with the view of devising and apply,
ing some measure which might in its effects
anticipate the action of the compromise act,
and thereby apply a remedy to a disease,
which could not be fully reached at once for
the reasons slated, by a simple reduction of
the duties. With this view, I moved session
before the last for 1 a special Committee on
*he subject of Executive patronage. > A nu
merous and respectable committee 'was ap
pointed, selected from the three parties in the
Senate, which, with other measures, reported
a bill to regulate the deposite banks, and a
resolution to amend'the constitution, so as to
authorize the distribution of the surplus rev.
enue among the States during the operation
of the compromise act. It wns too late iu
rite session .for definite action then. I re-
ter. More recently Mrs. Slater has been re
siding in Roxbury, for the benefit of her health,
leaving the child in question in the custody of
Mr. Aves, in Pinckney street, with the under
standing, that when she returns to New Or-
leans she will take the child with her.
From theke facts it will be' perceived, that
the case differs not only fr.om that of the fugi-
five, whose late rescue created such excite
ment, but also.in some respects from every
other slave case that has hitherto come before
the Supreme Court, on a habeas corpus
There is no express act of Congress, or of
Massachusetts, or Constitutional provision
which refers to the case, except,.if at all, liy
implication. The arguments, therefore, on
bbih sides, were entirely based upon common
and international law,including an examine
tion of the principles governing the “ conflicts
of laws '
The arguments for the slavery of the child
was made by B. R. Curtis, Esq. who main
tained among other propositions the following
the child being a slave when she left Louisi
aha, according to the laws of that Slate is, now,
by the ’Inws of that State, a slave; that by the
Constitution of the U. States, and by the'laws
of Louisiana, slaves are regarde'dloth as per
sons and as property ; that by the laws of na
tion^ the property of an individual is* the pro.'
perty of the State to. which, he belongs; that
the rights of property accruing in such State,
were determined by the laws of that State,
even When the parties are transient sojour-
ners in another country; that though-slavery
is abolished in England, yet contracts for
slavfe labor elsewhere can be sustained in En
glish courts; that a person guilty of an offence
against- the laws of a country, • must by the
coinitv of nations; be surrendered to the an
thorifies of that country. There were, said
Mr. Curtis, but-two exceptions to this gener-
al principle of national lawviz; when a
foreign law works injury to the State to'which
a party, has fled, or to its citizens'; or where
the law is immoral, or, io the language of an
other authority, when the exercise of the law
would exhibit an example pernicious-und de.
testable. In the present case it could not be
shown, that sending of the child back to. New , >
Orleans would work any injury to any citizen j be druwn up.
of Massachusetts, because no citizen of Mas
sachusetts had any legal interest in, or con
nexion with her ; and as to the morality or
immorality of the slave laws, that question
was not to be determined by the opinion of
individuals; their morality was to be deter
mined by-what our laws regard as moral or
Unmoral—not even by what the Judges, as
individuals, may think moral, or otherwise ;
or what professors of moral philosophy might
deem ia relation to it. The question of mor
ality must be measured by a legal standard ;
and the existence of slavery is recognized by
Uib supreme law of the land, and therefore
cannot be immoral in the eye of the laws of
this Commonwealth. Mr. Curtis cited the?
laws of New York, Pennsylvania, and Rhode
Island, providing for the return of slaves ac
companying their owners, transiently sojour
ning in those States, but also, fixing a limited
period for such sojourning, after vhich a slave
caunot be claimed and compelled to return to
a slave state. Mr.,Curtis cited two cases,
which were.decided under the Ordnance for
the Government of the North West Territory,
drawn up bv the late Northern Dane, of this
State. In the first case, the owner of the slave
had taken up his domicil, or permanent abode
in the North W. Territory, anu it was decided
that by so doing his slave became free. In
the secohd base, the owner was only fran-
siently in the Territory, aud therefore was en
titled to carry back his slave, his right of pro.
perty iu him nor having been extinguished by
a mere occasional residence in the Territory.
In support'of the great points advanced in
the argument, Mr. Curtis cited numerous
American, English, French, German, Scotch,
and Canadian authorities.
Mr. Loring, for the slave, contended that
the principle relating to the comity of nations
did not apply to this case ; that a year ago a
Charleston vessel was driven into Bermuda
by stress of weather, with a lot of slaves
The slaves were brought up before the court
by habeas corpus, aud discharged, because
the moment a slave landed in British posses-
sious lie became a free man. No reinon-
| strance has ever been made against that de-
cision by the United States; and-ii was, there
fore, fair to |>resume that it was regarded by
the American government as a violation of
the comity of nations. They became ipso
facto free by,common law of Englang. Judge
Story lays it down, that independent of the
clause in the Constitution respecting fugitives,
the principle of the English law prevades the
common.law of the non-slave holding States.
Mr? Loring then took up the constitutional
provision respecting the delivering of fugitives
and contended that it contained all that the
Northern States ever meant to concede to the
peculiar interests of the South ; that nothing
was conceded upon the subject of slavery, out
of comity, be) mid the strict letter of the Con-
stitution ; that no concession was ever intern
ded, that slave owners might travel in this
State with their slaves. He was sure that
Massachusetts Would not have conceded that'
point, if it had been raised. It was cleur from
the tone of the discussions jn the Massachu.
setts Convention, that thoy would have reject,
ed the Constitution if it contained such a pro.
vision. >
Mr. Loring maintained, that the Court
where its hands were not tied by the Consti.
tutioh—as they were with respect to fugitives
—would enforce the .law of God which is op.
posed to slavery. Patrick Henry, a Southern
man, held it to be against theDiblc-Jefferson,
also, a Southerner, had said—“The Almigh
ty has no attribute which can take sides with
the slaveholder,” he has said, that fie treip
bled when he remembered that God was just.
William Pinckney, ol Mdryland, denounced
slavery as inhuman and wicked.
Mr. Lorjng referred to a case stated in Si-
rod’s Sketch of ihe Laws where a man gave
his slave permission to go into another State,
upon his-promising to return at a certain pe
riod. The slave failed to return, his master
claimed him as a fugitive, but the Court re
fused him a certificate aS the slave left the
State with his master’s consent; and there
fore was not a fugitive, aud not within the
provision of the Constitution. Iu another case
in Pennsylvania, where tho law allows a trim,
sient slaveholder to hold his slave six months
and a man sojourned nine months, and the
Court pronounced'his slave free—the doctrine
of the comity of nations would have applied
to the extra nine months if it is applied tri any
case at all. There was another case of the
strict construction of the fugitive’s clause -a"
child, born of a fugitive mother during her
residence in> a free state, was declared to be
free. • i , ■ ,
In the course of this nrgeunent, Mr. Loring
cited authorities equully numerous and van
ous in character ris' those rdlied on b.v Mr,
Curtis. We do not give them more at length
as they would occupy unnecessary space.—
The decision of the Court, whatever it may
be, will undoubtedly be within'the line of ar
gument we have here giveu.
Mr. Choate followed Mr* Loring, but did
not profess.-to advance any material points of
law not. adduced by-his colleague.
Min. Charles P. Curtis, in behalf of Mr.
Slater; followed Mr. Choate ; but only enlarg
ed- on the* grounds assumed by his colleague,
Benj. R.. Curtis.
The. arguments were strictly professional
and free from cant or declamation on either
side.».
On. Saturday Chief Justice Shaw delivered
the opinion of the whole Court, that the child
having been brought into this State voluntary
ly- by her owner, immediately became free By
the necessary operation of the long establish,
ed and universally admitted law of Massachu
setts. His honor also directed the .clerk to
make an order for her.discharge from the cus
tody of Ellis G. Loring her counsel lor a tem
porary period, and in the mean time the Court
would consider upon-the subject of appointing
a legal and permanent guardian, till she at-,
tains maturity. In directing this order, his
honor intimated, that at a future day a more
detailed opinion upon the whole subject would
In the Course of bis general opinion the
Chief Justice briefly adverted to some of the
points made m the arguments. It having
been argued for the petitioner, that slavery
was coutrary to the law of nations, his honor
said—It is too late to say that slavery is con
trary to the law of nations—as the principle
of slavery is engrafted into the laws of nearly
all modqrn nations to a greater or less degree, r
and those laws are recognized in general trea
ties and compacts: hut, on the other hand,
slavery does not exist in consequence of any
general law of nations which tolerate it, aud
as such the law of nations is silent upon it.—
In whatever nation it may exist, it only exists
by the authority of the sovereign power of
that nation, and the law of oatipns presumes
that every sovereign power can judge what is
the best form of government for its own sub
jects : but the authority over the liberty of
the slave is only local, and does not extend
beyond the limits of the State of nation, ex-
ccpt by a special treaty with any other State
or States. This principle, however, does not
effect contracts for the price of slaves, or slave
labor, entered into a State where slavery is
authorized by its laws. A contract for such
property may not be set aside in the Courts of
non-Slaveholding States or nations, on the
ground that the considefation ot such contract
is illegal, because the consideration is legal
where it is entered into. The Courts cannot go
beyond tli'e existence of ( the law, and cannot
inquiry into its justice and expediency in the
slave State, hutthere is a difference between
property. The general presumption with re
gnrd to goods and chattels is, that they are-
property, but with regard to slaves, the gener
d presumtion is that they are not property.
In reference to the urgumeut olten advan
red, that the clause in the Constitution provi
ding-tor the delivering up of runaway or fu
gitive slaves, wag not binding on our Courts
because slavery is immoral and' against the
law uf God. his Honor held.as before, that the
respective States were sovereign with respect
to the form of their domestic institutions, and
of course were the only judges of what was
best for their respective communities, and
therefore it was not for foreign courts to de
cide upon the morality of their internal regu
lations. The Constitution was to be regarded
in three points of view :—as the organization
of a form of government: as a compromise
between sovereign States having distinct and
different systems of internal policy ; and-as
treaty. The clnuse respecting fugitive slaves
may be considered in the nature of a treaty
because if the Uuion had not been entered in
to, it is manifest that it would have been ne
cessary, to prevent greatei*evils, that Treaties
for the delivery of such slaves should exist
between communities, whose territories ad-
joined each other, whereby opportunities of
escape were continually presented. His Hon.
or put the case of-two adjoining Suites of dif
ferent national character—rfhe one a military
nation the other an agricultural^>r commercial
nation. In the warlike nation, there may be
supposed to exist a law of conscription, com
pelling every man arriving at a certain age
to enter the army. T° escape from military
service the conscript may be supposed to ab.
scond into the adjoining natiou where no such
luw is in force. , It is obvious that this state
of things would be regarded by the warlike
nation with great dissatisfaction, and continu.
al disputes and hostilities would result, unless
a treaty were formed to restore conscripts;
and such a treaty would of course be Formed,
because continual wars would be a greater
evil to both communities, than the existence
of the conscript laws in on,c; but such a trea
ty; being contrary to the general principles of
the agricultural nation.must be construed strict
ly. This was the case with the Constitution
—the provision respecting fugitives being con
trary to tbe general principle of our laws,
universally established before the adoption of
tbe Constitution—it must be construed strict,
ly, and is not to be extended by construction
to meet the comity of .nations. It must receive,
that strict construction, because it is contrary
Jto our laws, and to natural right. The.Chief
Justice also cited an opinion delivered by
Judge Washington, himself a slave-holder,
who held that whore a master voluntarily car
ried his sl-tVe into a non-slaveholding State,
the slave became free. So far as this doctrine
from being an interference with the institution
of slavery in tho States iu which, it exists,'
that it is, on the contrary, an interference
with our institutions on the part of the master
for him to attempt to hold a slave in a non-
slaveholding State.
Cherokee affairs.—Under a provision
of the late treaty with the Chiroke,e. Indians,
pointing out the manner of obtaining the val
ue of Indian improvements, and providing for
their payment, we understand the Cherokee
country,-cmbruced in that treaty, has been
divided into four Districts. That part of it
within the limits >of Georgia, is designated as
the first district—That within Alabama, the
2nd—That within Tennessee, the 3d., and
that within North Carolina, th$ 4th. These
Districts- are again sub-divided. Floyd and
Walker counties, constitute tbe first District
of Georgiu. Paulding, Cass and Murray; Che
2d. Cobb, Cherokee and Gilmer, the 3d.—
And Forsyth, Lumpkin and Union the 4th.—
For each.of these subdivided Districts, two.
vriuirg agents have been appointed. For the
fourth, embracing the counties of Forsyth,
Lumpkin and Union, Col. Nathan L. Hutchins
of Gwinnett, and Cel. Josiah Shaw, of Lump
kin, have' been appointed by the agent of
Cherokee removals, Maj’r B. F. Curry.—
These gentleman have entered upon the du
ties assigned them, and are giving entire sat
isfaction to all concerned. The selection of
these gentlemen, we have no doubt, will meet
tbe approbation of the community, and will,
we are certain, reflect much credit on the
Agent, whose untiring, perseverance in the
cottsumation of the treaty, and reraovaFof the
Indians west,deserves and will receive the high,
st commendation, from the peopled Georgia.
* * ' _
Sixteen hundred Tennessee troops have arrived at
Tallahassee.
THE SOUTHERN BANNER.
Q&astswD&.'So ©o ! J®siaJB a> aaao*
“For Ibe Engrossment of tbfe Pill, 18
votes-*Against tt, 18. The Chair voting in
the AFFIRMATIVE, the Bill is ordered to
be engrossed and read a third time.*’
Martin Van Buren, on the Bill to prohibit the cir
ulation of incendiary publications through the mails
threatened with personal violence for daring
to speak as we have done in relation to this
gentleman. On this point we would remark,
that we live in a country where the laws ei.
ther are, or should be competent to protect
its citizens. If we offend against them, we
hold ourselves amenable to their provisions;
but as a free citizen, we claim and shall exer.
cise the right of speaking on all public mat.
ters as the occasion in our opinion requires.
In this case we have only acted in selfde.
fence—we have been prompted by no motive
of personal hostility, as we have,heretofore
expressly stated—and we shall look for our
safety and protection, to the laws of our coun-
try, sanctioned by the moral sense of a virtu,
ous community.
FOR PRESIDENT,
MARTIN VAN BUREN.
FOR VICE PRESIDENT,
RICH ARB HI. JOHNSON.
Union Electoral Ticket.
THOMAS F. ANDERSON, of Franklin
WILLIAM B. BULLOCH, of Chatham
SAMUEL GROVES, of Madison,
THOMAS HAYNES, 6f Baldwin,
REUBEN JORDAN, of Jasper,
PITT MILNER, of Monroe,
WILLIAM PENTICOST, of Jackson,
THOMAS SPALDING, of M’lntosh,
WM. B. WOFFORD, of Habersham,
THOMAS WOOTTEN, of Wilkes.
Union Tfcket for Congress.
JESSE F. CLEVELAND^/ DeKalb,
JOHN COFFEE, of Telfair,
THOMAS GLASCOCK, o/ Richmond,
SEATON GRANTLAND, of Baldwin,
CHARLES E. HAYNES, of Hancock,
HOPKINS HOLSEY. of Harris,
JABEZ JACKSON, o/ Habersham,
GEORGE VV. OWENS, of Chatham,
GEORGE W. B. TOWNS, of Talbot.
State legislature—Clark County. '
• FOR SENATOR,
Col. JOHN H. LOWE.
FOR REPRESENTATIVES,
WILLIAM EPPS; . *
HARTWELL JACKSON, Sen.,
JOHN DEANE.
0Cr~ The communication of Rev. H. Pen
dergrass, upon the subject of education, is un
avoidably laid oyer until next week.
CHOLERA.
Tbe number of cases of this disease in
Charleston, on the 10th Sept, was 19, and 4
deaths ; on rhe 20th, 16 cases, 4 deaths ; on
the 21st, 10 cases, 2 deaths; on the 22d, 40
cases, 1 death ; on the 23d, 27 cases, 10
deaths ; and on the 24th, 12 cases, and 4
deaths. Total number, of cases in six days
-Lwhites 21, blacks and colored 73.
FOR THE SOUTHERN BANNER.
FelloiO Citizens of the Union Party of Clark:
You wilj be called on next .Monday, to go
to the ballot box und exercise that privilege
which has been given us by our forefathers.
In so doing, let all as one man arise, put on
our strengjh, gird up our loins, and march to
the field, and vote for those who arc deter,
mined to support him who has consented to
carry out the measures of tho present Chief
Magistrate, Andrew Jackson. Fellow citi-
ze.ns, the time has come when the “ pie bald”
party must be routed,'and horse foot and drag,
oon put to flight. How ca « this be done ? By
union. Union of what ! Union of action.
Without this Union we cannot be successful,
and if every lover of his country will but turn
out on that day, and put in the' “Buzzard”
ticket, ue have every reason to believe our
ticket will succeed. If not, we will get -D
some who are friendly to the cause of Union
anu State Rights. The elections hr various
StatesJiave gone for the Administration, and
as you are component part of the Union, show
to those places where the elections have not
yet been held, that Clark county, the former
hold of the pie-baid, whiggerv party, hp.s
thrown off the shackles of Whiggerv, and
stands before the whole world, redeemed, re.
generated and disenthralled.
Arise, Uuion voters of Clark—put aside all
petty differences—discard from your mind all
thoughts save those that are conducive to the
success of your party, and those that deride
you and call vou tories and abolitionists, will
sneak away, and believe that Democracy is
powerful. Then, fellow citizens of the Un-
ion party, do not disappoint us—show bv your
vote that you will sustain him who has prom,
ised you to sustain you if elected. That old
Kiurierhook’s son and Tecumseh are the very
men we want. The former-with no prospects
before him when young, and with little cdu.
cation, (having left school at 14,) has, by his
talents and good conduct, been placed before
you as a suitable perron to carry out the
measures of his country’s glory. Remember
the .words of the gallant Perry, “ we have met
the enemy and they are ours.” If you are
true to vour country, the above.will he nppli.
cable. ’ AMICUS.
ELECTIONS.
Returns from the late coutest in Vermont have
not been fully received, but enough is known
to satisfy every one that Whiggerv is rapi.dly
on the decline. In lfi34, tho Democratic
candidate for Governor was defeated by 17.
000 majority—in 1H35, by about 8,0.00—and
in 1936. the \Vhigs claim.to have succeeded
by a majority of from 3 to 4,000, w hile the
Democrats concede thfem from 2 to 3,000.—
At this rate the Democratic party must sue-
ceed at the next election. Gen. Fletcher,
(Van Buren) has been elected to .Congress
from the 5th district—one or two others yet
considered doubtful. This is so much gained
to the good enuse.
From Maine, we have the usual cheering
intelligence. ' Gov. Dunlap, (Van Buren) is
elected by an increased majority—the Le.
gislature will remain democratic, by a major
ity of two to one.
LOOK OUT FOR TRICKS. .
We would remind our friends that the nul
lifiers have one Union Candidate, upon their
ticket for Congress; let not Union men, there
fore, be duped 'to suppose that because they
'see Glascock upon a ticket all the others dre
Union names. . They should examine partic-
ularly, and know for whom they., give their
suffrages. Let us be active and vigilant, and
our success is certain.-
FOR THE SOUTHERN BANNER.
A plain question to Messrs. Ambrose Ba-
ber, John W. Campbell,Gibson Clark, Howell
Cobh and David Aleriwcther.
Believing (as I do) that the constituent has
the right to know the political principles of ev.
ery man, whose name is placed before tho
people for their suffrage, the following sim.
pie .question is respectfully propounded to
the above uained members of the White Elcc-
torsITjcket.
Do- you support the nullification congres.
sioual ticket or not ? A UNION MAN.
v 0^7”Wc learn that a report has been indus
triously circulated through, this couuty, that-
JOHN DEANE, Esq. is not a candidate for
the Legislature. We have Mr. Deane*s au
thority for saying that the report is utterly
untrue—that.he is a candidate—and will, if
his fellow citizens of Giark county see fit to
elect him, serve them to the best of his abili
ties. We hope our friends will nil go to'the
polls', and give him, with our-other candidates,
a united and zealous support.
.. 03”Thq Southern Whig of last week con-
tains an article nearly three columns in length,
signed by A. S. Clayton, in which is inserted
the correspondence growing out of a “ Card”
published in that paper of the 29th August.
This is done with the intention of disproving
the statements.-made in tho Banner of the
17th Sept. We have perused it, and finding
nothhig which in our judgement contradicts
the article in this paper, we shall Tct it pass
without comment—and refer those who take
any . interest in the controversy, to' Judge
Clayton’s article.' .
We have but a word or two to add.in con-
nexiorf with this subject. Wo have "been
From the Newark Daily Advertiser.
Edqeiiill School, Princeton.—This is
among the few good schools of which our
country can boast. It is in every respect
among the very best institutions of its kind,
and has, we confidently believe, and not
without evidence, no superior any where,—
This is high praise we know, but it is also
well deserved, and we have one of the most
practical proofs of its truth in the fact that it
continues to enjoy, after abundant experience,
the full confidence of some of the most en.
lightened men in the country. The founda
tions of-the institution have been well laid.—
The plan embraces everything that properly
belongs to early education, and there is prob*
ably no school where boys are in all respects
better or more thoroughly trained. Mr.
Wine's, the Principal, has become qualified for
the superintendence and Government of such
a school by long study and experience, and
his corps of assistants we understand have
been carefully selected with a view nt pnee
to competency and per-tnauence.
We shall take a future opportunity to fur-
nish a little more in detail tlsan our time t^
duv will permit, an exposition of the course ot
study and principles of discipline and instruc
tion. In,the mean time we copy from the
National Intelligencer the subjoined conden
sed summar y of the merits and claims of the
school, and jefer to the advertisement in an
other column:
1. Its Principal, Mr. E. C. Wines, is a
highminded gentleman, a thorough scholar,
an accomplished-instructor, and a skilful dis-
ciplinarian ; and his lady has the reputation
of being eminently qualified, by education,
manners, and an affectionate and amiable dis
position, for her peculiar sphere ot duties.—
2. Thenumberjof assistant teachers is unusu
ally large in proportion to the number of
pupils. 3. The course of studies is liberal
and judicious. 4. The modern languages
receive a due share of attention. 5. Oral
instruction, the most efficacious when skilfully
imparted, forms a prominent feature io the
system, fi. The method of teaching compo
sition is excellent. 7. No day scholars arc
ever received. 8. The morals of the youth
-'are carefully- guarded. 9. Sectarianism h
excluded; but not religion; the great -M#.
and precepts of Christianity arc constant
taught and enforced. 10. The discipline*
