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by albon
CHASE.
ATHENS, GEORGIA, FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 4, 1842.
VOL. XL—NO. 34.
AN ADDRESS,
jifliveted hr cure the ,1/tunni society
of the University of Georgia,
S THE COLLEGE CHAPEL, AT ATHENS,
On the 2d of August, 1842;
11 E U S C H K L V . JOHNS O N .
I! V
COKRESPON uence.
Athens. Geo.,August Cth, 1942.
r.-’.ivv I ’nan 1 you a copy of I’ue resolution, nna.i-
.i, ij.lv pas'O.l Iiv the Alumni Society, expressive of their
i ■ ! :irji"!i of fie interesting address, you delivered before
Svieiv, ii*. the ','d in:Tam. Permit me to add my indi-
i.lu»! rc.|ueit m that of the Society, for a copy for publication.
■ /.Y..4 ,i«an tire: 1/7, That the thanks of the Society be
, i,--c i 1.1 Mr. Hehschei. V. Johnson, lor the able loan.
,cr m watch he lias discharged ll.c au v assigned him, and
; the .Secretary request a copy fur publication.”
, Yours Respectfully,
\VM. L. MITCHELL, Sec y. •
his argument, he exclaims “ The thing', the thing it
self is the abuse anti then simply remarks u|»on the
tlitfieulty of defeikiing against rulers without ma
king aitv satisfactory reply to this obvious objec
tion; 15ut his sensitive mind refuses to examine its
claims ; and if philosophical cowardice could be
ascribed to such ,*. man, we might infer that he !
feared to come in conflict with its potency, lest he I
should be compelled to acknowledge the weakness uals ; and it is no le
of bis conclusions. If it be logical to condemn ev
ery institution, whose object has been perverted,
tiieo every human regulation must tumble to atoms.
•Society itself must be disbanded, and mankind
doomed to all the hotrors of Anarchy. Education
has often been made the engine of mischief. Will
.Mr. Burke, therefore, put out tire lights of science,
and shioud lire human intellect in the cheerless
night of ignorance ? The institution of marriage
that national prosperity must bear a direct ratio to
its opulence anti natural advantages, losing,sighrof
the great truth, that by as much as you increase
the wealth* of*a country, just so much the more im
perative the necessity for intelligence to dispose of
and it‘is. the. first example in the history of the
world, ofa pure representative, federative democrat
cy. To say thai man is capable of self govern
ment, is to assert of him two important proposi-
Athens, Leo.. August Gth, 1912.
;>rii
lW«v,
Your note of this date enclosing the resolution of
Alumni .Society, is before me. The address alluded to
not written with the expectation that it would be. publish-
lt;!1 viewing it is the properly of the Society, 1 tool that
lihenv to nrevont them from inakint? what
imy may deem proper. 1 lie aduteas is L
itli linn tni to you.
ough you perm Line to express to the S iriety my
vame'.t ttt tnks tor the kin 1
pleased to e mniuui. ate till
Yours Respectfully, tc ,
H EliSCHEL V. JOHNSON
cnhi&aft. of an ardent attachment-to the Union
of^o WtatJs by all: a sentiment.impressively en
forced by all the prominent incidents, of bur past
tyfetory. Every man ought to leei, that to the ex
eat ofhis influence, he is morally and politically
that wealth, and viytue to prevei*t corruption.— responsible for the result of our great experiment tions; fir:
There is a-s obviously a feeling of monied atistoc-! at self Government. Such a feeling would lead I know how to govern, and, secondly, that he has vir-
racy amongst nations, .as there is amongst itwiiviA- to reflection, caution, prudence ; to examination jn- | tue enough, to give to that intelligence proper di-
to the extent, bearing and obligations of duty. * i rection. Our greqt Republic, therefore, rests its
Hut how*are such sentiments and feelings lit he tremendous hopes upon popular intelligence and
inculcated? It cannot be accomplished in any oth
er in.inner, so efficiently and directly, as by an
unrestricted exercist?of the elective franchise, a
right which most or the States have granted, sub
ject to such conditions and qualifications as are
sumption, that man is capable of self government"; j chant, it spreads before his eye the map of the
,s debasing anil degrading to
the latter, than it is fatal to the.happiness Hid true
glory of the former.
This is a grievous error. r I be prosperity and
greatness of a nation, certainly do not depend, ex
clusively upon its physical resources;—upon its
exhaustless mines of precious ore ; upon the num
ber of its navigable streams ; upon its imports and
exports; upon the fertility of its soil or the geniality
of its atmosphere. For, ifso,1tow inferior would
also, has often been desecrated and perverted to Britain be to Spain! And yet, how much richer
the gratification of the most diabolical and vindic- i tbe latter, in physical wealth ! Italy basks in the
live purposes. It has .cost Kings dteir crowns, anti
kindled the blaze of revolutions which has consumed
globe, designates the channels of commercial inter
course': points out the marts' of trade and describes
the productions and coiniimdiues of every -clime.—
In a word, science penetrates the bosom of the
first, that .lie is* sufficiently intelligent to earth, and exhumes its mines of precious ore. It
removes from tbe beds of rivers,'obstructions to
navigation. It levels mountains, elevates vallies,
and builds rail roads. It propels the roaring loco
motive and tire hounding slop. It annihilates
public virtue. This remark does not possess even space, and brings into commercial and social con
fine charm of novelty. It is often the burden of tact, the remotest points of the globe. It directs
public declamation, and of social colloquy, lit- j tbe mariner across the pathless deep, safe amidst
ieed, it is so trite, that it scarcely strikes the nihid, j storm and billow and darkness. It tames the elc-
as possessing any intrinsic value. But the clmrac-
empires. Will Mr. Burke therefore, extinguish all
same elasticity of air, and reposes beneath the
same serenity of sky, as when Rome flourished
the mistress of the world ; and vet, desolation now
Titruug
l iw hr* 10 lender mj
whirl* \*>u have bee
ul the Society.
e*.s ia Uttwelore
ft»u. ol-
iuer in
ol ut ion
the tender sympathies ol connubial bliss, and hand I reigns, where then resounded the tongue of Tullv,
over Itis r .ce to all the horrors of polygamy ? Re- and the lyre of the Mantuan hard. The North of
hgioo has been made-the garb ot hypocrisy and Africa, in physical advantages, is not surpassed by
viliany, and the occasion of wars which have the South of Europe; and yet for a thousand yeats,
steeped whole nations.in bloo l. Will Mr. Burke, its inhabitants'nave been wrapped in the starless
gloom 01 savage oaroanty.
me meal re ot
deemed necessary for self protection. This brings I ter of our institutions, and their relationship to tbe
evfcrv man directly in contact with his moral aial ! popular will, invest the subject vv itli an importance,
political obligations, and lYirnishes him with a tan-’ which can -only be measured by the incalculable
gihle standard by which, he mav measure the ex- j interests, which aro suspended upon the destiny
tent of his high responsibilities. And if the moral
sense be enlightened, and tlte judgement informed,
tlie patriot can have none oilier than solemn reflec
tions, in casting his vote. It is an act which must
tell lor “ weal or woe” upon the destinies of his
country, which may operate upon the interests of
unborn millions, and dccidcquestions. which involve
the hopes and happiness of the world.
And besides, the right of universal suffrage
brin*** cinr citizen, who a species ot copartnership
lassie associations, and the birth place of heroes alliance with the whole political mass, associated
and philosophers, is now covered with ruins, and fur purposes of Government. To use a business
bending beneath the yoke of relentless oppression; expression, it “gives him an interest in the con
and still, she has the same natural resources, as j cent,” and inspires him with a consciousness of
when Socrates and Rlato animated her halls of
AD»li£l?S.
Nations, like individuals, profess to pursue that
winch will promote their interest and enhance their
happiness. And in both cases, the causes of dis
appointment are similar. On the one hand they
too often mistake as to the proper objects o'" pur
suit ; and on the other, select inadequate means to
accomplish their purpose. Variant, however, as
have been the moles which have "been empl wed,
viiiie lorm of political organization has been deemed
necessary bv all civilized t o.mnuni'ies, to tlie at-
t unmeni olTliis niniiiibit object of national desire.
And perhaps nit subject has received more labour
at the hands of the learned atvl good, than that
winch relates to the form of government best cal- j
1 nUtcd to promote the happiness of man. But in j n
tins, as in every branch ot science, there lias exis
ted great diversity of opinion. And amidst the op-
1 -rin of political organization as. destructive of hu
man happiness.
lit tlie Council of the seven Chic's of Persia, af-
his own importance. l.ct him have a \1fieo in the
therelore, Car down her temples, and scatter
the tour winds her holv riltur^ ! ;Siir*li sentiments
are unworthy of such a mind; but his vindication
of natural society must compel him to embrace
these appalling absurdities. To c^ny Itis views
in o practice, would be to uproot tbe temples of
learning and science ; to demolish every gallery of j learning, and Demosthenes thundered in tliemagcsty
art and deaden the heart to all ihe raptures awa- of his eloquence. Palestine sits under tlie deep
kened by tbe breathing Canvass; to snatch the: shadows ol ignorance and superstition, and yet she is
harp frorp the hand of every minstrel that sweeps adorned with fine same scene.y, watered by tlie j man while he toils for his daily bread', and the sweat
its strings in symphnuious oiferings to Apollo and same rivers and spreads to the sun the same fertile j of industry drips from his manly brow, is happy m
close the ravished ear to nil the melting ecstacies j lands, as she did, under the reign of Solomon's the thought, that he is a freeman. His affections
of Music ; to silence forever the thunder-tones of j sceptre, or when her vallies echoed with the sa- cluster with idolatrous devotion around the Gov
ern.! melody of David's harp. This contrast of past i eminent of his choice, and if ncccssaty for its de-
with present facts, fully illustrates the insufficiency j (cnee, he will freely pour out his blood, as a iiba-
of physical causes, to produce political prosperity : non upon its altars. A mifn animated with the
and greatness. True, they contribute no nisignifi- ' spirit of liberty, cannot love a Government which
1. They furnish the ma-j makes him a slave, and holds him as *
of Aril arietta liberty. Much enthusiasm has
been wasted in ascribing the ditfusion of knowl
edge, to some inherent quality in free institutions.
Poetry and Oratory have paid their warmest trib-
tnents ol nature, into the willing instruments of hu*
•trail enterprise and huumh happiness
But granting the necessity of public education
and morality, l\>r the stability of our Republic; it
may bo asked,are not our people sufficiently enligh
tened and virtuous ? Has not our political machi
nery operated well for more than half a century!
Are we not the fittest and happiest nation upon the
globe ? Are not our prospects bright for the future,
utes to the exaggerated liberty of Greece amj j marred by no obstacle which can impede our prog-
Rome, as the parent of their philosophy and arts.. ress in the high career to greatness and glprv ! Itis
Ardent youth and riper age, have falicn into the er- \ true we present a proud contrast to many ofthedeg-
ror, that popular education is the offspring of ftee j ruded States of Europe. But let it he remembered,
government. But, I had almost said, tlte reverse
is u*u§. j\t mast,-tree institutions eannor'extst; ex
cept in the hands of. an enlightened people. Neith
er Greece nor Rome, enjoyed the shadow of fiber-
tv, until tlie darkness of ignorance was partially
dispelled, and knowledge was emancipated fr.nu
tlte thraldom of a miserable and blind theocracy.’—
that they
j TViK tr tR:j
elevation of those who are to enact the laws by"! Public'inlelltgcnce is the handmaid of freedom ; the system h is worked we
winch lie is to ha governed, and the title to his
homestead is to be regulated, and the lowliest \co
ne under despotisms, whose very exis-
•nOs'xqnm.tlic perpetuation **f \Vreir'igno-
j ranee : whereas our republic, rests the ent.re desti-
jjiy of its unutterable interests upon the enlightened
patriotism and moral sense^of the people. Itis
I "‘oe. that more than half a century has elapsed,
(since the establishment of our republic, and the
But the success is rather
a compliment to the machinery, itself, than to the
intelligence and virtue of our people. For it might
mother, not the daughter of libert
AH admit tbe necessity of enlightened statesman
and legislators. For ' l is erroneously supposed almost be said with truth, that its structure is so
that the destiny of our liberties is in their hands— admirable, that it lias continued to move on in spite
and of late years, we have fallen into the habit of of the adverse influences of popular ignorance ?nd
looking to our government for every thing, for wise j vice. 1 mean no detraction from the genuine uter-
e eloquent e, and shroud in eternal gloom the ere*! melody of David's harp. This contrast of past j eminent of his choice, and if nccessaty for its do- and wholesome laws, for a well regulated citrren- : it and homebred virtues of the American people.—
mmmital hopes of Christianity. with present facts, fully illustrates the insufficiency I fence, he will freely pour out his blood, as a iiba- cy, for plenty of money, and for the ’establishment ! They are as enlightened as could be expected, con-
Civi.izo.l man has therefore judged correctly, in of physical causes, to produce political prosperity j tion upon its altars. A m;fn animated with the ol all the interests of trad# andL labor upon a pe.-i si lering the ever varving, swelling and mixed tide
leciding that some form of political organization, and greatness, 'l'nie, they contribute no iiisiguiti-1 spirit of liberty, cannot love a Government which m meat basis. But. our Republic is in tlte hands j uf emigration, which nas so rapidly coveted our
is an indispensable prerequisite to the attainment \ cant part to such a result. They furnish the ma-1 makes him a slave, and holds him as a mere j of the people ; if it fall, it will be the res »it of some
of n itional prosperity anil happiness. teriats on which popular enterprise may operate.— ! machine in its operations,-bound to render ohedi-1 impurity in the fountain ol power. Let tlie people
i>m how tar have she experiments which have But however inexhaustible their stores ; however j cnee to laws which he lias no voice in enacting.— j be enlightened and virtuous, and no act of usuipa-
been made, fallen short of accomplishing this great the air, earth andValcr may teem with tlie grosser | Ho either sinks into the lethargy of a barely ani- i Hon by the government, no blunder in legislation.
sign! liow impotent to secure the permanent elements ol wealth ; yet the jreople must remain | mated mass of organised matter, or roused to fury I e° stratagem of the demagogue, can endanger our
j tranquility of tlie people, and to protect them poor, imbecile and degraded, uuiess their moral.en-1 by the convulsions of desperation, he is willing to liberties. The corrective power resides in the sov-
j against invasion and oppression ! Greece and ergics be stimulated into action; unless they be - perish in the wreck of his Country’^ overthrow.* ereigntv, and that, being informed of its rights, and
i Rome, during the period ot their existence, passed | taught that theirs and their count ry’s interests are j It is universally admitted, that the products of ag- ! possessing the morality which disposes to judicious
! through all the vicissitudes ot Aristocracy, Mouar- so identical, that the stability of its institutions and j ricuhurc, form the basis of every oilier branch* of j and prudent action, must be invulperabl
- - - . .!.»„» c.mseuuentlv, the permanent protection of | • “ — A —
s ol prosperity and adver- ! lives, inatr prope.i/.i.,., j i.a-di.u uoerty, do- 1 - 1 - '
An in-
- , , ,, ■ , »• •. 1...... ...o l ilu .. ... '*t*- r —,—”T .„ , ™ T »f„r fl anv act of government j telligcnt and virtuous constituentcy will always st--
lorms tiicy had tlieir thiys ol prosperity a tin ad ver- fix is. tn-ir pmpe.iy ...... ....... uoerty, oe- which will tend to dimmish its profits, must be tuju- ’ ie»;v rt-ic presentation or similar character , and \\ ixe
I sity. Hut the mass ol their population were never j pend upon the fidelity and prudence, tbe wisdom , rious to the country, lienee, the necessity for se- j and wholesome lavys will be tbe legi.hnate result.
! enlightened. '1 hey were thereiore always distrae- , and virtue, with winch every citizen, however ob- j curitv of title to property, and an equal distribution j Such a constituentcy will always be industrious and
I ted by intestine broils : and intoxicated with tiie J scure his rank, discharges 1.is duty. | of the burdens ol government. What can be imaij- j economical; and hence, the laws of trade, without
truce of a giddy multitude.—:h<*ir liability to be
i.ii-led liv aml'ilious nspirauis—and b.e frequent
and uitcermin thiciualions of party predominance.
An I with great earnestness.he cxivni
t.i Hiitv and fortune. Darius followed, who, after 1
I estnwing a cotnplim 'Ht upon Magabyses, for the
pood sense displayed in his speech advocated the
1 nmatlon of a Monarchy.* “ It is certain." said !
lie. "that nothing can he imagined, better or more !
’• perfect than the administration of a virtuous mart, j
•• Besides, when a single mm is master, it is more I
“counsels and resolutions. When the Govern-j
• incut is in tin* hands of many, it is impossible,
••but tli it enmity and hatred must arise among
‘•them; for as every one desires his own opinion
••lobe followed, they gradually become "mutual
‘•enemies. Hence arise seditions; front seditions
*■ murders; and from murders, a monarch insensi-
t>l\ heroines necessary. Thus tlie Government
'• at length, is sure to fall into tbe hands-of a sin-
•■g'e person.” Such is the strain in which Darius
pressed his sentiments upon the adoption of the
Council, and accordingly i’ersi.i continue 1 to be a
Monarchy. Tlte statesmen of F.ngland thought,
I cst
fertile lands-; they are as moral as they ever can
be, whilst thty continue to be as they now are, a
demagogue ridden people.
There is still another mode of accounting for the
past success of our political experiment, without
Ascribing it entirely, to ottr .great enlightenment
and morality. Heretofore our government has
been administered mainly by those who assisted in
its establishment, and partook ill the toils of that
revolution, by whose blood and treasure, our liber
ty was purchased. It. our national councils, them
have also generally been st ate of that intrepid
band, to assist by their wisdom and their patriot
ism They haver come up to the performance of
their duties, with ail that pride which attaches to
tlie solicitude, that man naturally feels for the suc
cess of itis own schemes, combined with that noble
spirit of disinterestedness, which animated them
on the field of battle. The government is their
own. machinery—they understood its mechanism—
the laws of its motion, nn.-l the end which it was
Lie slightest j government 1 Would it not cut oil the hope of ac- j our distresses into a fund of “ political capital,” re- designed to accomplish; and if the author of a
been made, to j cumulation ! the incentives to improvement, anti the I spend.to the cry, in promises of “ retrenchment and machine cannot cause .it to operate successfully,
t attention to the management of wealth, or the j stimulus to activity and enterprise ! In his history ■ reform.” Thus we are moving on, the people as 1 ;- I who can '? And besides, having such men at the
liie firs! pure draught Irosn the fount j regulation ot national finances ; or to denounce : of tiie Colonics, llazzard mentions an instance ol’ i ing what the government cannot give, and our f t- | head and in the councils of the nation, the people
And after having struggled for tlie any labour which may have been expended for j „ne of the colonists, who, in w riting to a relative \ trintic rulers promising w hat cannot 1-e executed, willingly entrusted every thing to them, confiding
the discovery and development of nature's hidden in England, congratulates the-scltlers, that they arc \ If we want relief, it must corneas the reward of in- implicitly in their integrity and love of country, so
But to < ipx.se the error of looking to these | frcc-hvlders an ft hat no rent day disturbs them now. j d ustry—if if e want reform.it must consist infilie | that they Jolt comparatively little responsibility or
rather than to moral influences for perina- j p' rom which, we infer that the colonists had already I practice of economy and its kindred train of repub- ! concern, knowing
lilical changes, from monarchy to despotism, and j it is not toy purpose to diseourng
from despotism to monarchy again. But her iirhab- J degree, the tllbrts which n;av hav
Hants have never inhaled the first breath of*free- j
, , dum, or dra
upon the | ^ ’ v | c >d«
loin of rulers selected Iroin the ranks of restate- , 1 . ,- ... - . .
last forty years through these various revolutions,
she has relapse 1 again into her ancient despotism.
Franco, from the earliest period ot her history un
til the revolution, winch commenced in 17M», was
under an absolute hereditary monarchy ; and yet
tores.
sources. ^ ^
licnt national prosperity and happiness. i began to feel the pride of being lords of the '.soil j iicnu virtues And all must commence and c< ..
Your indulgent attention is therefore respectful-1 which thfey tilled. Already had it quickened the linue with the people. We must cease to dep.ea.
that those who built tlie fabric
spirit ol freedom, and kindled the tires which
her people were, (and it might be added arc now,) | ly solicited to the consideration of some of the tnor- i
ever and anon distracted by iuiesiine broils, and al causes of national greatness. Of course, it will j ii 1Vi liy melted oil" the chain of British oppression,
bowed under the burdens ol the feudal system, j be expected, that such considerations w ill be an- J am j consm ncd like chaff the mercenary tax-gather-
Brilain, glory in*
in her bictulcd monarchy, aspires owfi dimes*.""
to give lessons to the world in religion, science and
government. But in the progress of our remarks,
we shall have occasion to notice tbe oppressions
and injustice which Ireland has suffered under her
sway. And if we were to glance at all the govern
ments, which have ever existed from the beginning
of authentic history down to tiie present period, we
should not find one, that has afforded permanent
peace and happiness to its subjects. All have ter
minated in the blasted hopes of benevolence, and
the unfulfilled promises of patriots and statesmen.
Indeed, ihe history of the world is hut a panoramic
One of the most remarkable features of our gov
ernment, is, thatns spirit is essentially pacific, and
its principles, eminently those cf equality and jus
tice. How important that we cherish live one, and
understand the other! We rest under the banner
of peace at home, and tender the olive branch, to
the enslaved and oppressed of every land. We
never draw the sword, but for purposes of defence.
We reject the idea that liberty lives only in-revolu
tion. We build not our glory upon extensive
and "unholy conquest. We ask not loreigtt respect,
as an unwelcome compliment to our prowess in
'■••t neither aristocracy nor monarchy was i cst v j ew 0 i'.x»;ty republics, monarchies,aristocracies and ! arms, but it is voided to us as a tribute to the sitn-
s.filed i*t tlie condition ol that country, and there- ( i (JS .. ot j smg which have no.sooner risen to the sur- ! plicity, the beauty and the grandeur of the design
lore both forms are blended in her political struc- ot political ocean, than they have been I of our admirable republic. And lor the successful
lure. \\ hat has been tlte practical success of , af r n i n beneath its waves by tiie storm of rev- I nourishment, and duration of this spirit, how ossen-
some of these various systems of government, will , 0 j u ,; )>n- ° | ti.vl that vve adhere through all time to our beuevo-
lacidentally appear in the remainr ig remarks, wliicli q'hj s condition of things has very naturally led | lent policy of neutrality amongst contending pow-
1 propose to submit, hut let it suhire here to oh- (f> en ies j, lto ,i lc caug es of nmional decline and j ers ; and that we maintain a scrupulous observance
vu-ve m general terms. Unit their history isIKtle else I l|ati()l ; al prosperity ; enquiries which have elicited <>f all treaty stipulations! If the political elements
’ ’ abroad and around, are wrought into storm and
tempest, and the world trembles under tlie thunders
And influenced by that law
of mind, by w Inch, every one becomes w edded to his
'TTte’imYi'jsh an*! grasping parliament
exemplified by reference to Hjvvn
times. We might trace it in the popular convul
sions of Rhode Island, in the movements of wild and
relentless fanaticism, in the levelling fooleries of
agrarianism, and in the loud and extensive clamorfor
protective duties. But for prudential considera
tions, I will turn from these topics and offer an il
lustration from a page of Irish history. I never
think of Ireland, but the thought suggests a compli
ment to her generous hospitality, her fervid patriot
ism, and her glow ing genius. From the time ol tlie
intent—the princitad upon his agent
on hi:< serrymt; -’i'brs is a fiwff'ti! or
on our govern:
ttic nmsrer upon
ror, because it reverses the order of our system.—
It is making the legislative will' the governor, in-
is*r!(;ulfly r *feaii'fu]p\\ VicTd’
with the fact, that the great majority of our states
men are demagogues, who have a direct interest in
blinding the people and pandering to their prejndi
understood best how to preserve it from ruin and de
cay. And in adui'iott to all this, there have lived
among us many of the soldiers of the revolution.—
Their sears, tlieir furrowed cheeks, their bended
forms, and their thrilling tales of patriotic adventure
amidst the scenes.“.wintdxArus;!. men's souls.” ha^e
ttti-acSmtems^MSR:
cued the asperity of party rancour. But these
ddvs have passed by ; our fathers are gone; Wash
ington and Jefferson ; Adams and Monroe; Madi-
ccs and passions; and that too many of our legis- son and Marshall have passed into eternity. And
lators seek election, because it can be obtained | there scarcely lingers amongst us a soldier of the
without tlie qualification of merit, and the per diem j revolution, to shelter under the tree of libertv,
offers a bounty to their laziness, and furnishes tin; | which his own blood has watered. We are now
means of indulging itrvice. What avail our boasted i thrown upon our own resources, like children who
written constitutions, if their preservation is to be j have -taken*their patrimony and bid adieu to the
entrusted to those, who obtain tlieir .authority, by j parental roof. The period has now arrived which
invasion of Henry 11. in the year 1150, to 17st3 v a 'Be success of their fraud and* deception, upon a must test our system. It cannot stand much long-
gloomy period of more tlpin 600 years, Catholic credulous and confiding people? What, if we er upon the intrinsic exi-dlenceof its structure.—
Ireland nroaijcd under the proscriptive policy of boast our popular rights, if we do not understand | I;s adhesive principle is public virtue. Its dircct-
, , . . . , . , the proudest efforts of human genius. It has dial
er llm injuries and oppression j ‘ , researches of historians, statesmen and
And hence, the or.gtn._of that ^i,^ economists. ' " ' " “ "
other class of philosophers to whom allusion has
wars and carnage
lespotic povv
* , * — 1 *»*1 'Uq Mll>llll«UQI»:| Ol
civil government, and advocate the state oimiture.
And not tlie least prominent among these, stands
Edmund Burke of Engiand.f He has written a
labored vindication ot natural society, and <!e-
nouaced every species of political government,
winch has ever existed from the time of .Sescstris
to that in which he wrote, not even excepting the
boasted fabric of British monarchy, lie charges
ail ifio bloodshed and desolation which have lol-
1 on *■ 1 ihe march of revolution to civil institutions.
Rut this is only additional evidence, that the most
le inicd men are not always the most correct in
signed as a reason for the decline or prosperity of
governments, lire neglect or fostering of tlieir own
peculiar branch of philosophy. The historian
nraises or blames, according to his party sympa
thies and associations, the policy of each succeed
ing administration. The statesman, affectinggreat-
er sagacity, detects.imperfectiOus in the system it
self, and with the confidence cf prophecy, descants
upon his own proposed amendments. The aristo
crat grow ls at Democracy. The republican thun
ders against monarchy. And the advocate tor the
“ Divine right” of Kings, like Darius of old, is en-
aise of tlie wisdom and power of a
Government, whose sceptre resides iff the hands of
a single man. The political economist fancies
■elutation, o all toat lie has writ- j l( :| j| lliU j ulla i prosperity depends upon tlie prop-
>n ol natural society*. His oiiad L r m amigement of its wealth; and thereiore the
pd, refined and vivified By the gem- ( s 5 , 10 forilin fi , om u ilh his profound elab-
Im 1 el li*nm Itritiwli met 11 11111111 o I .
tlieir conclusions, and that the ttoolest endowments •,, „ ■ .
. . 1 ■ r 1 tliusiastic in pr.11.-
ol intellect are sometimes exerted in toe cause ol | , . ........
error. Mr. Burke’s own extraordinary pow ers fur
nish conclusive refutation, of all that he has writ
ten in vindication
expanded, warmed
al light which hca-rn d from British institutions,'
gave birth to Itis celebrated essay on the “ Sub
lime and Beautiful;” while it challenges the admi
ration of the world, and the gratitude of American j crcc , jt anJ CX( . h ., , liroclailns Bank
P uvmt.sm by the nobleness of tts conceptions, and j C(Jimtry - s .. anchor of hope.”
the fervid enthusiasm ot Us imagery in hts Speech h ^ last cenlury has been tlie tone in
on American taxation in the Parliament of 1 * <4. 1 1
Bill Mr. Burke ha3 fallen out with the abuse of
Government. And anticipating this objection to
I orations concerning us creation, distribution and
j consumption. And the financier, whose feelings
! and modes of thought, all associate themselves
*2 vol. Burhuniqni Nat. and Pol’t. Law.
tit ii is due to Mr. Burke to remark, di.it it is supposed en
tii-*li authoritv, that he wrote this vindication of natural soei-ty.
iu order “U* expose the dangerous tendency of Lord Boling-
l.roke’s phUosop’.iv.” But it would tie very didi. ult fir an im
partial reader to diset,ver anv such design. Indeed, tiie letter
tn'g’.it mire properly have beea terms 1 an argument against
all political organizations, than ** a vindication of natural -soci
ety." For die burden of tiie “ vindication” is not die praise
of tlte state of nature,but a general wholesale condemnation of
all forms of government, as fatal to the happiness and welUieing
of mankind And this fact bat increases the danger of tlte let
ter, to tlie youthful reader. It aims to strike at the root of all
*• artificial society," without a candid and prominent presenta
tion of the ncecssarv alternative, which must be a condition of
savage anarchy,
Mr. Burke commences his” vindicatii
’ bv
which the science of government has Iteen dis
cussed, and the causes of national prosperity and
decline delineated. In th** contest, England boasts
her Humes and Paleys; France, Jter Sistnondi, .Say
and l)upin; Italy, her Beccaria, Garraeciolo and
d'Orco ; and the firmament of American genius
glows with stars of not inferior lustre. * Old theo
ries have been examined and exploded; new max
ims havo been adopted. Tlte subjects ol free-trade;
the encouragement of domestic manufactures by
legislative protection; the investment of capital;
the policy rif national internal improvements; tlie
standard of value ; and the propriety of colonial es
tablishments, have all undergone the most thorough
investigation with a view to tlieir effects upon political
prosperity. And vet, where in all the history of the
succinctly enumerating the millions slititt in battle, front the I past, or the map of the present, do you find the people
time uf Sesoairis down; anti then suvs, “ I charge the whole of \ whose government is felt only in the blessings it con-
ihcse effect* on political Society." Itt proof of this assertion he j f els ? Where do you find the Governmentthat secures
remark*, that in a state of nature men would not agree in ttutn- ._ f-^rv, in’n.-tlnn
|.er» aufftcient to work each de.xtrucuon of life, mid that nature
ha* furnished them with " no means adequate to such au end.”
He then enters into a minute examination Of the structure and
tendencies of all tlte forms of Government; despotism, aristoc
racy and democracy; an t in a tone of most severe, but appar
ently rautiou* criticism, he speaks of the mixed monarchy of
Britain, and censures every l’rtitee as having •• by fraud or vi
olence, made some infringement on iheConslitotiSn." Whence
he concludes that each form of Government isbut another name
l’or tyrnnnv. Mr. Burke remarks next upon die uncertainty,
injustice, oppression, and delay in the administration of the law
bv courts. And the last step in the argument is based upon
the inequalircs in society. Snch as poverty and wealth, in
which all the miseries ol poverty am! labour, are charged to
the account of civil society. This whole vindication of nature
is conducted with an nir of the utmost gravity, often in a spirit
of the bitterest severity, and throughout with great plausibility •
and speciousness of argument and fo*ce of language. What
ever, therefore, may have teen the real des-gn of Mr. Bnrke,
whether to utter his own sentiments, or to expose the philoso
phy of Botingbroke; his vindication is well calculated to lead
the youns reader into error, and to familiarize his mind vritti
the mostdtighly coloured condemnation of all the forms of -ex
isting society. And besides, the morality of promulgating er
roneous sentiment*, with the copcealed design of exposing the
errors of others, is very questionable. Is it not doing " evil
that good msy come ?" But admitting that Mr. BoiTke did not
really uuer his true sentiment*, and that his design was that
which is noticed above, it does not interfere with.mv object in
the body of my address. It is my purpose not to hold up Mr.
Burk* ui therondemnation of the world, but to expose the er
ror of that philasttpby, which, to say the least he teem? to favour
sod promulgate.
to its subjects exemption front intestine commotions,
and the moral ravages of party dissensions, .and
which, to the eye of casual- observation, does not
present the elements of dissolution ? -And why is
it thus ? Is it attributable to imperfection in the
machinery itsclT? Or to the improper management
of its wealth ? Or to the want of integrity and wis
dom in its administration ? Or to the absence of
skill in tlte management of its finances ? Doubt
less to each of these causes, in part, m sv be justly
assigned the destruction of governments, which in
their origin protrflsed all that benevolence and pa
triotism could hope. But generally, all these caus
es have combined with others, which have been al
most entirely overlooked, to produce overthrow and
dissolution. It has mainly been forgotten that the
great error <»f all administrations has consisted in the
neglect of such a course of policy, as would pro
mote the diffusion of popular intelligence, and do-
velope the moral energies of the people. Amidst
the zeal for tlie proper management of national
wealth, it has been too much forgotten that the
cultivation of the sciences, is indispensable to
the discovery and disposition of nature's hidden
stores. Governments, like individuals, are' too
prone to pursue wealth in its grosser sense ; and
j the law-making grower seems to have considered,
of wars and kingdoms sink beneath deluges of blood,
while our rights are respected, our flag not Resulted,
- jl.v-uuMtu, . 1...--a v- -*<- atltcr
emotions butthoseof sympathy lorsuiierirtjrliunian-
ity, and we offer no interference, but by interce
ding for reconciliation. Let us pursue the even
path of Republican simplicity, amidst* the din, and
clangour, aid fury of belligerant powers, dispen
sing the radiations of light and comfort, and illus
trating the great’principles of human liberty by the
happiness which their enjoyment confers. We are
to bo prompt in repelling insult, and it will not he
incompatible with the pacific spirit of our institu
tions. But we are to remember also, that ;!ie histo
ry of revolution is the history of oppression ; and
that the history of the sword is the history of blood.
It destroyed the Achaean confederacy. It placed
the Amphyclior.ic council, at the feet of an ambi
tious Philip. It desolated the republics of modern
Italy. It strangled freedom in its infancy, in gal
lant Poland. And in revolutionary France, on the
ruins of religion and morality, it' established the
reign of anarchy, and erected the flag of atheism.
I rue, for some, it has achieved their liberties. It
shielded Greece from the invasion of Persia—
“emancipated Switzerland and Holland, restored
Bruce to the throne, and brought Charles to the
scaffold.” It redeemed our pledge of 177C. But
all this had been nothing, if tlie'sword had been
wielded by the hand of ambition, grasping for pow
er and dominion, instead of battling for peace and
enlightened liberty. The'American revolution was
fought in tht* spirit of peace: the genius of relig
ion presided over our arms, directed our battles, an
imated ou'r patriotism and tired our courage. And
when the trump of war was hushed, and Washington
exchanged his military uniform, for the costume of
the citizen, all his ambition was absorbed in the
love of country, and true to the hopes of bleeding
patriotism and throbbing philanthropy, unlike all
ether clueftains, he assists in framing a government,
whose principles, and aim. and policy are peace
with the world. The Eagle assumed the gentle
ness of the dove, and the song of peace warbled on
every mountain summit, sighed through every vale,
-sind poured its melody over every spicy landscape.
Its notes still greet us in every hall of learning, in
every academy of science, in every gallery of a^t,
and every templaof religion, and bid us as a peo
ple refute and confound the maxim that “ republics
are ambitious.” And it thunders to us in the lan
guage of tlie immortal Washington, stereotyped
ujioii tlie tablet of -his country's heart, “observe
good faith and justice towards all nations ; cultivate
peace and harmony icith all." 1 *
Another characteristic of American institutions,
is that tliey are decidedly popular and have their
basis in public opinion. The relationship of
tlie federal and State Governments is so adjusted,
that tliQ existence of both depends upon popular
support. AU power emanates from and resides in
the people, lienee, the obvious necessity for the
Government to pursue such a course of policy, as
to impress every citizen with the identity between his
own and his country's interest. Each must feel
that he ran promote his men, only by promoting the
public good. These propositions grow out of the
very structure of our Republic; and they are too
axiomatic to require demonstration. ’ And they
-naturally suggest the importance of a strict adher
ence to our* Constitution,, by our rulers, and the
’Washington's Farewell Address. A*. Marsh. *01,,
proscriptive pol
EnglandT’which denied her people the exercise of 'hem, and confide their protection to those whose ! ing and controlling influence is public intelligence
the elective franchise. And even then, tlreir enc ' s can on b’ho subserved by their abase ? What j Corrupt .the one, and it will tumble to atoms; de-
haughtv mistress deigned to pass an act, which * s 'h e value of the recollections of a gallant and he-1 stroy the other, and its own centrifugal force will
allowed them to vote, only for members ol"parliarpent | ro ' e ancestry, unless we cultivate their spirit and j drive it from its orbit, and clash it to ruins,
and corporations, without taking the oaths of alleg’i- c mala;e tlieir virtues ? If then it be important that I I ntn now prepared to answer tire question, -
ante and supremacy. In 1708 a general rebellion "tiers should he enlightened, let the people be ed-; whether tve are not suftl- iently intelligent and rnor- I
arose, which scarcely remitted in its fury, till 18*20. scared, f or they arc the rulers—they legislate for j al, for all tiie purposes of self government. To lis- j
Then' and not till then, did the clamor for reform ! themselves, though they do it by proxy. Ecliu ate j ten to some of our Itli of July orations, which are
become sufficiently imperative, to force the parlia- | '* le people, and you arm them against the machina- | generally raade up of the most turgid self-adulation,
ment of England to pass the act of Catholic einan- j riu . ns ol ambitious aspirant ; and, as with the j a stranger might naturally infer mat we are a very
cioatiufl The**, *»"<* •ttTit | t;ii, v\ei# CUiliollvb sluahl af Minerva, you protect them against every l enlightened and religious people—that there aro
peftnfftgiTto sit in both houses ol the national legis-! seductive assault upon their virtue,
lature, and hold all civil and military offices under 1 Education is not only necessary as the only sc--
the crown. Again, in 1170, Henry II. by the ex- j curity of our free institutions : but it is valuable for
ercise of the most arbitrary power, divided nearly 1 'h e happiness which it confess, and the profit winch
the whole of Ireland, between ten men, whose it yields. What would any educated man in this
assembly receive in exchange, for the intellectual
enjoyment which he derives from his intercourse
with books ! Who. but those that have experien
ced it, can appreciate tiie mental happiness which
springs from communion with the mighty dead of
■ttlier times—from accompanying the great New
ton,-as by the light of Astronomy, he explores the
starry firmament and traces the’ mysterious chain
of attraction which hinds in harmony and order the
v'ast mechanism of the solar svstem ? Who that
names are odiously interwoven with tlie incidents
of her subsequent history.f This act of untnixed
oppression, divested tiie inhabitants ofa title inter
est in the soil, and gave rise to the present despica
ble system of absenteeism, which for nearly seven
hundred years has bowed tlieir spirits, and entailed
upon them the most abject poverty and wretched
ness. It has rendered their industry and labour trib
utary to English pride and extravagance. Heart-
ess and selfish absentees, fatten and pamper and
luxuriate upon the hard earnings of Hibernia's op- j lias » ot felt can know the felicity of surveying
pressed and toil worn sons of penury. But, if per- ' wilh Locke the empire q! mind, and tracing to tlieir
milled to have exercised tlie elective franchise, could ] sources, the streams of passion, and desire, and
the Irish people have been thus stripped of the title thought? W ho, that is ignorant of natural Histo-
to the inch of land which they cultivated, and which | r ?* c;tn sympathise m the rapture of ns devotee, as
yielded them their daily bread? Could they have 1 he reulis lhe wisdom and benevolence of God, in
been thus bound in tho iron fetters of poverty, de-1 lhc humblest flower that “ wastes ns fragrance on
pendence and ignorance ? Would they manifest thft dussrl air ~ an(l thc demonstration oi tlte Dt-
- - -• ~* • * • • vinity of the scriptures, as he traces the foot-prints
of the flood, which marched in desolation over
mountain summits, and verdant plains and populous
bey
heir present disaffection to their national govern
ment? Who can" read the story of tlieir wrongs,
aqdnotbe roused to sentiments of indignation? Brit
ain may boast of her colossal fabric of monarchy—
of her freedom and her power—of her wisdom and
her virtue; aye, and she mav send oyer her emissa
ries, to enlighten us upon the principles of human
riohts and of philanthropy, but heaven.knows there
is a wide field for her commiseration at home. And
the cries of oppressed Ireland, stamp with the sig
net of hypocrisy, all her sickly demonstrations of
solicitude for humanity and justice. But, thank
God ! thc day of retribution is at hand. The thun
der of O’Connell’s voice, has awoke the lion of liber
ty fi'omhis bed of chains: the period comes apace,
wheh this restless, impatient and goaded kingdom
of the British empire, will vindicate its rights and
redress its wrongs. Now if there be any thing
in the aspect of our present affairs, which reminds
us of the value of the elective franchise and of se
curity of title to property, any thing which whispers
the necessity of equality in the burdens of govern
ment, let us. be admonished by the history, of other
times and other men. ,
It has been already intimated that our govern
ment is essentially popular in its character, hav
ing its foundation in the will and affections of the
people. Our political system rests’ upon the pre-
*[„ thinktner and speaking about the elective franchise, we
are pronp to become excited on the proposition of universal
equality, and to vie w it as matter of abstract right. This is all
well enough; for it is compatible with the fundamental maxim
of onr government, that taan is capable of self-yrrr era Trent- And
it is upon this ground mainly, that the doctrine of universal suf
frage has prevailed in the United States. But to my mind the
moral influence, which accompanies and springs out of the ex
ercise of tlte right, i3 by far a stronger argument in its favour
the affairs of the goverritnent. It involves him in its destiny,
whether favourable or unfavourable. Hence, the obligations
of dutv, the extent of his influence, and the result oflus acuons
are all brought to bear upon his judgement and moral sense.
It is the surest method of fixing his attections upon the Govern*
ment. He will lore this, because it treats him *iih the respept
ofa freeman, and invests him with the dignity or a-counsellor,
whose voice is to be consulted in evctyscl ot Government.
tViz. Earl Streugbow. Fitzstephen. Cogan, Brttce. De J,aey.
De Convey, De-Btttke. Claire, GramUsmt ami Le Poir. .
cities ! Education is a companion in solitude, it
affords recreation in the lassitude of cqrroding caie,
and support under the pressure of adversity; it
brings comfort in the winter of life, after time has
satiated thc appetite for the gaveties and hilarities
of youth; and it is a‘friend, “ that sticketh closer
than a brother,” when misfortune has driven its
possessor to the vale of poverty. It “ is better than
rubies ; and all the things that may be desired, are
not to be compared to it.”
****••“ Not Ophir’s*gold,
Nor Ethiopa’s gems can match her price !
•The ruby of the mine is pale before her !
And. like thc oil Elisha’s bounty bless’d.
Site is a treasure which doth grow by use,
And multiply by spending! She contains,
Within herself the sum of excellence.”
Hannah More.
Wealth is the result of industry and enterprise,
and, as before remarked, constitutes no insignifi
cant item in national greatness. Whatever there
fore has a tendency to make industry more produc
tive, and enterprise more successful, must be con
ducive to political prosperity. Here the influence
of education is incalculable and so all-pervading,
that it is riot easv to point out the mode of its ope
ration ; although it were more difficult to select,
than to adduce illustrations of the truth. It is a
prevalent error, that none but those who are enga
ged in the learned professions, need a liberal edu
cation. By common consent, it is admitted, that
the lawyer, the doctor and divine, ought to be ver
sed in the sciences. . But by many, it is deemed a
prodigal expenditurf-of money, for the agriculturist,
the mechanic, and the merchant to delve amongst
the researches of philosophy, llow fatal the delu
sion! The successful prosecution of either of
these branches of industiy, depends upon the prop
er application of scientific principles. For the ag
riculturalist, science directs his location, fertilizes
his soil, and enlarges bis production—rfor the me
chanic, it instructs in the laws of motion, the ad
justment of proportions, the rules of eornhjaatuin,
and the selection of materials—and for the. mot*
t:otie amongst us who cannot read nor write—that
every vicinage encircles an academy—that sabbath
schools bloom like roses in every desert; and that
here at least, human nature is never shocked and
disgraced, by !iic loathsome bowlings of the mise
rable inebriate. But al.is! how facts put these
Utopian visions to flight' The census of 1810,
shows the white population of the United States to
be a fraction over fourteen millions. Of this num
ber 0,139.6:18 are over the age of twenty years, of
wlion. 5i9.G33r.in neither read nor write. That
is to say, about one out of eleven, or ninp per cent,
of our. white population, who have passed the age
for scholastic instruction, are ignorant of their al-
phabefand liable to be deceived by the designing
and corrupted by the vicious. Again, there are in’
thc United States, 7,019,110 whitek under the age
of twenty years, and consequently fit subjects for
education ;* and of that number, there are hut
2.313,508,who are engaged at schools. It is cer
tainly trite, that many of these millions who are in
their minority, have received, some a good educa
tion, and others, a smattering of its simplest ele
mentary-branches; but who can doubt that there
are hundreds and thousands who will end tlieir
days in tho darkness of unlettered ignorance?
in Georgia, there are 30,717 whites, over the
age of twenty years, who can neither read nor write, j
a fraction less than one sixth of our whole adult
population. Now as the aggregate adult male pop-
ulation exceeds that of the female by eight thou:
sand, it cannot be an unreasonable supposition, to
conclude, that of t*.e 30.717 who can neither read
nor write, at least twelve thousand are voters;
whose influence is to decide the great questions of
politics Which engage the public mind, and "to aid
in fixing and determining the destiny of our great
republic. What a field for deinagoguism ! How
prolific its soil, for the, growth of vice! Of the
248,802 youths of Georgia under the age of jwenty
years, there are but 23.394 who are employed in
receiving instruction; the ftreat mass of the bal
ance, are doubtless children of povertv to whom
the portals of science will he-for ever closed.
Again ; From tlje year 1790, up to the present
period, thfire have been consumed in the United
States, an annual average of at least 100 millions
of gallons of intoxicating spirit, at a cost, of almost
as many dollars; which sum, if directed into chan
nels of education and morality, would have erected
an academy and a church in every district of our
widely extended territory.
These facts are startling and humiliating; but
they exist. Those who live'in thq refinements of
our cities, surrounded by the comforts and luxuries
of life ; and those too who move ift the more intel
ligent throngs of society, which adorn the weal
thier.sections of our country, hardly can appreciate
the value of theirdistinguished blessings. Nor oari
they conceive <#the destitution, and ignorance, and
vyant, which exist, in many regions of our beloved
Georgia. But let them ponder upon these statis
tics; and add, to them, the reports of the States'
Solicitors, tiie narratives of the circuit lawyers, and
the moVe thrilling details of the. itinerant clergy
who wander amidst the highways and ’ hedges,
preaching the gospel to the poor; and it presents a
picture, which pains evary fibre of the patriot’s arid
Christian's heart. With such lestiindny before* us,
(and the ffatf not Void) wo . cease to marvel, that
