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good care lo divide the patronage and offi ces, both of the (Seneral and State Govern ments, among themselves and thetr depend ents. But why say witt / Is it not already the easel Have there not been many in stances of State Conventions being filled fay office holders and office seekers, who, after making the nomination, have divided the of fices in the State among themselves and their partisans, and joined in recommend* in® to the candidate whom they had just nominated to appoint them to the offices to which they have been respectively alloted. If such be the efise in the infancy of the system, it must end, if such conventions should become the established usage- in the President's nominating his successor. When it comes to that, it will not be long before the sword will take the place of the Consti tution. Such are my objections to the mode in which the proposed Convention is to be constituted, and my reasons for entertaining them. They are such, that 1 cannot refuse to obey them without renouncing the prin ciples which 1 have otlen avowed in public and private, and which have guided me through the whole course of my public life. In coming to this conclusion, 1 have not passed over, without careful examination, the reasons assigned by its advocates for constituting ihe Convention ns they propose. They have not diminished the force of my objections. I propose to notice the most prominent. That which they have urged with the greatest confidence, is, that each State has a right to appoint Delegates as the pleases.— 1 meet U by'uTTeriy denying that there is any such right. That each State has the right to act as it pleases, in whatever relates to itself exclusively, no one will deny; but it is a perfectly novel doctrine, that any State has such a right, when she comes to act in concert with others in reference .to what concerns the whole. In such cases it is the plainest dictate of common sense, that whatever affects the whole should be regu lated by the mutual consent of all, and not by the discretion of each. That the ap pointment of Delegates to the proposed Con vention is a case of this description,! trust 1 have conclusively shown. 1 have, l also trust, shown more, that the supposed right is perfectly deceptive, for while it claims for each State the right to appoint Delegates as it pleases, it in reality gives the larger Slates the right to dictate how the other shall ap point. If, for example, the Empire State, as ‘ v ’ Ilha mrtrlo of nnnnitltitl" her Much less, Still, can 1 give roy support to any ehudidate, who shall give his aid or countenance to the agitation of abolition in Congress or elsewhere; or whose promi nent iuid influential friends and supporters shall. I doubt the sincerity of any man, who declares he is no abolitionist, whilst at the same time, he.aids or countenances the agitation of the question, be his pretext what it may. If we have a right to our slaves, we have the right to hold them in peace and quiet, if the Constitution guarantees the one, it guarantees the other; and if it forbids the'one from being attacked, it equally for bids the' other. Indeed the one stande'to the other, as means to an end, and is so av owed by the abolitionists; and on the plainest principles of morals, if the end be prohibited, the means of effecting it also are. Of the two, I regard the deluded fanatic far less guilty and dangerous than he, who, for political or party purposes, aids or counte nances him, in what he knows is intended todo tlint, which he acknowledges to be for bidden by the Constitution. It is time that an end should- be put te this system of plunder and agnation.— They have been borne long enough. They are kiudred measures and hostile, as far, at least, as one portion of the Union is concur lied. While the tariff takes from ns the pro ceeds of our labor, abolition strikes at the labor itself. The one robs ns of onr in come, while the other aims at destroying the source from which that income is derived. It is impossible for ns to stand patiently much longer, under their double operation without being impoverished and jruiued. * u s ^ QHN caLHO UN. tradistinguisfoit from principle; and they a may indicate, by their course here, thatpol- C ONGRESS. a§J adopts the- mode of nppointin- \vTnch wul concentrate whole strength, what discretion would she leave to others, if they go into Convention, but to appoint, as she has appointed, or to be ruled by her. It is then, neither more nor less tl'snn a claim to dictate, under the garb of a right, and such its exercise has proved in the present case. It has left no option, but to conform to her cotuse, or be overrnledjor refuse to go into the Conven tion. 1 regret this, because 1 sincerely desire to preserve the harmony of the party. I had strong hope that the rally after the defeat of 1840 would be exclusively on principles.— This hope was greatly strengthened by the truly republican stand taken at the extra session, and the earlier portion of the suc ceeding regular session. During that peri od of rigid adherence to principle, perfect harmony pervaded the ranks of the party.— I beheld it with joy. 1 believed the moment highly favorable for the thorough reforma tion of the Government and the restoration of the Constitution. To the republican par ty, I looked tor the accomplishment of this great work: and I accordingly feltthedeep- est solicitude, that the stand taken, and the harmony which existed, should be preserv ed. In order that It should, I made up my mind to waive the objection, which I have long entertained to any intermediate body, unknown to the Constitution, between the people and the election of the President, in the hope that the proposed Convention would be so constituted, that I might, con sistently with my principles, give it my sup port. In this 1 have been disappointed, and being so, 1 am compelled to decide ns I have done. The same motives which impelled me to separate from the admi»>e»*«*»»®« nf Gen. Jackson, in the plenitude of its power, and to come to the rescue of Mr. Van Bu- ren’s at its greatest depression, compels me now to withhold my name from the propos ed Convention. Having now as§igned my reasons for re fusing to permit my name to go before the Baltimore Convention, it rests with you who have placed it before the people, and assent ed to abide by a Convention fairly constitu- ted, to determine what conrseyouwill pursue. Be your decision what it may, 1 shall be content. But 1 regard it as due to the occa sion, to you and myself, to declare that un der no circumstances whatever shall I sup port any candidate, who is opposed io free trade, and in favor of the protective policy, or whose prominent and influential friends and snpporters are. 1 hold the policy to lie another name for a system of monopoly and plunder, and to be thoroughly anti-republi can and federal in its character. 1 also hold that so long as the duties are so laid as to be in fact bounties to one portion of the community, while they operate os oppressive taxes on the other, there can be no hope that the Government can be reformed, or that its expenditures will be reduced to the proper standard. •- - . . Were 1, with the evidences before me, to say otherwise of my course, it would be, practically, to declare that I regard the pro tective policy to be an open question, so iar ns the party is concerned ; which 1 would consider, on my,part, a virtual abandonment of the cause of Free Trade. That can nev er be. 1 have done and suffered too much for it, when its friends were few and feeble, to abandon it now—now, when the auspi ces everywhere, on this and the other side of the Atlantic, proclaim the approaching downfall of protection and the permanent triumph of Free Trade, t, who upheld it against monopoly and-plunder, in the worst of times, and braved the menaces of Admin istration and Opposition, when backed but t>y a single Slate,—will not, cannot abandon the glorious cause now, when its banner waves In proud triumph over the metropo lis of the commercial world. No, 1 shall maintain immoveably the ground I have so long occupied, until 1 have witnessed its great and final victory, if it shall please the Disposer of Events to spare my life so long. Jt will be, indeed,®victory—theharbingerof n new and brighter and higher civilization. • Speech of Mr. Black, OF GEORGIA. In the House of Representatives, Friday, January 5,1844—On the 21st rule. Mr. Dromgoole having moved to recom mit the report ol the Committee bn Rules, that it might have a reconsideration by a full attendance of the committee— Mr. Black said he should vote for the mo tion ot the gentleman from Virginia to re commit ; but he desired to amend the mo tion, if he was in order in doing so, for the purpose of bringing the House to a test on the question, which was all important to the Southern portion of this country. He proposed to amend the motion of the gentle man from Virginia by »ho addition ofjli- struc'. ions to that committee to report the 21st rule of the last Congress as one of the rules of this House. [The Clerk, at the request of the gentle man from Georgia, read the rule to which he referred. It was the old 21st rule on the subject of abolition petitions, iu the following words: ; : «No petition, memorial, resolution, or other paper, praying the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, or any State or Territory, or the slave-trade between the States or Territories of the United States in which it now exists, shall be received by this House, or entertained in any way what ever.”] Mr. Black proceeded to say, it was use less to mince this matter. Sir, said lie, 1 understand that the rule just read by the Clerk is omitted in the report of the commit tee; and my purpose in mneinp ihic in struction is to test the sense of the House on icy is-to have priority over principle. If there be such combinations,, and purposes fo accomplish, with whatever view, I know them not, and will have nothing to do with them. For myself, 1 haVte a high duty* to perform, regardless of considerations of mere party expediency; and that duty 1 will per form fearlessly, at least, and independently of trammels or discipline of any sort. Sir, if I could be so lost to a proper sense of the obligations which rest on me, as to witness these attacks upon the interests of the South with fftfaolness amounting to in difference, I should forfeit, as 1 ought, Hie confidence with which the people of Geor gia have heretofore honored me. What, let me ask, is the occasion of the excitement which I confess I feel ? A majority of the Committee on Roles has reported to us a code for the gpvernment of the federal leg islation of'the conntry, ivhich will permit the incendiary alolitionist, with treason in his heart,.mid a lie on his tongue, to walk into this House, and, day after day, vilify, traduce, and insult the whole constituency or the South. Shall l remain quiet and keep cool, when this thing is being accom plished under.my very eye? Sir, when the South is laid eold, 1, too, will be so; but not nntii then;- - Mr. Gilmer asked if the gentleman from Georgia alluded to him. Mr. Black. The recent explanation of the gentleman from Virginia excludes him from my allusion. I was saying for my- c«lf, independently of any man, that 1 would not, keep cool when preparations are mak ing here, in our very midst, to destroy the only restraint on these “friends ot human liberty,” who are to be let loose in this hall to assail, with all the weapons of falsehood and vituperation, the institutions and inter ests I am here to maintain and defend. No, 1 will permit no considerations of mere boliiionism lifts its Gorgon head in this House, 1 know no party but that which sus tains the rights and^ interests of my constitu enis, and the guaranties of the Constitution. When this question comes again before the House from the committee, I will speak more at large on the subject. 1 have but to repeat emphatically the hope 1 have so ar dently indulged, that the House will instruct the committee to re-enact the old 21st rule, and drive from among us the wild fanatic who would apply his torch to onr homes and habitations, and to this fair temple of liberty. Admit him not into this hall; for he will, dpy after day, cast firebrands among us,' that will eventually burst this glorious Union into a thousand atoms. 1 ask, Mr. Speaker, that the yeas and Hays may be re corded on my motion Grampus, being' taken np, various amend ments were offered, the discussion of.which occupied the remainder of the day: party policy to deter me from a plain, palp able, immediate decision of this question. I approach it with the same fearless determi nation, and upon the same inflexible princi ple of right, with which 1 shall approach the other great questions which di-ridc and agi tate the country, and in relation to which my constituents expect me to do my duty to them, without consulting the political inter ests of any man, or truckling to the tempor izing policy of party managers. Yes, sir; in utter defiance of the prudential consider ations which, from a certain quarter, admon ish uin in keep coni, I come forward,-and, before this House and the country, demand an open, immediate, straight-forward de cision of this absorbing question. If the majority here is against ns, (and those who are not for us are against us,) 1 desire to know it; 1 desire those who sent mu here to know it, aud the sooner the better. But, Mr. Speaker, 1 will not believe that this House of Representatives, in which we have a Democratic majority of more Ilian sixty votes, is against us on this question of aboli tion. Shall I, by withholding this motion, ev idence a suspicion that this House is not to be trusted ? that the majority are about to play a game with this question ? That they are attempting to pacify the abolitionists by the reception of their petitions, and thus secure their votes and influence in a future contest for power and place ; relying, the while, up on the supposed gullabilitv of the South; hoping to keep tier generoiis and confiding people in the ranks, with fair promises, and a question of vital importance to the interests protestations about the inexpediency of im- 1 represent. 1 do this upon consultation with no man, but in obedience to obligations which are paramount to all other considera tions; and, upon the motion'to iustru:t, 1 ask for the yeas and nays. Mr. Gilmer rose to a question of order— He contended that the report of (he Select Committee on Rules was no more a privil eged question than the report of any other committee. If in this he was right, the sub ject was improperly before the House, and the motion of the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. Dromgoole,] and the amendment of the gentleman from Georgia, [Mr. Black,] were both out of order. He regretted that there was so much excitement in relation to this subject at this time. He had been two years n nipmhor nf tlio nml tin utter DCTTirB heard the language of defiance so boldly used as it had been this day. He hoped this report would take its proper place on the Speaker's table; and when it came up in order, the motion and its amendments would be in order. Mr. Black desired lo say a few words in reply to the gentleman from Virginia. He had not expected reproof from that quarter. Mr. Gilmer said he had not the gentle man from Georgia in his mind when he spoke. He was alluding to the gentlemen upon the other side. : *- Mr. Black. Sir, 1 am glad thegcntleirrau from Virginia has made this explanation.— But, Mr. Speaker, without reference to what that gentleman has said, 1 certainly did in tend, by the motion 1 have submitted, to de fy certain persons to whom it would not be in order to refer by name. 1 meant to defy the majority of the committee, if it be their intention to report a set of rules differing in this essential particular from those which governed the 26th and 27th Congresses. I meant to defy the majority of this, or any other House, if they intend to ndopt these rules, emasculated as they have been by the committee. 1 repeat that defiance now; and when it is urged on me la keep cool, my only reply is, that my constituents would be mortified and indignant if, when their rights are invaded here, I should sit silently by and keep cod. '■ Mr. Carroll called ihe gentleman to order. He asked whether it was in order to bid de fiance to a committee of the House. Sir, said Mr. Black, I do not intend to be out nf order; nor will I intentionally em barrass the House or the Chair. If 1 shall transgress the order of debate, the Speaker will set me right, and I will endeavor to go on in order. My purpose is simply to ask for the yeas and nays upon my motion, and to submit that record to tlie “public eye*" and, in doing so, I most be permitted to say thnt if l were to exhibit, on this occasion, that degree of coolness which gentlemen seem so solicitous to impress upon me—a coolness prompted perhaps by some motive of policy, apart from the question itself, however acceptable I might render mysell to certain political interests, I am quite sure such calmness and indifference would be anything bat grateful to those whom I rep resent. Gentlemen may,if they think prop er, treat this os-a question ofpolicy, and coil mediate abolition, and the necessity of re cognising the “right of petition ?” Sir, 1 will not give utterance to such a suspicion ; for it will ba proclaiming trumpet-tong tied to the South, that their constitutional rights are regarded here as of less importance than abolition votes. No, sir! 1 will not believe it, nor will l admit it, until the recorded yeas and nays shall prove it beyond ihe reach of my credulity. The motion I have made to instruct the committee to report the old 2lst rule, and drive the abolitionists from this hall, is, of itself, proof that l con fide in the Democratic parly. Who shall distrust them on this subject? 1 will not, uutil your record shows Hint my confidence has been abused. To doubt them now, would tws Treason ; fo have that doubt con firmed by their owti act, would be to damn them at the South. Sir, the 26th Congress, iu which parlies were nearly balanced, enac ted this conservative rule. Even the 27th (WHIG) Congress re-enacted it. Shall then fear to submit the same rule to the Democratic majority of the present Con gress? Let those who are willing, take the responsibility, and endeavor to stave off and avoid this question, and pursue a course cal cnlated to cast suspicion on the majority of this House. 1 will not do it. 1 submit this question to them os fearlessly ns 1 shall sub mit a revenue tariff to their decision. For myself, 1 rejoice that this opportunity is pre setited to the party to record their vote—to put their hand-writing on Ihe wall. As an individnal, 1 do it fearlessly; and 1 desire that every man here shall do the same, has grown into an honored custom of the Democracy to enact this 21st rule at the opening of a Congress; and that custom was a powerful argument with my consti tuents to confide in the Democratic party Who shall say that it is reserved for this Congress to blast all our hopes, and dishon or and abuse onr confidence ? Mr. Speaker, ! voted to reconsider the vote by which this question was postponed and 1 voted against laying the subject on the table. It is whispered around me that the postponement of the report of the com mittee, or laying it on the table, would leave the rules of the last Congress of force in this hall. I know it. But 1 will not resort to this Sort of legislative finesse to retain tem porarily what we have a right openly to de mand as a permanent rule of the House. 1 will not consent to juggle this rule into a sort of temporary, equivocal existence, by artifice and parliamentary manoeuvre. No, sir; wo ask ft, we demand it, boldly and fearlessly, but respectfully, of our politick friends, upon a direct pote. I want it open ly and directly voted, or -not at alt. Give us the rule as it stood in the last Congress, or vote it down. If there be any flinching, let us know it. Those who ate not for us are against us; fhere can be no halfway house here. I have no policy, no compro mise on this question.-' The South has lost too much by compromises to make her eager for them now. Talk not to. me of Demo crat or AVhig, of policy or management, on this question; for, however I am disposed to confide in my political brethren, whan From the Globe.. ; " Washington, Jan. 25,1844. . la the Senate, to-day, the morning hour wnsoccupicd in amending and discussing the bill for improvement of the Fox and Wis consin rivers, ar.d to connect the same by a canal. Mr. Hay wood spoke at some length in opposition lo it, and to the principle of making grants of the public domain for any such purpose ; but,,if it was proper to con struct such worksbyihe federal government in those Territories, while they remained such, an appropriation for that purpose should be made out of the public treasury. He was replied lo by Mr. Tallmadge. The subject was finally postponed till to-mor row... .. •. _ • . The Senate then took np the resolution introduced, several days ago, by Mr. Sem ple, giving notice to the British government for the termination of the provisions of the treaty allowing thnt government to occupy, jointly with the United Slates, the Oregon Territory. Mr. Archer, the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations, inter-, posed objection to any definite action on the resolution at this lime, believing that its passage would beran improper step, tjl take iu advance of Hie negotiations about being entered into with the special minister of En gland, who is daily expected at the seat of government. The delay, whilst it would not prevent legislation hereafter, would give us the benefit of having acted with be coming courtesy to this special minister.— Mr. Semple argued that it was provided in the treaty allowing the joint occupation, that, so soon as either party became dissat isfied, the joint occupation should determine, by giving one year’s notice for that purpose. The very inception-of the negotiation about to be commenced, w«3 ail evidence of the dissatisfaction of one party at least. The resolution merely expressed the opinion that the United States was dissatisfied with the treaty, and asked its termination. If the treaty was terminated, the two countries would be better prepared to begin a negoti ation than they would t»e if the treaty was in force. To do that which the treaty requir ed, (give one year’s notice.) could not be construed into discourtesy. One of the ob jects he had in view was to express the opin ion of the Senate, that they would not agree to any treaty that allowed a further joint occupation.. He wished this expression of the opinion of tile Senate as a guide in the conduct of the negotiation ; for he was a little afraid to let it go on without some such expression of its sense. A joint occupation of a country, by two sovereign powers, he considered as an anomaly; and it was -im possible that such a stare of things could continue. Mr. Buchanan maintained that, to give the notice required for the termina tion of the treaty which allows the joint oc cupation, could not have on injurious effect upon the anticipated negotiation; bat that it was due alike to the interest and honor of the country that the notice should he given: He intimated that he would express his'views- upon the mailer -hereafter; and moved a postponement of the subject till Tuesday next. Mr. Atchison also spoke upon the subject, maintaining that the treaty allow ing the joint occupation was unadvisedly ratified, and should be terminated without delay. England, he maintained, would be forever satisfied to occupy the territory joint ly, for all lira arlvuntagM was on lur cido.— e expected to see not only this resolution, but the hill for the settlement of that terri tory with Americau citizens, pass before tlie adjournment of Congress. Mr. Allen also made some remarks in favor of expressing an opinion in advance of any negotiation upon the subject. Mr. Morehead accorded with the views of tlie chairman of the Com mittee on Foreign Relations; at the same time declaring that he would never yield one inch oftlic territory to England. The subject was finally postponed till Tuesday next. The Senate then «pent some time in executive session ; what it did, we have wit ascertained. It then adjourned over till Monday next. ' In the House of Representatives, Mr. Elmer, from the Committee of Elections, presented a report on the contested election case of Messrs. Goggin and Gilmer, sits tainitig the right of Mr. Gilmer, the sitting member, to his seat. Tlie report having been referred to the Committee of the Whole, and ordered to be printed, Mr. Elmer, by instruction of the committee, moved to print and refer the written arguments presented to them by Messrs. Goggin and Git-: met: This motion was resisted by Mr. Newton, and a debate ensued in which tlie printing was opposed by Messrs. Newton, Schenck, and G. .Davis, and supported by Messis. Elmer, Douglass, Hamlin, and Gil •• SENATE, Jan. 30. The House bill for refunding the fine of Gen. Jackson was reported front the judici ary committee; with an amendment, to the effect that no blame shall be implied upon Judge Hall. '#lr. Benton offered a resolution, calling upon the President to take the incipient steps for die suspension of the article of the trea ty of 1818, which provides for the joint oc cupation of Oregon. ; Mr. Bertton also offered a resolution, cal ling upon the Secretary of State for infor- matio'n as to whether any slaves have, since the treaty of 1842, escaped to the British do minions. Both the resolutions being laid over— • - L... The-tariff quesiion came up next, and Mr. Evans expressed his readiness to reply to Mr. McDuffie; but, after some conversa tion, the Senate went into executive session. - January31.--~ Mr. Crittenden, from the Committee on Military Affairs, asked tolie‘discliar®ed from the consideration of Mr. Pennington’s flying machine for navigating the air: The com mittee were at a loss to understand, Mr. C. said, what they had to do with the art of flying; their business was standing and fighting. The resolutions of Messrs. Semple and Breese concerning the Home Squadron and a Western Naval Depot, were adopted. Mr. Benton’s resolution concerning Ore gon was postponed a week. The same Senator’s resolution in. reference to slaves escaping into tlie British dominions since the treaty of ’42, was adopted. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, Ja^ 29, Mr. Campbell offered a resolution propo sing certain' amendments to the Constitu tion, so that the States of Maryland and Vir ginia, may have jurisdiction, except in cer tain cases, over the District of Columbia. Mr. Adams made another ineffectual .at tempt to introduce the Massachusetts reso lutions, proposing such an amendment of the Constitution as shall cut off the slave representation. . \ Mr. Hale offered a resolution to abolish the West Point Academy. It was laid over. January 30. After the disposal of some unimportant matter, the report of the select commitiee on the rules was again taken up. Mr. Stiles, of Georgia, having the floor, spoke against the reception of abolition pe titions until the expiration of the hour. The subject was then postponed till to morrow.. - . /January 31. The House met at 12 o’clock, and after the usual preliminary proceedings took tip the order of the day, which was the report on the Rules. Mr. A. Johnson, of Teun., being entitled to the floor, addressed the House in favor of | b a«eT,) and lodginTJZ under the skin on the breast. Haviiiv „ through the most vital organs, the pref„?£ lion is that Ins death was so sudden nndT sassin-likethnt he knewtioihing ofihe used for his destruction. ° mean ’ Henderson Easiis has been committed f trial, as Hie perpetrator of this fiend ill* deed. He is 18or 20 years of age S ' er and family having about a year moved to this State from Virginia. " e The community can never be safe win] such demons prowl in it ; and onr citizen^ are manifesting bill a laudable zeal, in Ui C -' efforts to ferret out the facts, in order to con vict, and rid the conntry of such a cold blooded murderer, whether it be Fastis or sortie other individual. iu-.U D c . Accusation of Plagiarism fence. The Inst number of the North American Review has a fetter from the Rev. Stephen Ol in, author of a book of travels in the kiw exculpating himself from a charge olplaginr’ ism contained in a previous number of i| le Review. Mr. Olin is charged with || UV j n „ borrowed some of bis ideas'from a work of Dr. Robinson which appeared in 1812. h appears however, that Lord Lindsay and two other travellers had discussed certain questions iii dispute, among them tlie loca tion of the real Mount Sinai, lieforc either Dr. Robinson or Mr. Olin published their works, and some portion of the remarks of the latter gentleman supposed to be borrowed, were actually penned in Ihe Convent of St. Cath erine, some two years before he had seen the work of Dr. R.—which was not then iq press. So far as we can judge Mr. Olin makes out a strong case. He has been so un fortunate as to auree, rather nicely it would seem, with some of the statements of Dr. Rob inson—lor instance, the figures are not gj v . on, but it would appear that Mr. Olin made h guess at the dimensions of the Dead Sea winch came quite near the actual trigonomet r . ricul measurements of Dr. Robinson. Mr. Olin in his defence stntesthni if he had known the dimensions stated by Dr. R. and bad de signed, to borrow from him without acknowl edgment, lie would have taken care that the coincidence in the figures should not be so exact.—Sav: Republican. Stations of PrcaclierK in tlie Georgia Annual Conference, 1844, AUGUSTA DISTRICT.—Jura E. Etas*, P. K. Avgusta; G. F. Pierce, S. J. Turner. Columbia; VV. P. Arnold. Lincolnian; James Jones. Washington ; VV. J. Sasuett. Wilkes ; A. I., Leet. Louisville; John C.'.Simmons. Warrcnton ; VV. H.'Evans. Springfield; E. White. Bulloch; David Blalock. Savannah ; Josiah Lewis. Jcffersoii Mission; J. J. Mopp. Burke “ ; J. VV. Fanner, Scriren “ ; R. R. Rushing. Isle of Hope and Savannah Mission; I,. G. R. Wiggins. , . Os.sa/nnv Mission ; John Jones. the 21st rule and against the reception of I ATHENS DISTRICT—J.no. VV. Gi.ks.n. P. K. Abolition petitions. GENERAL INTELLIGENCE. mer; when the printing of Mr. Goggin's ar gument was ordered, by a vote taken by yeas afid' nays—yeas 124, nays 51. Mr. Schenck then moved to print all the docu meats connected with the case; which after a debate which consumed the remain der of the day, was agreed to. . Washington, Jan. 27. The first bnsiness of importance taken np in the House this morning was the report of the Select Committee on the Rules; and Mr. Wright, of Indiana, wlio liad the floor, addressed the House in opposition to the 21st rale. He was followed by Mr. Stiles, of Georgia, who spoke in favor ol retaining that rule, until his remarks were cut short by the expiration ofihemorning hour. ' Af ter the reference of some executive docu ments which were lying on the Speaker's table,- the Hou^e resolved itself into a Com mittee of the Whole; for the purpose of ta king up the private calendar. The bill for the relief of the widows and orphans, and the relatives of the officers, seamed,-and ma-. rines of the'late. United States schooner A Bloody and Fatal Rencontre. It becomes our painful duty to record one ofihe most bloody tragedies, with which the News-papers of Hie present day are crowded. On Friday last a difficulty occurred at a gro cery store belonging to a Mr. James 11. Long, situated on the road side, about half way be tween this place and Auraria, in which Mr. I King, Peter Trammell,, James Helton , and Landawic'k Dobbs, were enj»agcd;and which resulted in the stnbbitig of The throe latterby the former, and the death of Dobbs, which ensued tue following- everting - .- - -The other two,Trammell and Helton, arc still alive, aud n is supposed will recover under proper treatment and attention:' It seems that Heltou and Dobbs, with oth ers, whose names it is unuecesary to mention, had called at Long’s about twelve or one o’ clock of that day, and had purchased a small quantity of spirituous liquor, with which they had been indulging their nppelites for tins beverage, for ati hour or more, when i'rcmmiell cumein—Thatsoon after his arri val a quarrel ensued between him and Long, in relation to some real or supposed injury, or indignity offered to Long of his sign board on the previous evening, by Trammell anti others then wiilrhim. 'Tliequarrel ceased for a short time, but was again renewed, when Trammell attempted .to strke Long with a stick, but the blow was warded off by one of 'the joists of the House. Long had a large butcher knife in the meantime, with which he repelled the assault ofTrauimell,.hy slab bing him in the left side. Helton tuid Dobbs were both ilk the house, when the fight took place, but what part they took in the affray is not definitely known. • Long it seems, how ever, continued enttiug with his knife until he had inflicted a stab on nil in the house. A pistol was fired during the fracas by Hel Uni, as it is supposed. The shot from which struck Long near the eye-brow on'the left temple, and penetrated to the back of the head, where it lodged under the skin. This was the only serious injury doiic to Long, who hns been arrested and recognised in a bond of two thousand dollars to appear at our next Superior court toatiswer the charge of murder. - . We forbear any comment on this melon qlioly aud truly unfortunate occurence, ns it will again have to undergo a judicial inves ligation. But.we cannot" withhold the deep mortification we feel ai the frequent occur rence of these bloody scenes in our conntry. The Newspapers of the day nte burdened with ihe-recital of horrible deeds of this kind, which nrguo a bad state of morals i mongonr people, and a want of energy and efficiency in the judicial arm of our govern ment, to bring, offenders to justice, which can alone deter the vicious, from the com mission of similar deeds of blood.—Dafilon ega Tintes, I3lh inst. From the 'Temperance Banner, lst inst. On Saturday last, Mr. Jesse Craddock, an aged and very respectable citizen, residing] within about fotir miles of oftr tillage, loft home in the morning fo walk to il neighbor’s bouse, staling that he would be back to’dhK iter. Failing to return by nightj search was made and the body found iu the \vbods near his own premises. By an inquest it was discovered that lie had been shot in the back with a. load of sings from a shot-gun. The distance was so sliorl ns to burn the clothes with, tlje powder, and-pass tlie slugs in a' Inmpj. (tearing a.cavity larger than the rmiz- -Athens; William J. Parks Covington and Monroe; John P. Dimcan, J. B. Jackson. Watkinsville; R. Lane, A. D. Russell. Madison; Walter II. Itranliarn. Carnesnlle; J. It. Chappell, W. II.Crawford. Grccns/torough; Win. Arnold. Clarkesville; D. Thompson. Oxford'; Walter Knox. Emory College; A. It. Longstrect, President— A. Means and G. VV. Lane, Professors. Win. 1). Martin, Agent for Emory College. Kingston Mission ; To I e supplied. CHEROKEE DlS l’.—VV. D Matthews. P. K. Nexenan; Jno. VV. Yarborough, M. Itcltah. McDonough; A. Pennington, W. A. Florence. Griffin; C. Tresscl, J. B. Wnrdlaw. Carrollton; B. E. Lucas. One to be supplied. Decatur; A. Norse. Cnssvitlef Gfeo. Bright amt J. M. VestaU. Marietta; H. P. Pitchford. R. A Johnson. Dablonega: Robert Stripling. Laxorenceeilte-f Eli Bennett, Thomas Fouler. MACON DISTRICT.—J. VV\ TaUet.P. E. Macon ; J. B. Paine. MiUedgcv-llc; Edward II. Myers. Clin on; D. Kelley. Ealontun; Isaac Poring. Forsyth; VV. VV Robinson, C. R. Jewett. Cuitoden; B. VV. Clarke. Tuiggs end Wilkinson; I’YO. Lovvrcy and J. R. Danforth. Sparta; A. T. Mann. ISandersriUe; C Rnylbrd, R. VV. Bcgliam. .1fonticello; llintnn Crawford. Weslyan Female College ; Win. II. Ellison, Pres ident, Samuel Anthony, Agent. COLUMBUS DISTRICT—Tiios. Samford, P. K. 'Cohunbus; Daniel Gurry. Lagrange; James A. Wiggins. r/vnnaston; James Hunter-. Troup; E. VV. Reynolds, A. Darman. Harris and Talbot; J. P. Dickinson. J. Scaife. Greenville ; N. Smith, G. W. Farralde. Muscogee ; O. L. Hays. Talbot ton; C.’ VV. Key. Franklin; VV. Graham. L. Pierce* Agent for the American Bible Socie ty in Georvia. FORT GAINES DIST.—I. F. Steagall, P. R. Blakely; S. R. Richardson. Ilaxck.usville; T. C. Coleman. Tazewell and Americas; VV’. D. Bussey. It. Man- ifeer. Culhbert and Fort Gaines; J. S. Talley. I.vmpkin ; T. 1). Purifoy, VV 7 . Foster. Albany; VV. Hall, Berry; S. M. Smith, James Harris. Fort Valley Mission; James Dunwoodie. Chattahoochee “ J. T. Turner. Ocmw'gee “ J. VV. Carroll. TALLAHASSEE DIST.—P. P. Smith, P. E. Tallahassee; G. J. Pearce. Quincy; R. II. Lurkie. Gadsden; It. II..Ilowring, F. A. Johnson. Leon; Janies Wooddie. Wacnla ; A. Graham. . Thomasrille ; A. Martin. Trouj.rillc•; I. T. Smith. Madison; A. Peeler. Hamilton.; N. R. Fleming. Moniicello; John M. Milner. - Lake Jackson Mission. To be supplied. - Gadsden Mission ; J. J. Richardson. NEVVNANSVILLE DIST.—T. C. Bewmxo,l’.L Netcnansville; V. H. Shelton. Columbia; W. VV. Griffin. Osenpan Mission ; To be supplied. Gamp Kmg “ E. L. T. Blake. Chick Chata “ J. Penny. Hillsboro' “ J. M. Miner. Indian Ricer “ A. J. Denvers. Key West “ To be supplied. ST. MARY’S DISTRICT.—L. C. Peak, P- E. Brunswick; M. H. White, G. A. Mallcitc. Jacksonville; R. J. Cowart. Nassaw; G, VV. McDonald. HinesciUe ; V. VVooley, D. L. White. Irwin; A, C. Bruner. Holmesville; S. J. Childes. Darien; Joshua Knowles, Telfaic; T. H. Cpnper. Wadesboro'; W. E. Adams. St. IHa Mission; J. W. Mills. John O. Carter transferred to Alabama Confer- ence ami appointed to Russell Circuit. A. H, Mitchell transferred to Alabama Confer ence, and appointed President of Centenary Ins • tute. _ . Delegates to the next General Conference-. L. Pierce, A. B. Longstreet, Wo. J. Parks, > 6, F. Pierce. . John VV. Glcnp, J. E. Evans.