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(raid.” If suffering under tlio weight oi
wrongs, or afflicted with gnevanc% they
embody the result of their reflections end de
liberations in remonstrances or petitions, ns
to them may seem fitnot apprehending,
nor having cause to apprehend, prosecntio
and punishment for this free and unbiased
exercise of their constitutional rights.
1 will not, Mr. Speaker, longer consume
the time of the House upon this branch of
the subject, after the very lucid and elabor
ate argument of the gentleman from south
Carolina, [JttrlR hell,] upon this point, a day
or two since. . -
Now, sir, I cannot yield my assent to the
doctrine contended for by gentlemen, that
this great right of petition, which was held
so dear and sacred by our wise and patriotic
fathers as to require an express guaranty of
its unlnterrupteJ enjoyment in the Consti
tution, is lo be construed into the poor and
pitiful boon of asking this or the other
branch of tlio National Legislature simply
to receive the petitions of the people. No,
sir; the feelings which filled their bosoms
and actuated their conduct were “higher,
purer, nobler.” It was to wrest from the
government the power, in anticipation of its
assumption, of passing any law by which
the people should he prevented from
meeting together in their deliberative assent
Mies, freely and fearlessly discussing the
conduct and action of their representatives
and agents, and, if necessary, presenting the
result of their deliberations, in the form of a
petition or remonstrance, to any department
of their Government. . . .... . -
Viewing the right of petition tn this light
—in connexion with the plain and palpable
causes which led to its constitutional recog
union—and I can contemplate it with pride
mid gratitude; and to its maintenance and
perpetuity, l am prepared freely and cheer
fully to pledge whatever of energy and abil
ity 1 may possess.' But, sir, when you at
tempt to force it down from this high and
lofty eminence, to the humiliating privilege
of requesting this House to receive a peti
tion, lay it upon yonr table, and there, un
noticed, to moulder and ruin, I repudiate it
as utterly worthless, and beneath the regard
of freemen.
When the people had thus assembled, and
embodied their sentiments in a petition, and
had presented such petition, their rights ns
petitioners ceased; and the same Constitu
tion, under which they had exercised their
rights, imposed an equally solemn duty up-
nn onAtbar nf mpn—1 mfinn, sir, the
House of Representatives of the Senate, as
the case may be—a duty the responsibility
of which could not be thrown off upon the
petitioners, hut must be assumed and dis
charged by the proper tribunal. And now,
sir, what is that duty ? And what is the
first step to lie laken in the exercise of it ?—
Will gentlemen still insist that the rights of
the petitioners require its reception ? Or
will they not agree with us in saying that
this is the first question to he determined ?
Otherwise, and there would be no mode of
avoiding the reception of any and all peti
tions, no matter how disrespectful or nncor-
teous, in language, or condemnatory in the
object proposed to be accomplished. Let
me not be told that the self-respect of m<*m
tiers would be a protection against such an
abuse } for if the right existed to the extent
here contended for, individual members
would be no more authorized to refuse the
application of their constituents to present
their petitions, than the House would be to
refuse their reception. Besides, sir, the ex
perience of the past admonishes us that this
would be a frail reliance. The practical ef
fect of the doctrine thus carried out, ought
to be a sufficient exposition of its fallacy,
jind should carry conviction to every mind
brought to its investigation, relieved of the
prejudices and improper influences thrown
iirouhd ft by on unwise disposition on the
part of gentlemen to yield to the claims of
rabid fanaticism.
The course of argument pursued by some
of those who have addresse.J the House a-
gninst the proposed instructions to the Com
mittee, induces me to believe that they have
not looked sufficiently far into the future to
a correct understanding of this question in
all its hearing^--—They.arp umwittiivgly de
ceiving themselves, and are thereby falling
into an error, from which they can only re
trieve themselves by a formal surrender of
the entire ground heretofore occupied by the
friends of the South. And let me invite to
the candid consideration of this branch of
the subject, the careful attention of that por
tion of the Northern Democracy, more par
ticularly those who have heretofore stood
hy us in the hour of trial,' and manfully
breasted the, storm that was raging around
them, with a devotion and firmness which
has commended them to our warmest grati
lade and admiration. It is a part of the ar
gument that l approach with reluctance, as
it may, perchance, he considered as putting
Into Uie mouths of the abolitionists an argu-
£ ient sanctioned by our approval, to be
andled by them against oar friends, when
they shall have returned to their constitu
ency, after having rescinded this rule,
(should such be the unlortunate result of
our action,) and having adopted in its stead
some other regulation, less efficacious in the
protection of oar peculiar interest, and not
more acceptable to the clamorous ndvocates
of the right of petition. But a sense of du
ty requires that we should leave no effort
untried, no argument unheard, that may
ttnd to awaken proper reflection upon the
many difficulties which most inevitably
meet as upon the repeal of this much-abused
rule. !',*.
_ What, then, is the proposition of our
friends,' ns contained in their arguments,
though not reduced to any regular form ?—
It is, iii substance, that we shall receive these
petitions, (which are now excluded by the
operation of the rule,) and lay them upon
the table, without being read, considered,
referred,*or in anywise acted upon; thus
satisfying the demands of the Constitution,
nod forever afterwards separating the ques
tion of abolition from the right of petition.
Will such be the effect of your action ? I
fear not. When gentlemen shall have repeal
ed this rule, and adopted in its place such a
one as I have just referred to, and-returned
from this Hall to their constituents, they will
in vain seek for that improving welcome
which they are now so fondly anticipating
for themselves at the hands of those whose
great regard for the constitutional right of
petition is now driving them to this unwise
course of action. Deceive not yourselves,
gentlemen, with the belief lhaV the proposed
substitution of your rule for the one now
sought to be repealed will satisfy those to
whose demands you are now submitting.—-
On the contiary, you will be met with one
ly appreciated by those whose interest hj*
has thus guarded and proteoted with such
disinterested devotion-} not only in this
has
res'ionso from all'sections of the country Hall, but before his, constituents, has he , .. . .
rSlin® exists- “It is true yon grappled with the false spirit, in every shape veto power,—vet they had endorsed the con- tuons m the naval service, under certain
wnere uiu ^hd-fofm in. which Urgin'present itself— ! duct of that senator who lias acted with the circumstances, was passed. After the trnn-
On my right is another gentleman, from the whig party which imposed, so far ns they saclion of the usual business of the morning
same State, [Mr. Giddings,] who has always could, all those obnoxious measures upon hour, the Chair announced, as the tinfiriish-
solutious in favor of u protective tariff, ap
proving of the bankrupt law of the extra
session, approving of tlio distribution policy,
he I or resolutions in favorofthe destruction ofthe
Washington, Feb. t. shou Id consider the use of n,v name for ih
In the Senate, to-day, the bill from the j first or second office, or for neither as adv^
House authorizing the President of the Uni- sable, my acquiescence is heartily ’riV,.,, *
citnli a! Ar.ll,.... ^ *
tell States to direct a transfer of appropria-
have granted us ihe form of our rights, but
at the same time denied us the substance:
you receive our petitions, but your ears are
closed against them—you will not listen to
our grievances; we present to you argu-
ments'for your reflection and consideration,
but they are silently and wrongfully laid
upon your table, as unworthy of your notice
and attention.” Where i? your answer?—
What is to tie your reply to.these new com
plaints, which will rise up against yon upon
the repeal of this rule, ns certainly os the
setting of the sun succeeds thwrisiug there
of You have yielded your first and on
ly true position, that the right of petition
has never yet been violated, or in the least
infringed ; and having done so, you must
necessarily be placed at the mercy of theso
men, to be driven by tltem to whatever point
they may think proper to require you to go.
And it is to this view of the subject that 1
desire more particularly to direct the atten
tion of the House.
The proposed alteration of the role, so
far from allaying, will have the effect of in
creasing the excitement which now agitates
the public mind. These disturbers of the
public peace and quiet will be inspired with
a new zeal, derived from the partial success
attendant upon their previous efforts, which
have heretofore proved so powerless and un
availing ; yon will attach to them and their
cause an importance of which yon admit
they are utterly umlerserving; yon give to
them additional strength in the efforts to
destroy and annihilate their influence ; their
anxiety in the prosecution of their hellish
work will he doubly and trebly enhanced ;
and what must be theineviiable result ? At
the opening of the next Congress their voice
will again be heard through their mouth
pieces in this Hall, demanding at your
hands another concession : “You have re
ceived our petitions, but with that we. axe
not content; you must read them, and at
least hear what we have to complain of.*’—
The same course of argument now adopted,
the same feeling now controlling the con
duct of members, will induce, yea, compel
the grant of this addilicnal demand ; and
thus, sir, will the matter continue to proceed
—each concession followed ill more rapid
succession by another, until the v/hole
ground, now so gallantly won and nobly
occupied by the true friends of the South,
will lie surrendered to the increasing requi
sit ions of our worst and bitterest enemies.—
But'a few sessions will have transpired, and
abolition petitions will be regarded with
the same respect, and be carried through
the same forms, as those of the most respec
table and honorable character. Hence, sir,
the South considers, and correctly, too, that
the time has now arrived when a choice
must be made between these two extremes
the entire rejection of all suclt petitions on
the one hand, and, on the other, not merely
their format reception, but also their refer
ence, consideration, and final action there
on. And can she for a moment hesitate in
making her selection? Gentlemen will at
tempt in vain to place this question upon
compromise ground.' -It cannot be done.—
There is no neutral ground, no half-way
house, that can be long occupied with eith
er credit or safety to the parties interested.
1 am aware -that the argument 1 am at
tempting to present will not reach the jtidg
ment of those who have always opposed
not only this, but every other rule which
has been adopted by Congress for the pro
lection of Southern feeling and Southern in
terest. 1 had not flattered myself with the
least hope of altering their long-settled de
cision; My object is, if possible, to retain
the aid of those who have heretofore co-op
eraled with ns, and whose devotion to our
interest 1 feel confident yet remains nnim
paired. To them 1 trust the appeal will not
be in vain.
Let me then ask the gentleman from
Pennsylvania, [Mr. Bidlack,] who addressed
the House a day or two since on this sub
ject, and others who, like him, have always
lioniv_oitr fruiula oa fnnn«» .«fc
the
time
given a.cfteerfnl response to eve.ry requisi
tion of the Abolitionist, a'nd ih whom they
have ever found a sympathizing Represen
tative, as scrupulously conscientious about
the right of petition as the wildest and most
visionary fanatic could desire. Now, sir;
what has been the necessary consequence in
their respective districts ? Whilst the dis
trict represented with so much honesty aha
ability by my friend, is almost pure and un
tainted by this foul infection, th©v district
represented by the gentleman upon my
rig In is rotten to the core. Permit me, then,
to commend to our Northern friends the
praiseworthy, example of my■ friend from
Ohio; and 1 hesitate not to promise them
that the.same happy results will atlendsim-
ilnr exertious on their part.
The gentleman from North Carolina [Mr,
Clingman] seemed to. think wo had placed
our Northern friends .in a false position, and
that it was the duty of a wise General, when
lie found his men falling, one by one, un
der the fire ofthe enemy, to withdraw them
from their exposed location to a place of
greater security. Now, sir, I am not sure
that 1 understood correctly the allusion of
the gentleman ; if, however, he referred to
his political friends, l have only to say to
tnm that he will meet with some difficulty
in finding any of them in the list of killed
and wounded. The devotion of Northern
Whigs lo Southern interest has never yet
induced them to occupy this dangerous and
exposed position; that honor has been re
served for the Democracy, and the Democ
racy alone. If the geutleman alluded to the
Northern Democrats, who had evinced, by
their votes and conduct upon this subject
their sincere friendship lor the South, then
l must be permitted to say to our Northern
friends, hearken not to the voice ofthe gen
tleman from North Carolina ; ,aud. as you
would not heed his counsel upon other great
and important subjects of a political and na
tional character, so also reject the proffered
advice upon this eqnnlly vital and imcreslr
ing question. Had the gentleman from
North Carolina, and Southern members gen-,
ernlly, listened to the remarks of the gentle
man-from Pennsylvania? [Mr. Bidlack;]
one who has heretofore been with us,through
evil ns well ns through good report, but
now felt that he was no longer bound to
stand by an unpopular measure for the ben
efit ol the South alone, when the South her
self was manifesting a disposition to aban
don the rule. Tlius it is, that the defection
of our Northern friends is attributable to
onr own divisions. Let the fact, then, be
published to the country, that the responsi
bility of this measure may rest upon those
who justly deserve it; upon whom an in
dignant and outraged people may place the
seal of their condemnation. I trust, how
ever, that no such division will be found to
exist; no Southern Democrat, 1 am sine
will abandon his post; and but few, if any,
ofthe Southern Whigs will be found follow
ing in the wake ofthe gentleman from North
Carolina. It has been said that the alian-
donment of this rule, was growing in favour
with the South. Where is the evidence of
it ? How may Southern Representatives
who have heretofore voted with the gentle
man from Massachusetts [Mr. Adams] and
the geutleman from Ohio [Mr. Giddingsj
on this delicate and all-absorbing question,
had been returned again by their constitu
ents as members of this House? Let those
who are laboring under this false delusion
answer me the question. No, sir, votes giv
en iu that connexion will not answer the
demands of the S»ntli; the South is unwil
ling to trust her rights in that quarter; she
would fear the result, and well she might.
country.,; Mr. Berrien occupied some ed business, the resolutions of the Finance
i in reply,'declaring that lie had, at no I Committee for the indefinite postponement
time, held himself responsible to the legisla- of the bill introduced by Mb. McDuffie, for
lure of Georgia for his conduct, and denied reducing the rates.of duties-under the p/os-
ibe right of instruction in ioto; that before ent tariff to the Standard'of the compromise
hiselection he had expressed publicly, at net. Mr. Woodbury, who was entitled (6
the seat of governnieitt in that State, to the floor, addressed the Senate for two
friends and foes, his opinions; and that the hours, showing the unjust operation of Ihe
body which elected'him AVds a ware of those I present tariff upon the farming, planting;
opinions. Mr. Cplquitt . (who was also at mid shipping interests. A very short sketch
the seat of government at. that time)jsaid he! of his remarks will be found in this evc-
hnd never seen-any publication of his opin- ning T s paper. He did not conclude to-day,
ions; nor did he hear it stated that his col-1 and will resume the subject to-niorraw.
league had expressed the opinion that, if The House resumed the consideration of
elected, he would hold himself independent I the report of the Committee of Eleclions in
of any legislative instruction. Thu discus-1 the case of the members elected by general
sion (which was Tathcr tart)' having conclu- ticket, and the subject was'debated the whblc
ded, the resolutions wCre ordered to be prin- day. Messrs. Elmer, Dillingham* and
led. The tariff question was postponed uu-j Woodward, sustained the report; and Mes-
til Monday. The Senate-then went into ex* jsrs. Belser, Milton Brown and Cotinrner,
ecutive session; We nnderstand that a con- opposed it. Al .half po$t four, the House
vention with France was ratified. adjourned.
The House resumed the consideration of , Washington, Feb,'8.
the report of the Select Committee on the In the Senate, to-day, after the transaction
Rules; and Mr.McCatisIcn, of Ohio, who of the usual morning business, Mr. Wood-
had the floor, addressed it in opposition to bury finished his remarks on the subject of
the designs of the abolitionists, though lie the present tariff rind the protective policy,
avowed his determination to vote against He examined the rates of duties under the
the 2ist rule, believing that it was seized present tariff somewhat in detail, showing,
upon by the designing as a pretext to induce by comparison, that in many cases they ex-
the belief that the rijrlit of petition was vio- cceded by 100 per cent, those under the act
lated—thus increasing the abolition excite- of 182S—an act; the enormities of which
ment. Mr. Giddings having obtained the were so great as to threaten the permanen-
floor, on the expiration of the morning hour, C y ofthe Union: He argued, too, that if
the subject was passed oyer till to-morrow, the present exclusive protective system—
The bill to authorize the President of the that is, protection to the manufacturer at the
United States to make transfers of naval ap- expense of those engaged in farming, plant-
propriations, under certain circumstances, ing, and.’shipping—was persisted in, the
was read the third time, and passed. ‘The Uvils of it would be eventually visited upon
House having resolved itself into Commit- I ttitf manufacturers themselves; th.-rtjit wmild
tee of ihe "Whate; (Mir. Campbell, of 8-C-i eventually work their destruction. The
in the chair,) took Up the liiH making appro- unnatural stimulation given to that branch
priatidus for the Indian department, which of industry, and the high per ctntages con-
occupied the remainder of the day. Only sequent, would cause such a diversion of
one or two unimportant amendments had capital from other pursuits to that, as to ih-
been made when the committee rose; volve the manufacturers in common ruin.—
Washington, Feb. 2. Mr. W.’s speech wns considered, the most
in the Senate, to-day, after the reading of able he ever delivered iu that, body- upon
the journal, the death of Judge Porter was this or any other subject, l - • -
announced by Mr. Barrow, who moved the After he concluded, Mr. Huntingdon ob-
upuul resolutions, (which were adopted,) tes-1 mined the floor, and will address the Senate
tifyiug the respect of that body for the mem- upon the subject to-morrow'. The Semite
ory of the deceased. The resolutions were spent a short lime iu executive session; what
seconded by Mr. Benton, who, having they did, we huve.uot ascertained,
known him intimately from boyhood, bore The discussion on the report of the Corn-
testimony to his worth, energy of character, inittee on Elections, on the case of the mem-
genius and patriotism./ Tlie Senate then, [ hers ..elected by general ticket, was enutiiin-
in fin 1 her respect to the memory of the de- ed in tlie House to day. The report of ihe
censed, adjourned till Monday next. committee was sustained by Messrs. Beards-
The debate on the 21st rule was con- ley, George W. Jones, and Cobb; and op-
tinued in the House io-day by Mr. Giddings, posed by Messrs. Caleb Smith, Grider, arid
who spoke nearly the whole of the morn- Newton. Mr. Jacob Thompson had the
ing hour in opposition to it. Mr. Hammett,' floor when the House adjourned,
of Mississippi, having obtained the floor, tlie [
subject was passed over till to-morrow. A
message was received from the Senate, by
Aslmry Dickens, Esq. their secretary, an
nouncing the death ofthe honorable Alex
ander Porter, a member of that body, from
the State of Louisiana} that the Senate had
„ To such ot my fellow-citizens nsAre Horn
mating me for the office of the. vice preff.
deucy iii advance of the meeting of ihe' Bal
timore convention, my thanks are due and
cheerfully given, li does not become me
to condemn an honest difference of opinion
among my friends, or to take part in favor
of ihe one side or against the other in their
friendly efforts to procure my nomination
for the office bfFrestdertl or Vice Preside.it
"And as i could do nothing, consistent wiili
my public pledges, in this respect, without
giving dissatisfaction to some of them, the
national con vention, where a majority * will
rule, must dispose of me, and decide the
controversy between them.
in the meantime, let every one be fully
persuaded in his own mind, and art accor
dingly; and no cause of complaint can ex
ist with'atryv or against .any. 1 wish, of
course, to give no cause of offence to mv
Itieiids, whether they prefer me for the first
office or the second. 1 hope they will read
ily .yield tip tlieir preferences to a majority
in tlie convention, no mutter how adverse if>
their views or whiles. I shall pursue this
cojuse, aiid exhort every friend 1 have lo do
likewise, in. order to preserve harmony and
secure the united effort ofthe party. * 1 re
pent, between my friends my position is that
of neutrality, until the con vention shall act
and dispose of me; in the meantime, l nm
in flic hands of the people. Should it be
the pleasure of the convention to nominate
me for the first office, 1 should accept the
honor with grotUude and reluetante; 1
should accept of the second with thanks and
ivith pleasure; and am willing to take my
position among the rank and file, if such be
the pleasure of the convention, without a
murmur. Wherever l may be placed, l
shall tty to animate my associates to do what
1 consider our duty to our country, mid,
having thus dischorged.it, according to onr
consciences, we will hope for victory.
It. M, JOHNSON.
January 28,1844.
POLITICAL
~ From ihe GMc. -./ ^
Col. Johnson’s Letter. .■>
Mr. Editor^—From a great number of
, . r,. - . - . r .. . . - - letters received by me, from various sections
adopted a resolution to test.rytheir respect for l foHrcount l filldnd|fference ot „ -
the memory ofthe deceased, by wearing crape [ on ekis , s os 1o lho „ round i occupy rel £, ive
on the left arm for thirty days ; and that tlie
Senate had adjourned. Mr. Slidell of Lou
isiana, after a neat and pertinent eulogy on
tlie character aud services of his late col
league, moved the usual resolutions of res
pect—that the members of the House go In
to mourning,'by wearing crape, and that
the Blouse adjourn'. Mr. Yuiice of Ohio
followed in a short address, adding liis testi
mony td the merits and services df the de
ceased ; after'which,the House adjourned.
IVashington, Feb. 5..
in tbe Senate, to day, after ihe transac
tion of sonui nr.important business, Mr. Ev
The.gentleman trom North Carolina, tai ans caded m) ijje resolutions ol the Finance
the course of Ins remarks, had al.udcd l °\Committee, for |pe indefinite-postponement
the times when Adams and Hancock, and 0 f tiic.biM introducedby> Mr. McDuffie, for
who have even at this session voted with us
against the fcpeal of the 21st rule, if they
are now prepared to sacrifice all the advan
tages of a long and eventful struggle over this
subject, and ally themselves with tlie advo
cates of the opposite extreme to which I have
just alluded, merely for the purpose of avoid
ing, the effects of a false issue-known and
admitted to be such ? 1 can safely ' answer
for these gentlemen in the negative ; and if
so, may we uot successfully ask of you to re
consider the reasons which haye induced
you to favor this dangerous concession ?—
Sooner or later you "will be compelled to
choose between the two extremes placed be
fore us for our selection, and the present
moment presents the most favorable oppor
tunity of making the decision. It is rejec
tion on the one hand—action on the other.
The South has not been an indifferent
observer of the movements in the non-slave-
holding States on the subject of the right of
petition. She has. noticed, with regret the
effort, but too successfully made, to connect
it with abolition, and thereby cause it tn
subserve the purpose of these fanaticul spir
its, in creating n false issue before the peo
ple, from which they are seeking to gain ad
ditional strength and factitious importance ;
andif there wns any mode by- which she
could relieve her Northern friends from its
effects, consistently with her own honor aud
safety, most cheerfully would she do it
But out Northern friends must perceive
at a moment’s glance that false issues upon
this, os upon every other subject, must be
met and overcome where they are found to
exist. It is a duty which they owe, not on
ly to the South, but to themselves, to rise
above these,- by exposing to the honest and
enlightened portion of their constituents, this
unjustifiable effort to prostitute a great con
stitutional right to the worst and vilest pur
poses. Such has been tho course pursued
by others ; and the result is os creditable to
the honesty and intelligence of the people,
os it is gratifying to the foelings ofthe South.
For the purpose of illustrating this truth, 1
will refer to facts which are familiar in part
to the House, and-in which, if I am wrong,
I enh be easily corrected. My friend on
my left (Mr. Weller] is the Representative
of a district in the non-slaveholding State of
Ohio; from the first inception of this sub
ject he has met it with a manly and noble
sjiirlt, which redacts upon him the greatest
credit: and which, l am proud to say, isdu-
Iheir compeers, from every section of the
country, hud met together, mid, as brethren
omnaetinlimr will! auuilrer, Im-rtng.U.tlouA
object in view—the best interests of their
common country. There is no difficulty
in returning to those happy days of union
and harmony, if wu will only permit the
same spirit which pervaded the bosoms of
the venerated dead to enter into our delib
erations and control our actions. They,
sjr, maintained their respective rights with
an unflinching energy and an unyielding
firmness, that was only surpassed by the
magnanimity with which they accorded to
others the same boon they claimed for them
selves. No gentleman would be more grat:
ified than myself to see that feeling mani
festing itself in every portion of this House,
upon this and all other interesting and im
portant subjects; nor would it long be con
fined within the narrowltmits of these wails,
but, breaking over every harrier, through
thousand different channels it would pene
trate every portion of the Union, scattering
in its train all the blessings attendant upon
union,harmony and brotherly love,. Whilst
such are the ardent aspirations of my soul
yet A sense of duty, and the deep. Vesponsi:
bility resting upon. me .as one of the Repre
sentatives upon this, floor of the peculiar in
terests of the South, requires me to say to
our Northern friends, that we cannot' over
leap the boundary of this commendable ex
ample of nur fathers; in oiir anxiety to do
justice to others, we cannot, we dare not,
forget what is due to obVselves.
From the Globe. A - ' '
•' Cougress., V fj '* .
’■ -: Washington, Feb. t.
In the Senate, to-day; Mr. Colquitt pre
sented resolutions adopted by the. Legisla
ture of Geoigia, expressing their sense pf
the worth and patriotism of his colleague,
Mr. Berrien, and approving .of his course in
the Senate ot the United States j and especi
ally for his resistance to the doctrine of leg
islative instruction. These resolutions also
condemn‘and revoke the resolutions passed
in December, 1842, by the legislature of that
State, severely censoring the course of that
senator, and severing all connexion between
him' and that body. Mr. Colquitt, on. pre
renting the resolutions, made some com
ment? thereon, and alluded to the inconsist
ent position in which that legislature had
placed itself by approving the conduct.of
his colleague. Whilst that body dnred'not
(if they had'an inclination, so to do) passrfe-
reducing the rates of duties under the. pres
cut_lariff.taihe standard o( t]ie compromise
act. Mr. Evans spoke for upwards of thr.ee
hours,.(without finishing his remarks,) iu
reply to the arguments, presented by Mr.
McDuffie, iiv Ins second speech upon t|ie
subjects of the tariff, protection, aud free
trade. , .. l’/'
The House was occupied to-day with the
business or calling on ihe representatives'of
the Spates (in their order) tor petitions, in
pursuance ofthe rule setting apart every al
ternate Monday for that purpose. A num
ber ot petitions were accordingly presented,
inucli ofthe greater part of which were ou
the subject of abqlitiou..' v F«r the questions
raised on such petiuousj.see our regular re
port of tlie.proceedings. A ,
Washington, Feb..6.
in the Senate, to-day, alter the transac
tion of some uuiinportaut business, the res
olutions of the Finance Committee for the
indefinite postponement ofthe bill introdu
ced by Mr. McDuffie, for reducing the rates
of duties, und|er the present tariff to the stan
dard of the compromise, act came up. Mr.
Evans flushed his remarks in reply tothenr-
gumquta presented: by Mr. McDuffie,, ip his
second speech upon the subjects of tlie tar
iff, protection, and-free trade. Mr. Archer,
for the purpose.of permitting the debate to
continue in its fullest latitude,- withdrew
Ilia motion to lay the resulutions'Ou, she ta
ble. .Mr. Woodbury obtained the floor*.«ud
-will Address the Senate when the subject is
resumed. The Senate,, before ndjouruing,
spent a short titpe in t executive sessiQti.—
We understand they confirmed several nom
inations, for miuot.offices. . ; - { '~
. -Jn the House of Representatives, ihe srib-
ject of the rules wps taken UR soon after
reading the'journal and Mr. Hammett of
Mississippi occupied the:morning-honr iu
support of flie 21st rule, and showing the
daugereus.tendencies ot abolitionism. The
report ol the Committee:-ol- Electiotts, sus-
tainingthe light of t.he^me.robers elected un
der the general-ticket system to their,seats,
was next taken up as tli6 ; special order of
the day; and, after a-preliminary.discus’
sion on the question whether it should be
considered m.Committcoof the Whole <tr iu
the Hom>e>tbeCoamiitteeo( the. Wholewas
discharged frqm the further.consideration of
it, aud it w&s taken up in the House. Mr.
Elmer, ihe chairman; of the. Conimidap of
.Elections, tboii coimnciici'd his argument in
favor of the reportlint, before concluding,
gave way to a motion to adjourn.
lo tlie canvass for the offices of President
and Vice President of the United Slates.—
And I find ns great a diversity of opinion
among nry friends ns to the course I should
adopt—some advising that, under no cir
cumstances, should l permit my name to be
used for the Vice Presidency—others advi
sing that I shoiild not submit my nnme to
the decision.of a national convention ; and
the most numerous expressiny a wish that l
should accept the nomination for the office
of Vice President, provided a majority of tlie
delegates to the national convention should
think, proper to select me as a candidate for
the vice presidency, after preferring anoth
er for the office of President.
In January, 1S42, I wns nominated, at
Frankfort, Kentucky, for the presidency, by
maw meeiinj?, composed of the democrat
ic members ofthe Legislaiare and citizens of
that State, subject to the decision of a nation
al convention. In January; 1843, 1 was
nominated for the-same office by a State
democratic convention at Frankfort, Ken
tucky, composed of five hundred delegates,
subject.to a decision'of a national Conven
tion.,. '1 was nfttrfw.ttfds.ngain nominated by
a subsequent State democratic convention,
composed of more-than five hundred dele
gates, for the same office," subject to the
same condition. ’ Each of these uommatious
was unanimous. In January, 1843,‘ the
democratic Stat« con veil lion of Indiana cal
led upon roe, in common with others, to
know if I were willing, to abide hy tbe -de
cision of a national convention ; and, fur
ther, if i would sustain the nominations; of
that con vein ion for the offices of Presidenl
and Vico President of the United States.
My answer to these interrogatories wns
without equivocation; which was that!
would support the nominees. 1 have no
reason to change that determination; but,
on the contrary; have good reasons for being
confirmed in my opinion os to tlie.ncees.sity
of adhering to my resolution; to insure- the
triumph ofthe democratic prirjy. ~1 intend
to redeem my pledge fuitiifully, without re
spect to persons, .
Subject to, the foregoing conditions, ]
have pet milled roy name fojie placed before
the public, And the national convention to
be held at Baltimore on the fonrth Monday
of May nejftyforiho office of President; 1
need not ednsutne time iu referring to my
nomination for thb office ot President, >y
friends in other States (han ■Kentucky.
No matter how flattering these demonstra
tions of public eonfidence/(nll of which is
duly appreciated,) my assenting to tfteit
wishes was not predicated upon the consid
eration that 1 was nominated for the first of
fice ; my assent to their permission of the
use of my uhme would have been equally
ns sincere nud cordial for the office of VjCu
President,
I um upw, ns I have ever been, identifi
ed with the democratic party. I never cx
pect to change that identity* The success
of the measures ofthat party are too dear to
me to be jeoparded, by any selfish' consider
ation oq njy part;.and, therefore, I ask no
thing, and-expect nothing, at the hands of
the-convention, that, will in any manner.in
jure or hazard the success-of the common
_ GENERAL INTELLIGENCE
From the Macon Telegraph of Jan. 'iOth.
liloiii'oc Kail-Road Con vention.
Tho annual Convention of the Stockhold
ers ol the Monroe Rail-Road, and Banking
Company, was held in this city on Thurs
day Inst. The meeting wns unusually large
—some G or 7000 shares being represented.
From the Reports of the Superintendent of
the Road, anc^ of the Principal Engineer, the
condition and prospects of the Company are
far more flattering than was to have been ex-
peettrd. Instead of tho hopeless and ruinous
state ol affairs, Which its enemies would have
us believe, the Road has Wen doing a very
fair business—at the same time the old parts
have boen thoroughly repaired or renewed—
new engines and curs placed upon it—and
the work gradnally and steadily pushing on
to completion. S.i that, notwithstanding its
embnfassiheuts, and the reftu-.nl of the legis
lature to pay the^StateVsubscription, there is
every piospect ol a junction being cffecltd
with the Stale Road before the close of the
present year. While the Directors of lias
Company have been thus energetic in advan
cing the great work, they have not been un
mindful ofthe inte.rrst of tlie Stockholders
—ihe expenses are reduced to the lowest pos
sible sum, and strictest vigilance and efficien
cy instilmed in -every department. The lia
bilities of the Company are. still largo, and it
will probably be a long tune before they are
entirely discharged; hot they are gradually
being reduced— and we look forward with
confidence-to^The day, when the Company
will be clear of delu—the Road finished, mid
the Slock yielding handsome dividends.
After the organization ofthe' meeting, the
Convention proceeded to the election of ofli-
cers for (lie ensuing year. The following is
Ihe resnlti ? - ’ • - -
ALLEN COCHRAN, President,
JAMES SMITH,
JOHN DAI LY,
GEO. A. WINN,
CHAS. Y. CALDWELL,
Cff A R LES COTTON,
STERLING LANIER,
1
i
)► Directors.
j
I * •-
J
. Central Bank Bills.
There were burnt of the bills ot thisinsti-
tuiion, last week, ihrea hundred and *ixty-
six tfiousaiid four hundred and forty-five
dollars.. There is Hi the Treasury, which
will not be issued, the further amount of one
iiuudrcd thousand dollars, which leaves in
circulation about two - hundred thousaud
dollars. When it is remembered the length
of time in’Which this issue has been in cir
culation, aud that it has entered largely in
to the circulation of Alabama and Teniifes-
see, it will at once bo apparent why these
bills are becoming- so rare. When' we re-
membeir tod, flint it is only by these bills
that, the best investment m Shite bonds in
the Union caii be made, it is surely no ex
aggerated opinion, Hint these bills, iusleaul
of being possibly hereafter depreciated, Vtiust,
from tlronature of tlie case, appreciate above
the value of those of. the other banks, mid
will be eagerly sought, eyen al an advance,
for the purposes above indicated.—S4>. Re
corder, bth best. -
Friday morning the 2J inst, we believe,
was the dayofsailingof lire Britannia steam
packet from Boston. The harbor, iiowever,
was frozen up for many miles,and it became
necessary to cut a channel, sixty feet wide,
to admit of her passing out. This the Fresh
Pond Ice Company contracted to do for 81,
500. T'b.e Mercnutile j'ou rnal thus describe
their mode of operation : ;
-“A^chauuel of 60. feet in width is fitst
marked out, which is then divided into block**
of 30 feet square. "The sections marked are
(lien ploughed, by .which the.ice i s c . nt near
ly down to the water. The plough is form
ed of seven different ploughshares, perfectly
flat.and' vory sharp, which are arranged m a
row, pearly similar lo wiiat is called a culti
vator. After ploughing, ibe ice is sawed so
as to detach the cakes from each other, wliicb
two grapnels arc attached to the cakes, and
they - are hauled under the stationery ice by
a gang of 150 men, some 15 standing on the
enkfe tb sink it, The.ice. is near 8 inchesm
thickness. v A Dumber of ladies are
which gives ffie scene a jvery animated ap
pearance." _____
Tho first Bank in America was establislwd^
the Legislature of South Carolina in 1713. It
efi £ 18.000 in bills of trust, which were lent, oqi at
“ - ■ . . .. . » , | CCI JrlDiUUU in uuia *»• vi .
cause. If the convention, m their wisdom,' interest. So savs'the Charleston Patrwt.