Southern banner. (Athens, Ga.) 1832-1872, July 19, 1855, Image 1

Previous Issue Next Issue

Clip Visible Area View Page Text View PDF

Newspaper Page Text*;• H'4 . 1 'r.vji ji:,,ii,||!LII1! ! .,‘t _ , - ^ - —.■• - ...... ' ' . ., A FAMt£¥ Jeti««IAli PCVfffTO POttflOS, ftffetOtjfcfiEflE, ftEWg ASP LtfElftTtjlE, VOL. XXIV. ATHENS, GEO., THURSDAY, JULY 19, 1855, XO. 19. iflji' Imttijmi ©aimer, I’FULISHED WEEKLY, BY IIII.L & SLEDGE^ A * JRASKI.IS HILL, JAMES A. SI.KDCK, EDITORS AND FROFRIETORS. flifter Upstairs, So. 7, Granite Row. TERMS: Xtr* Dollar* prr niinuin, in ndrnnrr, or Three »ollnr>, if delayed. ToCluKsremitting 810, in a«|»»*ee, hi* *’o- »>ir* will 1m* *Cljt, . , \nv AnSsi-riUor fnilin" to give notice of his destre to iliscotiUime his KuWcription nt the c\pir«tioo "J i In, time for which it has Imx*ii lioi'l. will he coiwuVtciI wishing to oontiwin it, ami held iiiihlcnccoplnitfl'. '7X«yil>tt will lie (except at the oyitcyft of the Editors,) until nil arrearages arc paid. KATE-** OF ADVBRTIHWO. r. sonar.', consisting M twelve lines small t vlM . «>r *pa«*«* <*<|uiv«lex»t, One I)ollar t*»r the j»»t inse rtion, and Kilty Cents for each weekly eontmu """special contracts can he made f>r yearly ndver- -7.‘;*al advertisement* inserted at the nsunl rates. Aiaionneiu- candidates for office, Five Dollars, n-ivulilc in advance, in nil cases. Husbands advertising tlicir wives, will he charged j •*', *o 1m< paid invariably in advance. * \'dvi*rhsement» should always have the desired o,l, er of insertions innrked upon'them when handed I !.r .dherwise the will he pnldished til! forbid, and i liarseil accordingly. DIRTilCTORY i • *7* Pnilti^Duinl nii*l lliwiiH'A-* men«•«» li'fvr llwir . ni.lw ins.Tl.-a un.U r this Iica«l. f*>r ouo yrnr, nt tlo , t. w of Kivr Dollnrs t'oriwnnl <»f lint mnrirthniinix lines, mnl seventy live ronls for each n«Miti«mnl Ini«\ W 1)R, U. LOMBARD, roVI 1) respectful!'* niinoiinee to the citizens ! Vtheiis and vicinity, that his office* is still ,V Veal's Clothing Store, College* Ave- e the lost Offic e. Kel.'.'lt— lv. Wil- xEALERS MOORE A IWRLTON, ilk. Kuliev and Staple floods, - " " ante* Row, [dan. 2l>. f) Vlardwnrc and Crockery, X Athens. On. T. H. WILSON A BROS., -.-(Till || |-*s ILK and r.-tnil deale rs in Dry Gnosis, Y > Cr.H .-ries. Hardware, ('rookery, Ac., New. J and I. College A veil lie, Athens, (la. March If'. SJW'EL !\ TIURMOND, 4 1 f« il:M-.V AT LAW,.lclTcrsnn..lncksnn conn •\ iv i. t will attend promptly to nnv business e.Milidcs'l to iiisrun*. |Aprii tit, lW WILLIAM G. DELONEY, Attorney nt I-nw, f.sofcial attention to collectin':, and to . . 1 timsof oil person*ontitleilto I.AN1T W AH K \\TS un ler the late bounty land bill ot tin* la >i t ,• «m llr**«*l Street, over tbe store of T. M. Ken- 1M .v. Aihrns, tin. March 15—if. Speech of Mr. Stephens. Deli rend in the Female Academy at Sparta on the 22d of June. Written out by him, and jtuldisked at the request of several who heard it. Fellow-Citizens— Ladies and Gentlemen : Upon the invitation of some ‘of the ppophe of your county, I appear “before you to-day, to speak upon the questions which now engage public attention.— This announcement is notiee quite suf ficient, without further exordium of the topics upon which your hearing is solic ited. “Know Notlungism,” or “Ameri canism,” as it is now styled, is the sub ject. But before entering into the con sideration, as 1 intend to do, I feel it to be duo no less to you than myself, to say something in reply to certain rumors which have been put in circulation in your community about me, and what 1 have said on other occasions; the coun try is now full of such, and other like rumors; they have all doubtless been used, if not originated, with a view to prejudice your minds against me. It lias, for instance, been reported, as 1 have been informed, that I said “I would rather go to Hell with a Catholic on niy hack than to Ileaven with a Know Nothing.” All I have to reply to this is, 1 nrrer said it ! Again, it has bccii reported that I said that there was not “an honest man belonging to the Amer ican party,” To this also l have simply to reply, J nrrer said it ! On the con trary, you have all seen it from under my hand, that some of the best men in the State, in my opinion, and the best friends I bad on earth, were in the Or-* dor. How could I then, with this de claration, say or assert that no honest man was in the Order? Nor do I look upon such men as a “scurvy set,” as is intimated by Malanchton, an anonymous writer from this place, in the Chronicle «.)* Sentinel. I look upon them as good men, “unwittingly” misled; with honest motives, misled. And all that I have said and shall say to-day to all such, who may lie^r me, is with the view of showingthem their errors, and not for personal offence. I have, and would talk to all such not only as friends, but brothers; and 1 would act towards them just as 1 would towards a brother suffer ing and even rolling in frenzy, under some fell bodily disease, caught from the unseen malaria that floats through the 111LL & THOMAS, n r. ILEUS in Silk, Fancy, mnl Stuplc G-msls, llnrtlwnrc. Crockery, Groccnc*, Ac., No. *1 r.rnuitr Uow, Athens, (5n. Linn. lH. FERRY A REESE, %A'IP ILESALK ami retail iVcah-r* in lints, Cups, Af Hoots. Shoes, Trunks. «Vc., between Drs. 1 „n -.* nnil White's comer, Unmil struct. Athens, ‘ |,Iun. IP. F. \V. LITAS. »» "HOLES.II.R ntni retail ilenleritt Drv OimmIs, A A lir.M-ieries, Hnrhvnro, *«.*., No.2, I’.rori'l st. All, |J"» 1!> * 1.1 VT ifHfll. J. LONG, \X "lit ll.ESAl.E awl retail Druggists. Athens, A A i • i., keep j* nis*nitlvon linwl a large at*! "'oil „.|.......1 .|,,,'k of faint*. < tils. Varnishes, Dye Stuffs, lirii'hfH, Wiifllnw (Jliiss mnl l*uttv. AU.t.tlcnlers in Ainerirnn, Freneb nnd f'lwniirnl, 1 Me.lieim^, lVrfunurv mnl Fin icy A:ini«'b*n. I \ xT Fbynicinnt*, Dcnlcn* mnl nil others, enn no ] upon tlicir or«l» i>» nio»*tiiiir prompt nttentinn, Hjftii tin* nnw*t iirconnniMlntinir term?*. I li«*ir nri . h,*!,., !,..! with ^rent care, and wifi In* Avnrrnntoil i.*r.>ir«wiitnl. " W- T 'IlMlol'SK, r. S. AARRU.L T. STEMIOI'SE & ro.» I NOl!WARDING nnil Connnission M.'rehnnts ' No. *.’, ilavne Street,Charleston, S. (’. Refer to R Dalin. llatul. Williams .V Wilcox, Charleston; Ran 1 Williams A ('*». Augusta; ,1. Norerovs, Atlau m r (' ('luiieller. Chat tain.oga; K. II. & D- L ('..lliii A Co., Knoxville. July 20—lv. R. L. BLOOMFIELD, "IH ll.ESAl.E mill retn’l Clothing Store. Email Sirr.a t, Athens, On. [Env 10. D. N. JI DSON. 111 AIM | ssi tN MERCHANT, nml ilealer in choice j * Kamilv ties. Confectionaries, Emits, Ac. ea the n*nu*r of Hronil nnil.Inekson streets, Athens, da April 26, 1S.S). IRON AND BRASS FOUNDRY AND MACHINE 1VOBKH. I lli 'N an ! llrnss Castings of every vnrietv nml ri'.tion lmpro. e.1 Iron Circular Saw Mills, [ wnn anteil eiiaal to the Mfcst: Steam Engines, For- l’innps. Gold Mining, Mill. Gin, and all other I kin ;. ,.f Geeriugf Mill Irons and all kinds ol Ala ehii„rv made to order; Iron Fencing of select pnt- tu*i- Plough and Wagon Castings and Dog-irons. I Every vnrety of rejmiring nnd wrought ir<»n work pn'luptly « \M*ilti il. . . 1 ^ur I'l iicrnl mwortinoot "f pnttoni^, nrc.two noni m»i?i««n of yenn*. A lint will be »ent llionc nrl n... 1" ,M XJCKERRON. M. Eo Aj'ent Athene Stoam Co., Atlicrm, C?n. •Inn 1^—ly. Fl UNIT! RE ALANTFAfTORY AND tVAHK.BOOtl. 'HE mi'h-.ignod liegsto announce flint he lias ■ nn« n« tiiunj at his WARE UOOM, near tlic E|iiv,iji.a| Church, an ejctviwia e assortment ot Fur- ’’*-r, of every d«*srrption. Conneeteil with the »fe n-aii, is a CAHIXKT SHOP, where he is i. t'lhed to make nnv article of furniture to order aInt short notice, anil to repair old furniture, di lle-Mering. Ase., Ac. lie keeps on hand an ns »tv»nt of (j;u Mainline*, of every variety, fi'k’. fluent Aletnllie and other coffins • oil TERMS CASH. Smi-ntber:W, 1854. ““ WILLIAM WOOD. j tEW TAILORING EST ABLISHMENT. U AVIXG secured the services ofO. P. Caldwell tornierly cutter for Win. <1. Price, of Savannah t'lL’iiMji. 1 will have executed, in the neatest and F’’"' 1 tishionable style, ailordev.iconfided to our care. 1 1 •’ nl wcgel -.khIs, »e will lake the measure nnd l'" rWA,^piaerninonr inanufact iring.cstahlishment l»tthcN'„nh, where 1 will pay partieuly nttentlooto ' 'Material and making, "I"t forward the garment Mack to t)». customer in three weeks from the lime the Vasil ie i, ),.)■, '*■ '‘1 have a good assortment of plain and fancy " I "Ue, C.ssiinere*, Vcstitg, ■Sic., here by tbe 15th of ilj. at which time all orders left, will meet with ■prompt attention. I Lotting and making nt tbe shortest notice,on very rca |»M<* term., fmm this day forward. Athens, J une SS, 18551 R. L. BLOOMFIELD. M KIsODBONH.—'The suburrr Iht hits o]K*iie<l on r.«sortmect of I Price At Co.’s celebrated Mctodeons •which he will sell nt the Mnnufactu * prieta, with the addition of freiglit. Apnl 19—ly. A. K. CHILDS i8l;*k(UUA A ><4BOB stock of Drj llK.i^*-Sjx»vFvFe good*,Tints, Boot* and Shoes, , ‘i>"l»ure, Iron, ^Crockery, Groeeriee, Ae„ for side April , n“ h ' by ®? A jp T k NICHOLSON I ** ) ®' c3rtT *Tennrsuc/i B*ixm, a,** t ■Hx-wosphore in the sctismis of plague ami pestilence. It is with this spirit 1 linvc spoken anti shall continue to spenk on this subject, let my friends think of me ns they may. But again, I see it stated in an article published in the Chronicle tf Sentinel, over the saute signature of Melanethon, that tlic writer hnd understood that in my “speech at Crawfordville, 1 had said, werc that all or nearly all the. Preachers in the Georgia Methodist Conference were Know Nothings,” and that I must con sider them all as belonging to the same “scurvy” set. Now, «vlto Me/anethon is, may be known to yon or some of you.— lie lias not made "himself known to the public in these assaults against me.-*- Hc clioses to “shoot,” not “spout” at me in the dark, as I said in Augusta. But 1 believe it is sufficiently conceded by the “knowing ottos,” to warrant me in assuming that Hr. lV.ullcton, of your place, is the author. 1 shall so consider him. lie may he present, for aught I know. If so, I say to him. and to you, that this report, as the others, is utterly without foundation. In my speech at Crawfo'rdvile, 1 did not say one word about Mc-tliodist Preachers, or tlic Grand Conference. In Warren ton, where this report lias been circulated as it has been here, (being now given to the world, to make a lodgment where the refutation may, perhaps, never go) I gave the same denial I do now. 1 stated in Warrenton, as I do now, that while I had made no mention of Methodist Preachers, or any other Protestant denomination in my peech at Crawfordville, or speech elsc- vhere, yet 1 believed that many Preach ers of all the denominations were mem bers of tlic Order, but for tlic honor of Protcstanism, and for the sake of religion and good "morals, as well as their own sacred calling, I trusted they did not give countenance to that .general system of equivocation, deception and l)'ing which marked tlic progress of the Or-* der, and which was bringing truth into disrepute, nnd Christianity itself into dis grace. And docs Mrlancthon or any body else deny that such has been the general effect of tlie Institution wherever it lias taken foothold ? 1 have not said, nor do I now sav, that all the members of the. Order do"thus equivocate am] deceive.— I have, and do distinctly affirm that ma ny do not, hut that great numbers do, and that from the rise of tlic Order this system of deception and evasion, or call it what vou may, has marked its progress. Can nnv one deny it? You know it is true. And if I but tell you what your consciences assure you is true, nnd any body takes offence at it, it Js not me hut tlic truth that offends all such. Let us look at this thing a little, n*nd consider it calmly and dispassionately, in cool judgment—for I do not wish to address you in the language or tone even ot pas sion. Is there a parent here, a father or mother, in this large assembly, who woulcFnot chastise a .child for such pr© varication, equivocation 4P.c<*ption as that practiced by. thousands of this Order ? And which may be considered one of its leading characteristics, at least np to the present time. If you aliould in such" case “spare the rod,” yon would most certainly “spoil the child.” The brightest gerh in the aggregation of vir tues which adorn human character, is truth. The parent w)u> neglects this principle ip the tender years of his off spring, many not be surprised to sec those, who should Dfc asttyr, a solace and an hopor ip Jiis old age, hrrnging his greV hairs down ip sorrow to tfie'graye. Is there a master here who would not pun ish his slave for such deception ? Is there a “Know Nothing” master here who Would not ? You know there is not. And if there be one of the Order here who has thus deceined his neighbor, he knows that for a like offence against himself lie would punish his slave—yea, he would whale him. Is it then not wrong? Fellow-citizens, you may put down foreigners by such means—hut by the same means you will sow Dragon’s teeth broadcast is the land. Another matter of difference between Mrlancthon and myself which I may ns well here notice, relates to the Jacobin Clubs. 1 stated that the Society which afterwards was known as the Jacobins, was organized under tlie. specious name of “the friends of the Constitution.” In this he undertook to correct me. lie says their first name was “the friends of the Revolution.” I gave my authority, Theirs, the French Historian. He pro duces the. American -Encyclopaedia ns his, and says that “analogy is very much against tlie statement of M. Thiers.” I think very differently. Apart from his being a Frenchman and otic of the great est writers, the circumstances, facts nnd events of that period go far, in my opin ion, to sustain him. This Society was instituted on the 6th November, 1789.— This was soon after the Constitution was formed which Louis XVI swore to sup port. Revolution had not then shewn its head. It was not until the 21st Sep tember, 1792, after the imprisonment of tbe King, that the “Proclamation of the Republic” was made. That is when the Revolution was openly avowed. 'Flic same Society which at firs", as we have it in Theirs, styled themselves “tlic friends of the Constitution,” may then have assumed the new name of “the friends of the Revolution.” This may indeed be considered by many as a mat ter of no great importance, but 1 allude to it to show that even in this very small matter both by weight of authority and “analogy,” I was right. And yet tjfter all, perhaps in ore itt^poilatuv should be given to it than first might appear pro per. It shows with what specious ob ject men set out sometimes, and what different results they accomplish. “The friends of the Constitution” was quite as as specious si party name for good and true Frenchmen at that day, as “Ameri cans shall.rule America” is for good and true citizens of this country at this time. But it is said again and again by Melanc- tlion and others, that our people can never do ns ‘Frenchmen did—that the standard of virtue is too high with us ; and that I have done great injustice to my own countrymen in supposing it pos sible that they "could ever l>c tlic perpe trators of sttcit outrages as the Jacobins If any peyson has been offended by my reference to the Jacobin clubs or by any remark 1 made about them which is considered harsh in their appli cation to similarly constituted secret po litical societies iti this country, let me ask him to hear and consider ivliat Wash ington said of just such societies this will be particularly appropriate at this time, as his great name, in my opinion, has 1)0011 most impiously invoked to give aid and comfort to the present organiza tions. The “Know-Nothings” arc not the first secret political organization at tempted to be instituted in this country. An association of this sort was founded in Philadelphia during the Administration of Washington. The reason or “motive assigned for it,” says Marshall in his life of Washington, from which book I read, was, “An anxious solicitude for tlie pre servation of freedom, tbe very existence of which was menaced by. a ‘European Confederacy transccdent in Power and bein unparalleled in iniquity.’ ” _ .How very like flic reason or motive which is now assigned for the present association; then people were asked to organize in secret against a “European Confederacy trans cendent in Power, and unparalleled' in in iquity.Now, they arc called upon in secret to organize against “Foreign Influ ence,” and the Church of Rome of “trans cendent Power and unparalleled iniqui ty.” The organization thus constituted “on the model,” Marshall says, “of the Jacobin club in Paris”—appointed a corresponding committee to give more extensive operation to their labors,” and throngli-wbom they would communicate with other societies, which might he es tablished on similar principles throughout the United States.” Thus the machine ry was set agoing—on tlic Jacobin model __that is secrecy—with affiliated associ ations and corresponding committees spreading their net-work and spider meshes all over tlieland, under the icrj specious design as avowed, of prosen ing freedom, tlic vcrycxistencc of which was menaced or endangered by a il Luropcan Confederacy, transcendent in Power, and unparalleled in iniquity.” Now, what 1 ask you to do is to listen, and hear wlint Washington said of these secret political societies, started in Philadelphia in his day, and while lie was President. He did not foil to bring tlieircxistcnce prom inently to the notice and attention of Congress. In his message, he says: “Our anxiety, arising from the licen tious and open resistance w ihe laws.in the western counties of Pennsylvania, has been increased by the proceedings of certain self-created societies relative to the laws and administration of the gov ernment : proceedings, in our npprehen sion, founded in political error, calculat ed, if not intended, to disorganize our government, and which, by whispering delusive hopes of support, have been in strumental in misleading our citizens in the scene of insurrection.” In a letter to Gen. Henry Lee, of the 26th August, 1793, which I kavp before me, he uses thjese words: “Tlyit these societies (alluding to the. same (were instituted by the artful and designing members, (many of their body, I have ho doubt, mean well, but know but little of the jvv/f plan.) primarily to* sow the seeds of jealousy and distrust fears. I know they are so at present; I among the people of the government by destroying all confidence in the adminis tration of it; and that these, doctrines have been building ever since, is not new to any one who is acquainted with the characters of their leaders and has been attentive to their manoeuvres. I early gave it as my opinion, to the con fidential characters around me, that if these societies werc not counteracted, (not hv persecution, the only ready way to make them grow stronger,) or did not fall into disestcem from the knowledge of their origin and the views with which they had been instituted by their father Genet, for purposes well known to the Government, they would shako-the Govr, eminent, to its foundation. Time and circumstance have confirmed me in this opinion, and I deeply regret the probable consequences, not as they will affect me personallv, (for I have not long to act on this theatre, and sure I am that not a man among them can be more anxious to put me 'aside than I am to sink into the profoundcst retirement,) hut because J see under popular guises the most diabol ical attempts to destroy the best fabric of human government and happiness that lias ever been presented to the acci tance of mankind.” This letter and these sentiments ■comincnd to the sober consideration ot every one who hears me. Have I ev er said anything stronger or harsher against the danger to be apprehended from tlie secret political societies that we now have, than the Father of his Country said agaiqst very similarly or ganized bodies inliis day? He.d'ce.ply know it is impossible for these agents of our choice, and unbounded confidence, to harbor machinations against the ador ed principles of our Constitution, as for gravity to change its direction am] for raved bodies to mount upwards—tlie fears are indeed imaginary; but the ex ample is real—under its authority as a precedent,.future associations will arise with objects at which wc should shud der at this time.—.{Now mark what fol lows.)—The .Society of Jacobins in an other country was instituted on princi ples and views as virtuous as ever kindled the hearts of patriots. It was the pure patriotism of their purposes which ex tended their association to tbWthiitsof the nation and rendered their power within it boundless; and it was this power which degenerated their principles and practi ces to such enormities as never before could V»ire been imagined. Yet these were men; and we and our descendants will be no more.* Tlie present is a case, where., if ever we are to guard against ourselves; not against ourselves as ice arc,-hut as we may be ; for who can now imagine what we may become unde circumstances not now imaginable? * * * * These considerations have impressed my mind with force so irresistible, that (in duty bound to an swer your polite letter, without-which I should not have obtruded tin opinion)— I have not been able to withhold tlie ex pression of them. Not knowing tbe in dividuals who have proposed this phut, I cannot be conceived as entertaining personal disrespect tor them. On the contrary, I .see in the printed list persons regretted the probable consequences” itf for wluun 1 cherish sentiments of sincere them in ltis day, not as they would friendship; and others, for wltojse opin affect him personalis/," (and *so_I' can ions and purity of purpose I have tilt ^ ... (and say with perfect truth as regards my self.) but because lie saw under popular nnd fascinating guises, the diabolical at tempts to destroy the best fabric of human gorernment and happiness that has erer been presented to the acceptance of man- kiud ! Fellow citizens, if this language is harsh or strong, it is unt mine. It is tlie language of him who was “first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of purity of purpose 1 have the highest respect. Yet thinking ns 1 do, that this association is unnecessary— that the government is proceeding to the same object under the control of the law; that they arc competent to it in wisdom, in means, and in inclination; that this association, this wheel within a wheel, is more likely to produce collision than aid; and that it is in magnitude of dangerous example, 1 am bound to say, that as a dutiful citizcu, I cannot, in learnt another, not of dissimilar import. It is this: “Honor nnd slinmo front no conilitioii rise: Act well your |mrt; there nil the honor lit**." These nnd other kindred maxims and precepts have been the guiding stars of my life. When a hoy, they cheered me on, whether at the plow by day, or poring over musty books by torch light at night; and by them I lpivc always been governed, wherever my lot has been cast, whether in the school-room, the Court-room, or tlic Halls of Legisla ture, they teach that tlic race for. honors or position should be a race of merit.— Impress this upon the minds of the sons of tlic rich nnd the sons of the poor— upon tlie boys ou* your plantation, jn your schools, in your colleges, and in your factories and workshops, and upon ({like, that in Republican Amxiica, ev ery citizen, wherever ho may he horn, or what may be his religion, is to ha meas ured and weighed in the civil scales ac cording ttf his individual conduct, deserts and worth. This is one of the element al principles of all Americanism, as I understand it. It was to give “develop ment” to this and other ideas 1 may speak of, if my strength permits, that our forefathers quit the dynasties of the old world and sought refuge in this. Then a man’s position was estimated not by bis worth but by his birth and his faith. But this new standard of appre ciating men—this new principle which distinguishes us niorc than anything else from all other nations—no bigger at first than p. “grain of mustard seed,” planted on tins continent by those who abandon ed tlie errors of old systems, ltgs grown and flourished under tlie fostering care of patriots and tlic smiles of a benignant Providence, until we have become wliat wc are—tlie wonder of tlie world and the admiration of mankind. How in consistent with our history is tlie idea his countrymen.” Listen to the words, conscience become a member of this so- tlten, as not coming from me—hear ciety; possessing as it does, my entire them as tlic.waraing of one who, though confidence in the integrity ot its views, dead, vet from tlie grave speaketh.— * * * Repeating, therefore, my Br.i ii is said that tlic same objections I just acknowledgments for the honor pro will apply with equal force to all other j posed to me, 1 beg leave to add the as- sccret societies, such as Masons, Odd suranccs to the society and yourselt ot Fellows, Sons of Temperance, Ac.— my highest confidence and cousidera- Not ea. The objections I urge, apply I tion.”—Thos. Jefferson. solclv to secret political societies. When In tlie letter it will l»e seen Mr. Jeffer- men associate for objects of charity or S on acknowledges a line of distinction bc- othcr purposes, which relate only to I tween prirqte associations and political themselves, nobody else lias any inter-1 societies. As esjM*eially such as may est in knowing tlicir councils; but when riral the Gorernment i’t their magnitude they combine to adopt measures which and jmwer. He thought, too, that such may affect the lives, liberty or property j means might be resorted to in times ofrc vo- of others, all others whose rights may Nation, but only in suck eases. He ro be affected by their councils, have a refused tocommit himself with tlie one right to know what they are about.— I proposed, though it possessed his entire Political societies are those which seek confidence in the integrity of its views to get control of the Government l>y I barely because of the danger that might winch every man’s life, liberty and result from the concentrated power ot property may be affected. This is a such an organization and because ot the distinction that AY asiiingts>n made him- j example. \\ hat he says ot tlic Jacobins, self. For at tlic close of the war of the I would especially commend to the calm Revolution, several of the officers—lie reflection of nU who boast so much ot amongst the number—formed a society the high standard ot virtue in this coun known as tlic Cincinnati Society. It try, which they rely upon to protect was an association of friendship and them from such tjgcnes ot butchery and charity; and by means of which those 1 blood tlmt France was the theatre ot. who bad been so long together in. the I Fellow-citizens, why is it that Sparta scenes of war, might be annually brought is still standing, while Sandersville lies together in some fraternal way to enjoy in ruins? Is it because the materials ot tlie blessings of peace. It had nothing which the buildings arc erected here to do with politics. So far from it, and arc less combustible titan were those ot so averse was Washington to all such the buildings there I Is the pine or the political societies, on the bare suspicion oak less inflammable here than there? being entertained that it might become! By no means. Under like circumstances, as engine in political contests, that up- j your beautiful village would fall before on tlie first meeting of the Cincinnati the same dovouring element, and present Society, of which lie had been chosen the same scene ot desolation as your President lie recommended its disban- unfortunate neighbor. And human na- donment, which was virtually dorm. I ture is the same everywhere. It is no .Mr. Jefferson also recognized this line 1 better hero than it was in.France of distinction between bare private asso- But lot these preliminary remarks. Nations and political societies. This lie both as to rumors and criticisms on piv did in a letter of his which I have before position, suffice. I he subject I am ad- written on the 6tl. March, 1822.— dressing you upon is Americanism.— To this letter I ask your special atten-1 Americans wc all arc, and as Americans tion. It was written in answer to one I shall speak to you. I am myself not nroitosiiv* to liiiu to become a member of only an American bom, but American the society for the civilization and itn- J in heart, in sentiment, and American movement of the Indian Tribes. The all over, as I was taught Ijip principles society hnd a charitable object; it was of genuine Americanism m youth, and not secret cither; hut wlipn looking into have nourished and cherts,ted them i<mi constitution he discovered a “tna- the cradle to the present day. 1 he chine of gigantic stature.” It lookcd cultiv.ation and development ot a sent.- in the details of its operation towards a incut of profoundly intense American connection with politics. It was this feeling,” is now set forthi as a principle which caused him to refuse it his coun- This 1 have endeavored to look to al] tennnee or membership. He says: my life; ^ intense fcelmgfor wha ? That the plan now proposed is enti- 1* or the soil beneath our feet. 1 o c tied to unmixed approbation, I am earth that wc tread upon ? If so, the not prepared to say after mature consul- wild Indians tluu roamed over t to same oration‘ and with .all the partialities land and tl.c same sod. wore perhaps which it* professed object would right more “intensely American than fully claim from me. 1 shall not under- best of its. If so, Oceola, lecumsch, take to draw the line of demarkation j Black Hawk, and all tlicir irn between private associations of laudible I riors of the red tribe, v\ topic ‘ views and unimposing numbers, and I to leaving the hunting grow i those whose magnitude may riralise and youth, and the gTayes o ion sires, vv ere jeopardize the march of regular Govern- quite as good “Native Americans as the menL Yet such a line does not exist*— J President of tlic late National Coun- 1 have seen the days—they werc those 1 cil. , . , , which preceded the Revolution, when Atncngnn fading, as J have cherished even this last and perilous engine became I it, and shall continue most profound! necessary, but they werc days which and intensely to cultivate it and devc no man would wish to see a second time, ope it, looks to those principles of humn This was the case when the regular au- government which lie at. the foundation thorities of the Government had combin- of our present American civilization and ed against the rights oftbeueoplg, and from vKch we have cenved all our no swam* pf correction remained to them present peace, ffluict, happiness, nr.osper- ” •• 1 ity, greatness, and renown, apd from the butto organize a collateral power which j ity, grejj.tuc.s3, •V. x • * with their support might rescue and so- unyielding maiutninnncc of n Inch sprrng cure tlicir violated rights. But such is all our hopes for the future, not the case with opr Government. We One of the earliest maxims impressed need hazard no collateral power which | upon my m j n d was, that “worjhtnakes by a change of its original views and 1 man," and “tcant of it th^ya/o'c, - assumption of others, we know not how J the world oyer. It matters not where virtuous or how mischievous, would be I a ma n of our own race may be born; ready organized, and in sufficient shake 1 whether on this or ‘ thp * other continent the established foundations o£ society, I whether ima hovel or a palace—-or what and endanger its peace and tbe princi-1 may be ]ijs apeesiry pr lineage , he pies on which it is based .f 9 t j should stand and be. est eemed by his It will be said that these aw! imaginary j o^ depds and .pents., l early that none except those, born upon the soil can appreciate this principle or he attached to our institutions ? Why, who aided ill erecting these instituions ! \\ ho fought the battles of the Revolution ? AYerc they all notices “to the manor horn ?” Who was Gilbert Marquis de La Fayette ? Who was Charles Lee, Richard Montgomery, 11 illiam Moultrie, ArtlicrSt. Clair, Hugh Mercer, Horatio Gates, Connt Rplaski, Baron DeKalb ? All officers in our arp t y ip the war of the Revolution; all risking, not only honor and fortune, hut their lives for our cause ? And more besides these. Who was Alexander Hamilton, Washington’s bo som friend throughout the war and throughout liis life ? lie, upon whom lie relied above all others, both in coun cil of war. and councils in peace ? lie was not a native ; his eyes first saw the light in the West Indies. And who was Thaddeus Kosciusko? A polish patriot, whose heart beat in unison with our cause when its first vibrations reached him in distant climes. Al as ever man more thoroughly imbued with those prin ciples which mark Americanism, as those who established it understood it, than this distinguished Foreigner ? A\ itli him the cause was a principle, and not a lo cality. He fought for it here, and he fought for it in his native land. How many sympathising hearts mourned his final overthrow ? AA hat school boy has not been taught to repeat the plaintive lines of the poet:— “Hone, for a *on*on, lii.l tlic worlil farewell And Freedom Hliricked wlien Ksiaciusko fell. 1 But more, still, who were AVilliam Crogltan, John .Tames, AA illiam R. Da vie, James Christie, and Andrew Irving? All foreigners, who came to aid our fathers in their struggle, and all of them officers in tin? American Army. And who were John Barny, and John 1’aul Jones? Names that should he immor tal ! Those, gallant men who bore our flag triumphnnly on the seas during the same eventful period in our history ? Both were foreigners—one an Irishman, the other a Scotchman—who came to aid the cause of America when that cause needed aid. And who was James Jackson, a name that should ever be dear to every Georgian ? He was not only a foreigner, who aided in our Revo lutionary struggle, hut, after the war, as a civilian and legislator, lie did more for our H^ n State than any other man, and, perhaps, tlaiu all other men, together in Jus day. AA’lten the fair escutcheon of Georgia’s honor was famished hy the infamous A azoo fraud, concocted and perpetrated hy corrupt natire conspira tors, who for money, sold tlicir country who did sa much as this son, by birth of a foreign clime, but who had a heart, nevertheless, glowing with real and tiuo. Americanism in exposing the villainy of the transaction—in saving the honor of' the State, and burning the parchment on which the foul deed was recorded, by fire brought down from Ileaven ? Amer icanism, fellow citizens, no more springs from the soil than do worth, virtue, hon or and integrity. It comes not from tlic ground. It comes from the heart and head. This is evidenced not only hy those illustriop^ characters I have, mentioned, who fought the battles which sucured our National Independence, hut alsohy pinny of the same class who ren dered no less signal service in making that declaration, apd > n a ^ 0U ® , ”S people to stand hy it and defend «, Ut the signers of that instrument, which gave us birth as a nation, eight out of the tiftv-seven who thus pledged “tlicir life, tlicir fortunes, and their sacred honor, were foreigners. Button Gwumetf, from onr own State, was a foreigner, were Francis Lewi* Robert Morns, James Smith, Gcorge Taylor, Matthew Thornton, James AALllson, and the nev- -er to-be-forgotten John Witherspoon. But not in the Declaration of Indepen dence, and in its maintenance in the field, did Foreigner*;join and aid, but m the formation of the Constitution itself— that perfect embodiment of those grand and Leading ideas and principles which constitute real and genuine Americanism, Foreigners were also present, participa- — . Tn ting and contributing their aid. Wilsolit was there, Morris was there, aud Hamil ton was there. As the Temple of Solo mon was made with materials brought from all parts of the then known world, so this majestic temple of our libpftipq was reared by men coming from distant quarters of the globe; men governed ant] guided by like sentiments aud likp prill; cipj.es, without regard to clime or country —-just as tbe wise men of the cast were guided in tlicir pilgrimage by the Star of Bethlehem, which finally rested over the infant Savior, and whom, they found him, they bowed dptvp *ui<] worshipped. AV hose ltgarfs, tjiiiik you, were more thoroughly imbued with true Christian principles—those strange for eigners from the East, who “rgjnicad with exceeding great joy,” wlieu they saw the star that led them to their Lord, or those native Judeans who rejected and even crucified that Lord ? Bare na tivity lias but little to do with cither p man’s character or his principles,, Tq say that a man born in another country cannot be. imbued with American griqci? pies, is almost as untenpblfi as to say that Cliijst himself was a horse, because lie was born in a stable- It is )bc soul that makes tbe man—-just as the spirit of divinity, incarnate in Him, made Him nietlicr horse nor man, but “Go4 manifest in the flesh.” But Americanism, as we are now taught it, would not only ignore all tli cse principles, and assert the doctrine that no man born out of the limits of the Unjlpd .States can hr tit to hold any office under the government, but it goes much further as 1 have shown on other occasions, and strikes, in my opinion, a fatal blow at 0.11c of the most vital parts of the Con; stitution itself. Tilts blow comes that article of its creed winch proscribes Catholics, aud proposes t«i set up a religp ous test as a qualification for office.—r One of the obligations taken by evi member of the “Order” is never to • for a Roman Catholic for any office.—*■ AVhat is this but an open attack upon the spirit, if not the letter of the Consti tution t The clause in that instrument on this subject, and the whole clause, in tjiesa words: “The Senators nnd Representatives before mentioned, and members of the scvpral State Legislatures, and all Exe; cutive and Judicial officers both of the Unite States and tlie several States, shall be bound by oath, or affirmation, te sup port this Constitution; but no religious tes shall ever be required as a qualifica tion of any office ot public trust under tlie United States.” AA'liat was tlic object of this hut to secure to every citizen the right of eligi? bility to office, nutiyithstanding any re; ligious opinions he may entertain f In other words, to put a stop to all enquir ies touching a man’s faith in questions relating to his eligibility to, or qualifica tions tor office? The only guaranty it asks for fealty to the Government until there be some overt act against it, is an oath to support the Constitution. Jt is, however, said this provision of (the Gou> stitution was only intended to precept Congress from passing a law of the chary acter of the English test act. The clause does not so read, nnd it cannot so mean. For sujtpose the President, who has the appointment of so KHtny thousand* of officers holding places^ of profit and trust under the Constitution should, before confcring one of these ajD pointinents, inquire into a map’s religi ous creed, and reject an applicant if hi$ faith did not square with his own.— Suppose lie shouU require all persons ' hy him to he 1’rotestAnts not plainly and palpably vio late that clause which says that “no re/f gious test shall ever be required l" How, this ts just what “Know Nothingism” proposes; for, by the Second Degree, if a member of the Order should be Prest- dent, he is hound to appoint no Catholic —that is, lie is bound to require a reli gious test that tlic Constitution §ayg “shall never be required." In every view of the subject, is not this chouse as binding upon tlic appointing powers as it is upon Congress ? And have not every member of ‘‘tlie prder” who has taker) the 2d Degree, put hiBw^Jf gnder aft obligation never to appoint a * Robm**) Catholic to office, if he should ever be in an official station to exercise the ap; pointing power ? Is not this obligation in direct conflict with the obli^iiph of the Constitution? There can be nq doubt of it. But i? it true that this clause of the Constitution is not obligato; ry upon voters at the polls? How 1 caq they, as friends of the Constitution, indi rectly effect that which the Constitution declares shall noi he done ] the plain object and iirtention of the OoauJte tution was to fix and establish this princi ple and secure this great civil right, ]]*«£ 11 no religious test shall be req+uxff as a qualification to any office 4 r *>” Ml must admit. AVcll then, can any friend of the Constitution, as it is, dq thap yjijpg would virtually and effectual paralyze and nullify that clause? Can he right; fully disregard its evident spirit, contra vene its plain object, and defeat its ac : knowledged purpose? How can meg who thus array themselves against what they may admit to be the intention of tho framers of the Consrit^tum, and whfl combine to effect at the polls qrhqt iegfe : lators cannot, without d isrogarding ** oaths, upon the statute book, sot up any just claims to bo locked upon, or consid ered as the advocates of true Anjorieari; ism ? They arc as little as f]*ey may think it against the Constitution of their country. One clause orthe Constitution arc in these words. * ' . “No person held to service ojr labor ig one State under the laws tliensqf, tjscapr ing into another, shall in consequence qlj any law or regulations therein, he disy charged from stick service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim to whom such Service or Ja}>0)r may. 1.” . [COLLI DED NEATriJ PS*]' ♦. party to be. due.’

Georgia Historic Newspapers

Southern banner. (Athens, Ga.) 1832-1872, July 19, 1855, Image 1