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VOL. XXIV. (T'ljr limtljmi "Bjniifr, PUBLISHED WEEKLY, BY HILL & SLEDGE*.-^ k. k. FRANKLIN HILL, JAMES A, SLEDGE EDITORS AND PROPRIETORS. , u \ Office Up-stairs, No. 7, Granite' Row, TERMS: • Two Dollars prr annum, in numncr, or Thrrs Dollars, if ddared- To Clubs remitting 810, in ndrnnrc, Six Co- pirs will be sent. r* Any subscriber failing to give notice of his desire <o discontinue !.i. snbscripHon at the rvpir •"••!■ tile time for which it has beet; psi I. will he const <r. a* wishing to continue it. mid held liable accord 01 ’ .v tf* No paper will be discontinued, (except at h. Option of the E liters,) until nil arrearage* arc puli ll.lTES OH ADVBRTINJNG. Ear one square, constathit of twelve lines small Iron, or space equivalent. One Dollar for the first insertion, and Fifty Cents for each weekly continu- *°Specisl contract* can be made for yearly adver tising. Legal advertisement* inserted at the ujual rate*.. Announcing candidates for office, Five Dollars,' payable in advance, in oil cases. Husbands advertising their wive*, will be charged to be paid invariably in advance. Advertisements should always have the desired number ofinsertion* marked Hpontbomwhpji handed in, or otherwise tho will be published till furbid, and barged accordingly. - ■ ■■ ■ 1 ■ 1 ■ — 1 1 ■ "• = * ■ ——:— i *-z—_ k fjgUT ijjWjj^ BEVOTEft TO PBilTtC8,A€f»€«iT«BE, NEWS kHB UTEftftTimE ATHENS, GEO., THTJESDAY, SEPTEMBER 13. 1855. ' ■ - — ■ - k= DIRECTORY. ;y Professions' anil Business men can have their cards inserted undei Or head, for one year, at the rates of Five Dollar* for. ^i-d of not more than six linos, and seventy-five cents for o- additional line. DR. €• B. LOMBARD. Y^yOULD respectfully announce to tt^»- citizens of Athens and vicinity, that his office ia still over Wilson A Veal's Clothiug Store, College Avo , opu vl.t iposite the Post Office. >>b'. ly. MOORE & CARLTOY, D EALERS in Silk, Fancy and Staple Goods. II irdware and Crockery, No. 7, Grnnte Row, Athens, Ga. [Jan. 26. t7h. WILSON & BROS.r W HOLESALE and retail dealers in Dry Goods, Groceries, Hardware, Crockery,'Ac., Nos. 1 and 4, College Avenue, Athens, Ga. March 16. SAMl’EL P. TIICHMOND, a TTOItNEY AT LAW, Jefferson, Jackson conn- J\ tv, G.a., will attend promptly to liny business .Miitidrsl lo his care. [April 19, 1853. WILLIAM G. DKLOXEV, Atlorn^T nt Law, v r J IA. »?•«[»« iah 4Utrn*i<m to collecting. ami to v * t iet*. n in.>1*.i:l jHTdo-’is entitled to L \ND WAK iiA l\S Miller the late bounty land bill offche Uat < .'rtrijff e**. • >.H c«» » llr tad Street, over the store of I. M. Ken- :,r\. Athens, (I-i. March 15—tf. HILL & THOMAS, D EtLERS in Silk, ViiBcy. and Staple Goods, ilariwarc. Crockery, Groceriu% Ac., No. -J .ir m- •• Uov, Atjeus.Ga.' - [.tali. 111. FERRY 7?v3-:?;SE, W I » .ES \LE and rot ail d~-,!ors in 11 ‘s. Caps, Boats; S-.cs Trunk-’, if, Vw«* Drs. -, llroad stre- i Ati> -ns, M’-n. 1.'. 11 W .lie * F. W. LITAS, W 'FILES VLE nd ret lit dealer in Drv Goods Gr.miojies, llmlware, Ac.. So. t!, ilrond *t. A- icii,. Oh. ■ » [J in 1 f. tv. & II. R. .1. LO\(J. W HOLESALE and retail Druggists. Ath*o*. 15a .keep const iptly on hand a targe and wftll - - c 1 *!• ck of Paints, I fils. Varnishes, Dye Stuffs, iirns .es. Window Glass and Putty, Also. Ic ders in American, Ifreneb and English C'lemic il. Drugs, Medicines, Perfumery and Fancy A articles. • --•si "9* Paysicians, Dealers and all other*, can de pend unoii their orders meeting prompt attention, upon the most accommodating terms. Their goods arc selected with great care, and will be warranted as represented. k Jan. 19. ■fc jrDGE NOT. Judges not; the workings of his bnin, And of his heart thou canst not see; What looks to thy dim eyes a stain, In God’s pure fight may only be A scar, brought from some well-won field. Where thou wonldst only faint and yield. The look, the air,-that frets thy sight, M*v he a token, that helow The soul nas closed in deadly fight With so ne infernal fiery foe, Whose glance would scorchthyStniling grace. And cast the shuddering on thy face! The fall thou darest to despise— May be the slackenedangel’s hand Has suffered it, that he may rise * And take a fiime.r, surer stand; Or, trusting less to earthly things. May henceforth learn to use his wings. And jndge none lost, but wait and see With hopeful pity, not disdain, Th d-pth of the abyss may be ^ The measure of tiie height -Of pain. And luve and glory that may raise The soul to God>in after days! THE FEMALE SEVASTOPOL. There is a fortress fair as art. And cold as Russia’s clime of winter, Welled round within a maiden’s heart. My love has sought in vain to enter. Lonq I’ve heseiged her castles fair, VA ith all Love’s forces sweet and tender, But still she reigns uncomjtiered there. And still refuses to surrender. O, for some friendly power in arms— Some Austria of contending nations— To soften her resisting charms. And bring her to negotiations. For, by consent of heathen Jove, Tho siege shall never be forsaken. Till conquest crowns the arms of Love, And my Sevastopol be taken. From the New York Evening Post. The Old Love. I met her; she was thin and old; She stooped, and trod with tottering feet; The hair was giay, that once was gold, The voice was harsh thatoncevyas sweet. Her hands were dwindled, and her eyes**. Robbed of her girlish lightiof joy, AVere dim ; I felt a sad surprise That 1 had loved her when a boy. * » Bu‘ yet a something in her air Restored me to the vanished tim«, .5 £(.’ bean-grew young ana seemed to wear The brightness «.T mV youthful prime., I t'ok her withered .hand in mine— , J Its tpuahitecalled a r gHfist^p~T7^y-^ J T~~~~~T Tit tirttf •I kissed it With a reverent sigh. For 1 -had loved her when n bo/. Fitz James O’Erjbx. T. STINHOl'SE, C. N. AVER1LL T. STKYIJOiSC & €0., F ORWARDING and Commission Merchants, No. 2, Hayne Street, Charleston, S. C. Refer t<> It. Dulin, Hand, Williams Sc. Wilcox, Charleston; llsnd, Williams A Co. Augusta; J. Nurcnws, Atlan ta: ('. C. Chandler, Chattonoogs; E. H. A D. L. Coffin Sc Co., Knoxville, * July 20—ly. no. s? ter der next krout making time, an’ den I say again, Mike, vhen vill Shake give me dat twenty t’onsand dollar office ?” ‘In two year, sure,’ he say, ‘if yon work for der barty.’ Veil, I stop a Mowin' mit mine tellers agin, an I blow two years for der barty mit mine mouf?; ‘Two year mit your’ inout ?’ asked Pete, in astonishment. ‘Yaw, two year. Den again I go to Mike, der swell head watchmans, an’ dell him der twenty t’ousand toller about, an’ he dells me in won more year I gets him sure. I dinks he fools me, yet I blow for de barty annuder year, an’ den, vat von dinks ?” ‘Dinks! Vy, you gets him twenty t’onsand tollar?’ ‘Gets him! -Py shinks, Mide, der swell head watchman,'dells me I bes von big fool, an’ dat I might go to der bad place, an’ cat sour krout.’ ‘He tell you dat V ‘Yaw. Sure as ”my name bes Von Switzel.’ ‘After you do der blowing mit your mout for der barty V -■* ‘A'aw.’ ‘Mine Got! vat you do den, mine neighbor V ‘I makes a fire in mine blacksmit shop, I blows my own hellers again, I heats mine own iron, and strikes mit mine own hammer. I say to mineself—‘Wilhelm Von Sweitzell, bolitics bes a humbug and boliticians bes a bigger von. Wil helm Von Sweitzell do yer oum blowing and let boliticians do ders V ' Neighbor Pete thought he had come to a wise conclusion, and after wishing all sorts of bad luck to boliticians, that class of men whose patriotism and integ rity lies in their pocket, they ordered their mugs to be again refilled, and changed the topic of conversation. Obtaining Revenge. Mr. Snarl resides in Forsyth street— Mr. Snarl is an old bachelor, with an Irish girl for a house-keeper. Snarl lives in good style, but has some queer notions. He dislikes dogs above all things, organ-grinders and beggars not excepted. >' Snarl’s next door nei ghbor*ls Harry Sampson. Now, Harry is the opposite of old Mr. Snarl. He sets a high value on a dog, and thinks thei-e is only 010 ar ticle equal to a*New Foundland, and that’s a woman. Harry has several specimens of tho canine race. The other evening they got up-‘h howling match because the moon eclipsed. They com- ABWWWefWsu HIW MUI a nan Boove* sooner these dangerous •Boris gna Williamsburg. ’**’ * * doned, the better it will Jbe for us, This so annoyed Mr. Snarl, that he From the Detroit Free Press, August 23. Letter from ton. Cass on Know No- Nothingism and the Power or Con gress ia the Territories. Detroit, August, 22, 1855. To the Editors of the Eree Press: Sir—The public journals contain a letter dated Jnly 24, written by Gen- Houston, which has just met my eye, and in which he says he perceives, by the papers of the day, that «General Cass has approved the platform of the American Order, ti as proclaimed to the world by the Convention at Philadel phia.” 1 had observed the statement to which Gen. Houston alludes, and had let them pass’ unnoticed, for it would be a hopeless task to endeavor to correct all the misapprehensions and misrepresenta tions to which it is my lot, as well as that of all ither public men, to be ex posed in these days of party strife.— And, indeed, J could not suppose that such assertions would deceive any one •who.had heard fir had read my remarks in tbo Senate of the United States, on the fifth of February last, upon the pre sentation of the resolution of the Legis lature of Michigan, instructing the Sena tors of that State to vote for an act of Congress, prohibiting the introduction of Slavery into the Territories of the Uni ted States. Upon that occasion, while declining to comply with, those instruc tions, I took the opportunity to express my sentiments in relation to the new political movement, which sought to ac quire an exercise of power by the secret combinations bound together by the sanctions of an oath, whicfiT, it is said, made it the duty of its members to sur render their individual convictions to the expressed will of the majority of their associates. I then observed ; “ Strange, doctrines are abroad, and strange organ izations are employed to promulgate and enforce them* Qur political history contains no such chapter in tho progress of our country, as that which is now opening. The questions of constitution ality and policy, which h&ye been so longf.the battle cry of parties, are con temptuously rejected, and intole-ranee, religions and poetical, finds zealous, and it may le, they will prove successful ad vocates in this middle of the nineteenth cenfnry, boasting Vith much self-com placency of its intelligencer andup this f ree country; foiled upon immigration, and grown prosperous and powerful by toleration. ' * * * * We want no new parties, no new plat- R. L. BLOOMFIELD, W HOLESALE and retail Clothing Stem Broad Strreet, Athena, Ga. [May 1ft. r Sf» v '•■o, I'M! •*, See . ; Ati.enil, April 26, 1833. WILLIAM J. MORTON,i \VrHOLESALE and retail dealer in Dry Go * V Or M'.rries, Hardware, Ac., No. 12, Brond SlVi'et, Bthen*. Ga. ' August 30,1853. iooris, COLT & COLBERT, O KA LKKS in staple Dry Goods, Groceries, Hard ware, Ac.. No. 9, Granite Row, Athens. Oa„ James I. Ooi.t. Wndks C. Coi.mf.ht. August ..'I—tv. w J. W. LOSS. ARRIIOt’SE and Commission M* re i.t, Augusta, Ga. [Aug. &>, ltw. !^r IRON AND BRASS FOUNDRY" I\D idtl'illNK WORKS. '.#S Pumna, Gold Mining, Mill, Oin, and all other kinj, nl Glaring; Mill Irons and nil kinds of M» ' ‘iinery made to order; Iron Fencing of select pnt torav Plough and Wagon Castings an<l Dog-iron*, t-'tv variety of repairing und wrought iron work promptly executed. ’Var general assortment of patterns, are the aaen : uf ore«M. A list will be asnt those ad- I *are»«:ng, post-paid. , REUBEN NICKERSON, If E.. Agent Athens Steam Co., Athepe, Ga. Jan IS—|y/ FiRHTCBE MANUFACTORY AND WAREsBOOn. *T'HE rtiidevsigoedbegsto announce that ho ha* * now on hand at his WARE-ROOM, near the pucupai Church, an exteMive assortment of Fur- of overy description. Connected with the " r r, »®, is a CABINET SHOP, where he ia iti/.V o *° m *ko any article of furniture to order, •unt i.1 1 - n ' )t * c *’ and to repair old furniture, de pnotstenne, 4c., Sec. He koeps on hand an as- »i2L « ^ MtiulAingt, otevery variety. ,*—? "“SM? apd other coffins, «^«“ 8CA8H WILLIAM WOOD. | TAILORING ESTABLISHMENT. H * ecured SASsiau otO, P, Caldwell i»l *,! I . c " lu,f * Wm - O. Price. OKccutad,in th .11 .kJ.. 1 11 NoriK w ? wr . , .? wr#A Mng«»t«blUameiM hh.U’.uetiri’.TS*" P«.v psruculy attention to I to ih. . *-'^^‘"*^'"8' a** - mrward tho garment , at Savannah . I tho neateat and I ai'^rJen confided to our care. 1 we wiu measure and I ..rumour lusuufact sing establishment ers I wir making, i ~ voa(p— l^Ulato ‘^SSEWItkWtSSs ' «a*5i.ijfa. R L BLOOMFIELD. Von, Sweiizcl on PolUics, * Mine neighbo| , t Wilhelm, vot yon t iik* of bolitics; kev ?’ asked Peter Yon Slug, of hi« neighbor Yon Sweitzel, the Twelfth Ward Blacksmith,"fast evening, beside him in a * Birrhans.’ 4 1 t’inks much,’ said Sweitzel giving his pipe a long whiff. ‘Veil, vot you rinks?’ ‘ ‘ I comes to der conclusion dat boli tics is one big fool.’ ‘ Ah !’ exclaimed Pete, after taking a draught from his mug, ‘ how do you make him dat V * * * Vel, mine frien’ I tell you,’ replied Sweitzel, after a few whiffs and a drink, * I comes to dish place ten years last evening by der Dutch Almanac, mit mine blacksmit shop. I builds mine little house, I poots up mine hellers, I makes mine fire, I heats mine iron, I strikes mit mine hammer, I gets blenty of work and J makes mine moonish.’ Dat is goot,’ remarked Pete, at the same time demanding that the drained mugs be re-filled. ‘ I say that I make much friends, con tinued Wilhelm, relighting his pipe. Der beeplcs all say, Von Sweitzel bes a good man, hc'blowsin der morning, he strikes in der night, and he mind his bu siness. So dey sparken to me many tithe*, and it make me feel much goot here,’.slap] ing his breast. * Yaw, yaw, dat ish gootcr,’ remark ed Pete, who was an attentive listner. ‘ Veil, it goes long dat way tree year. Tree ? Let me' see, von year I make tree hoondre.i tollar.der next tree hoond- red an’ fifty—der next four hoon'dred and swonzy, and der next five hoondred tollar. Dat make •five year, Yel, 1 bes here five year, when old Mike, der Watchman, who bees such a bad man. comes to me. and he say—‘ Sweitzel, vot makes you work so hard V To make mopish,’ I -dell him. 4 I dells you how J oti makes him quicker as dat’ he say, ask him how * an’ den he tells me to go into bolitics, an’ get big offi.ee. 1 laugh at him, ven he tells me that Shake der lawyer—vat makes such bur- ty speeches about Faderl.and—bes agoin’ to rup for Congress, and dpt Shake der lawyer dells him to dell me, if I^Bould go among der peeples and del? them to vote mid hipi all der while, he would put me into von big office, where I makes twenty tousand tollars a year.’ * Twenty t’ousand ! • mine Got,’ ex claimed Pete, thunderstruck. • Yaw, twenty t’onsand. Well, by sbinks, I shust stops der 6trikin, an goes to mine friens, an’ all der Yarmans vote for Shake, and Shake bps elected Jo der Gongress.’ Here. Myneer Von Sweitzel stopped, took a long draught of beer, and fixing his eyes on the floor, puffed his pipe, as if in deep thought. } • Veil, mine neighbor,* said Pete, af ter waiting a due length of time for him tb resume, ‘ vat yon ao, den, hey ?’ ‘Yell, I ask . Mike, der swellhead watchman, for der office, an’ he dells me I gets him de nextvear, I waits till af- liad Henrj r ‘‘jerked up for a nuisauce,” and fined ten dollars. Harry paid the money, but resolved on revenge. The next morning the following advertise ment appeared in the Herald : * “Wanted—At Forsyth street, two Bull Dogs, and four Spaniel Pups. For fall-blooded Dogs the highest price will be paid. Call between 4 and 6 p. m. “JAMES SNARL.” We need not say that the advertise ment was inserted by Harry. His rea son for making the calls between 4 and G p. m. was because Mr. Snarl was al ways out at the hour, taking an airing around the battery. At the hour specified, dogs and pups might have seen going up the Bowery to Grand, and out Grand to Forsyth, to the mansion occupied by Mr. Snarl. The first person that pulled the door bell was a butcher boy from Centre Mar ket, with a pair of bull dogs that would make mincemeat of a tiger. Maggie an swered the bell, when the following col loquy took place < “Does Mr. Snarl live here ?” ‘He does. Why do you ax ?” ‘I have got some dogs for him.’ Dogs for Mr. Snarl! Mother of Mo ses ! did you ever! You’ve mistook the door.” “Devil a hit; read that. Here Sykesy took out the Morning Herald and showed Maggie the adver tisement. Maggie was thunderstruck; there was no denying the advertisement. She accordingly told Sykesy to go into the backyard with the dogs, and await the return of Mr. Snarl. Sykesy did so. corncr In about two minutes, Maggie val again summoned to the door bell. * What do you want V ‘ Mr Snarl. I’ve got them tdogs lie wanted.’ 1 You have ?—well, then, go into the back yard with the other blackguard.’ No. 2 followed No. 1; No. 2 whs soon followed bj' No. 3, who was succeeded by lots 4, 5 and G. By half-past five the back yard contained 21 bull dogs and 14 spaniels, The former got up a ur.is understanding, and by the time Mr. Snar arrived, seven spaniels had been placed horsVecombat, while abrindle bulldog from Fulton Market was going through his third fight with a * yellow tamer’ from Mott street. • Mr. Snarl reached home a few mo ments before six. M&ggie oppeaefl the dooi, and burst out as follows : ‘ For the love of the blessed Virgin, go hack and stdfj them. They are eat ing each other up, and if not chocked off will devour the cisterns. Since the days of Crnmmel I haye not seen such a hullabaloo entirely/ Snarl * went back’—Snarl looked into the yard and would have sworn, but he coaid not find oaths sufficiently power ful to do justice to his feelings. When we left, Mr. Snarl was emptying the • Lnx'lr vard’ with an axe helve. ' rf >“ and us in this for those who are to follow heritage of freedom.” „ , I might weflt suppose, after the ex pression of these views Upon- the floor of the Senate, and under circupttt^bces of peculiar responsibility, that any for* ther action on my part would be unne- did not also pronounce against its exis tence, hut carefully pretermitted—to use its own words—the expression of any opinion upon that point. Still, I ap prove its action upon the snbject, so far as.it goes. It is a step in the right direction, and I should rejoice to see it followed by every political party in our country. It is a step, too, towards the security of political -rights—the opposi tion totnelegislation of Congress over the internal affairs of the people of the Terri tories, and among others, over the rela tion of master and servant, or that of husband and wife, or parent and child, for these matters of domestic policy are subjects which should be left to the Territorial communities, and to divest them of the power to regulate them, is an act of unmitigated despotism. The negation of all power of interference by Congress in the internal government of the Territories, is constitutional doctrine, and the only safe and practical one, and I am rejoiced that after years of opposi tion—-of obloquy, indeed—it is fast establishing itself upon impregnable grounds. The misapprehension which has prevailed upon this grave subject, is among the most extraordinary political events of my time. One would natural ly suppose that in this country, the dogma of the right of internal govern ment by an irresponsible legislature ov er a distant community, unrepresented in the ruling body, would find but little favor, and that the power to establish and put in operation a government might well be defended, while the power to control all the concerns of human life would be left without an advocate. The difference is broad and practical, and should he dearer to us, as it was the ve ry consideration urged by our revolu tionary fathers in their contest with the mother country, which began by argu ment, bnt ended by arms. It was as serted as early as 1774, when the Con tinental Congress declared that the En glish colonists “are entitled to a free and- exclusive power of legislation in their several provincial legislatures, where their right of representation can alone be preserved, in all cases of taxation and internal polity, &c.” In that great struggle, the patriots who conducted it, conceded to the British Parliament the authority to organize colonial govern ments, hut denied their right totouch tho internal polity of the people; and for the support of the great principle, de nied and derided as it is now, they went to war. 1 ® _ __ a* ~~ dhat a highly respectable intelligent gentleman, Gov. llunt, of New York, in a letter just published, speaks of the Nebraska bill as “ based on the absurd theory of territorial sov ereignty.” . I never heard a man sup port that measure, or approve it for such a reason. Gov. Hunt has mistaken the sneers of its enemies for the views of its friends. The Nebraska bill rests upon tiier cietiuu uu uiy unit wuuiu ue uiiue- ~ a . * *1 cessary to prove any consistency, as a such theory—upon no theory at all, .. . y - f . y . J iLa ofoV.ln fAiimlofinn of thP disciple of the school of Washington* and Jefferson, and Jackson, ip the rejection of a dangerous innovation, inconsistent with all the principles those patriots taught, and which, in effect, aims to transfer the great political duty of an American citizen from the light of day, where it should the exercised in this land of freedom, to secret conclaves, as un friendly to calm^investigation, as to wise and patriotic decision. But the extract from the letter of Gen, Houston has shown' me that these reports have receiv ed more credit than I had believed, and this consideration has induced me thus publicly to notice and to contradict them. My opinions, indeed, upon-'any subject are bnt of little consequence, except to myself; but if they are worth referring to, they are worth the trouble of making the reference a true onp. I have no sympathy with this plan of political organization—none whatev- -upon the clause of that instrument which er, neither with the means it employs, confers this power of internal interfer ence, and I will abandon the principle, nor the objects it seeks to attain. Its secrecy, its control of the ballot box, its system of proscription, striking both at political rights and religious duties, and its inevitable tendency to array one por tion of the community against another, and to carry deadly feuds into every corner of the land, of which we have just had a terrible proof, written in char acters of blood, and are doomed to have many more, if this movement goes on, for this is but the first instalment of death, and how many others are to fol low, and to what extent, and when the last is ?o be paid, and alter what lamen table vicissitudes, is known only to Him who foresees events, and can control them -*=-these characteristics mark it as the most dangerous scheme which has ever been introduced into our country to reg- b r s t an d in g ,*and byriictime Mr. Snarl4«> te ^public action or its social condi- ,*pd, seven spaniels had been placed tl0n - !* « the Orageism of a republic scarcely better m principle than its mon- archical prototype—of a republic whose freedom and equality, justify as little as they invite the introduction of a machin ery whose operation is concealed from public observation, but whose conse quences are as clear as they are alarm ing. Gen. Houston gives credence to the report that I approve “the platform of the American Order, as proclaimed to the world by the Convention at Philadel phia.” I am aware tb at changes have been made, both in the same and in some of the principles of this new organization Bnt these changes do not remove my twenty dollars—fifteen dollars for an ‘ old hy pocrite.’ Jtjjs unnecessary for ns to say that Sony Sampson slept better far that night than any night since the war with Mexico.-—New York Dutchman. President Pierce has recovered from his late attack of chill and fever. cific power to regulate the disposition of the pnblic lands, it must, under the above rule, he limited to means suitable to the ends in view. If Congress go beyond this in the organization of a Territorial government, they act without limitation, and mgy establish a monar chy. Admit that they may organize a government which shall protect the lands purchased, and provide for the ad ministration of justice among the set tlers, it does hy no means follow that they may establish slavery.” Judge McLean here brings.the Constitution of the United States to the support of the good old revolutionary doctrines that the right to establish colonies or territo ries does nnf carry with it tfie just pow er to interfere with and regulate thfe do mestic concerns of the people who inhab it them. He pronounces slavery to be one of these conccrnes, saying that “It is a municipal relation of limited extent, and of an equally limited origin. It is a domestic relation, over which tho Feder al Government can exercise no control.” I have never known the time when the Democratic party was called upon by higher considerations toadhere/faith fully and zealously, to their organization and their principles, than they are at this day. Our confederation is passing though the most severe trial it has yet undergone. Unceasing efforts are mak ing so exeste hostile and sectional feel ing, against which we were prophetical ly warned by the father of his country, and if these are successful, the days of this Constitution are numbered. The continued assaults upan the South, upon its character, its constitutional rights and its institutions, and the systematic per severance and the hitter spirit with which these are pursued, while they warn the Democratic party of the dan ger, should incite it to united and vigor ous action. Thay warn it. too, the time has come when all other differences which may have divided it should give, way to the duty of dofending the Con stitution, and when that great party, coeval with the government, should be united as one man for tho accomplish ment of the work to which it is now called, and before it is too late. It is the American party, for it has neither sectional prejudices nor sectional preju dices nor sectional preferences, and its care and its efforts extend whereever the Constitution of its country extends, with equal regard to tlrn rights and interest of all. I belive the fate of this great re public is now in its hands, and, so be lieving, I earnestly hope that its action trill be firm, prompt and' united, yield ing not one hair’s breadth ef its time- honored principles, and resisting to the last the dangerous efforts with we are menaced; and, it so, the victory of the Constitution I doubt not will be achiev- ed* I am, sir, respectfully, your obe dient servant, Lewis Cass. but upon the stable foundation of the Federal Constitution, and of the natural rights of man. N know of no one who claims sove reignty for the Territories. All concede their dependence upon the United States. But within this relation there are mutu al rights and duties, and the questions— what power’may Congress lawfully ex ercise, and are the people of the Terri tories divested of all rights—.must be de termined, not by politico-metaphysical considerations arising out of the attri bute of sovereignty, but by the C^mstr^ tution of the United States. To the" law and to the testimony. By that Constitution, the Genera} Government is a Government, not only of granted, but of limited powers, and Congress can exercise no authority which is not given hy the great charter that brought it into existence. Let any man put his finger long as it haq been cherished by mft.— And fhat is many years, as will appear by reference to the Globe of March 13, 1832, which contains an article written by me and entitled “A Review of the Opinion of thft Snpreme Court in the Cherokee Case.” In that article, I ob serve that the clause of the Constitution authorizing Congress “to dispose of, and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property of the United' States, refers to territorial rights, and grants no jurisdiction over persons.” Among otbar things I say f— “The power to dispose of, and make needful rules and regulations respecting the territory and otjjer property of the United States, and the power to exer cise general jurisdiction over persons up. on it, are essentially different and inde pendent. The former is general, and ii given in the clause referred to; the lat ter is special, said is found in another clause, and is confined to the federal tract, (the District of Columbia,) and to places purchased by consent of the Leg islature of the State in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, maga zines, arsenals, dock yards, and other needful buildings.” This is the same doctrine subsequently advocated, and more fully developed in my Nicholson letter. I repeat that this power of in ternal legislation cannot be found in the Constitution, and vain have been the ef forts, by pressing into its service a thou sand and one Expressions jn j$ot instru- ,. .. . j. » T . . m ment, to prove it to be there; a diversi- objections tort, Its spmtof exclusion t of which,of itself, furnishes , *nd With it, its the aQ . and intolerance remains, evils and its dangers. It is a book to which I cannot ba reconciled, whatever addition, whether the new onfe or the old one, is offered to me. There is, in deed, oca principle laid down in that con vention which meets my concujTren.ce, and that is, the declaration that “Con gress ought not to legislate upon the subject of slavery, within the territory of the United States.” I regret, how ever, that the gody which thus pronoun. ced against the exercise of the power, From tho Richmond Enquirer. Know-Nothingism alias Abolitionism. Ever day’s observation only increases our conviction that all efforts to make a National or truly American party out of Know Nothings will result in a misera ble abortion. The elements are so va rious and antagonistic that they will not and can not be fused. Abolitionism, which is the controlling element at the North- will not consent to such an union. Its fanaticism considers justice to the South, true fidelity to the Constitution, and treason, as synonymes, and instant ly brands the Northern man who utters a syllable in favor of the constitutional extension of slavery as a traitor. With these meq, Southern"' Kncw-Nothings cannot, dare not affiliate, and as there is no other description of Know-Nothings at the North having the slightest influence or numerical strength, it is idle, worse than idle to talk and write and boas’, of a great National Know-Nothing party. It is, alano, idle to talk of preserving the Union through such an instrumenta lity. Indeed, if we considered the class to which we have referred as represent ing the large controlling, conservative sentiment at the North, we should de spair of the Union and at once prepare for its dissolution. We are happy, how ever, to entertain a different opinionof that controlling Northern sentiment, and hope we shall bp able to show that there is still in that section a Democratic leaven that will continue to aid in preserving rather than disrupting the Union. But it is not our intention, to-day, to pursue this branch of the subject. Onr object now is to give further evidence of the deadly hostility of Northern Know Nothingism to slavery, and its irrevo cable determination to deny the Sonth the exercise and enjoyment of her rights under the Constitution. . The following article we copy just as it originally appeared in the editorial* colums of the “Know Nothing aujl American Crusader,” published in Bos ton, a paper which manifested thfj most intense interest in the late Canvass ip Virginia, and which used all the influ ence it had in favor of the electiqp of Mr. Flournoy. ‘From the Boston Know Nothing and American Crusader. Anti-Slayeby Sentiment gpkbr North.—It is no sort of use to attempt to wink, blink, argue ,pot down, veil, or in any manner cover the fact, that there is a stronganti-tdav.ery sentiment through the North. It is deep-rprofound. It is in the blood, hone, marrow <ff the peo ple. It is not to be abnsed nor slighted bnt is to he honored and respected. We so honor and respect it. We mean onr paper shall. We should oc cupy a strange, aljjaost offensive position diawe not. Our columns wul. from time, as occasion may seem meet, give proper and free expression to tins senti ment. On this ground we wish to be understood, and so indulge in plain talk- a strong presumption against the au thority, even if there were no other grounds of objection. Judge tfehe^a, of the Snpreme Court of the United .States, in some considera tions published by him upon this sub ject, and to syhum I have elsewhere referred* well remarked, apd “there -is no specific power in the Constitution understood, and so 11 . . , which .authorizes the organization qf We believe, further, that the gijeot body Territorial governments.” He adds, |t>f the South—its numerical force*^ at ail “If this power he implied from the ape- eveuta—respect aud honor this sejrfunent W e do know very well that Northern men who ore false to the North and its setj tied sentiment on the matter, are' an abomination to the South, They abhor a traitor. They hate cowards. They despise the man or party which is not true to its own, Should the North be any less true to itself than is the South ? The American party at the North is strongly anti-slavery. Whether some people may fancy this or not, will make no sort ' of difference. Fact is fact. It can’t he rubbed out. It has taken pog* session of the best mind of the party, and there it will remain. But for all that, the American is not the Anti-Slave* ry party. Bnt this distinction cap be ipadp, It is, however, sufficiently anti^slftvpry for all practical purposes—%o ’far as is reasonable, just, good and prudent.—, To the extent that the anti-slavery cle ment of the North is a pert of the North* ern mind and heart, its life and convic tion, to that extent is the American par ty anti-slavery. It will be true to free dom in a great and nobla sense. It will demand that Slavery shall not be extend- ded to new territories and States; thqt Government shall have nothing at all whatever to do with it. In other words, that it shall remain where it is. This the American party believes, is their faith. It will be carried out. Ifc cannot be put down if we would, and would not if we .coplflfa, It w2B.be trua to the people : J^ue fql itsmM its justice, its manliness, and its rig] true to “God and our country.” Doc the south take issue on this ? II will not alter things one iota if it does. There 1 arc the facts—the sentiments—the con victions. They are fixed. They can not be changed, It is a point reached coolly, reasonable, fairly. Bolt will he abided by. Nor does this conflict with the so-called American platfoftn, Not at all. A platform that ignored this sentU ment would be no platform at all for thn North—only an insult and an injury.— It would die spit upon and execrated. . The American party will he true tq itself, Jt w>H carry out its own great, good and leading issues. It will also give play to this anti-slavery element. It must do so. It can’t live the gigantic life it was born for if it does not. Tlicrq is no evading this. The American party will not evade it. It has no disposition to. It will be anti-slavery just so far and so long as the hearts and heads of the people are so. Whoso believes oth erwise will see in time, if he has eyes, that he is mistaken. The American party of the North has an anti-slavery element. This is a axed fact. ” Mark well what this Know Noth ing editor says“ Tho. American party at the North is strongly anti-slavery.”— And what kind of “anti-slavery” is this which these Northern Kow Nothings hug to their hearts ? The answer is given above in the plainest language. This “anti-slavery” sentiment “will de* mand that slavery shall not be extended. to new territories and States; that Government shall have nothing atoll * whatever to do with it. In other words, that it shall remain where it is." * This is the position and the faith of th6 “American party” at the North—»the* old abolition idea of surroundjpg Jbe South with a cordon of free States—rand when it becomes the regularly accepted and acknowledged constituentof aNation* al Party, God save the South and thq Union! say wc. Another evidence of this Northern Know-Nothing hostility to the Sontl; and its institutions, we find under the “political” head of the Boston Bee, .an other Know Nothing paper. From jt we learn that a meeting had been held in Boston of committees representing dif ferent political parties, whose object was “to confer with reference to a‘ Fu sion.” -The parties represented were the American, (Know Nothing,) Know «* Somethings, Republicans and Free Soilr ers! One of the leading subjects of flis? enssion by this mixed congregation of traitors was the prRpriety of calling » mass Convention. After much debate, the following call was finally agreed to i “The people*of Massachusetts who are opposed to the extqptiqnuof slavery, are requested to assemble in primary meetings in their severs!! towns and cit* ies. and elect delegates Imthe proportion * *. of three delegates for each representa tive on valuation years, to a Convention to be held at for ‘lie nomination of State officers.’ 7 This is the initiatory step, in Massar chusetts, by Know (Nothings, Know Somethings, Republicans and Free^oiB ers, for a Mass convention, whose bne grand object is opposition to the extention of slavery. In ib'ty “fusion,” wc are pttHfd of the fact, that no traces of Dem r ocracy are discoverable; and that ap? pears to fife the only party which is not ■4o. ^.represented in the treason. How much nationality will the Soutfy recognize in this I * Privileged Members.—The State of Maine is responsible for the following; A gentleman on a visit to Washington one day very coolly opened the of . the Senate chamber, and was about Jte . pass in, when the doorkeeper asked— * Are you. a. privileged member U £,» v • What do you mean by that ?’ askpd the stranger, • The reply wpsr-r ‘ A Governor, an ex-Member of Conr gress, or a Foreign Minister/ The stranger replied that tm was * Minister. ‘ From what conrt or country, if you please t’ asked the official. VeTy-gravely pointing up—r ‘ From Heaven, sir !’ - To tins the doorkeeper waggishly ro* plied. 1 Thin Government, at present, holds no intercourse with that for foreign power f