Newspaper Page Text
JL FAMILY JOULKAL: LFY0TEB TO POLITICS,
C.VLT9&S, HHW8 AHB LITLLATUIiE.
VOL. XXVIII
ATHENS, GEO, THURSDAY, JULY 28.1859
NO 21
THE
PUBLISHED WEEKLY.
SLEDGE & CHASE,
Editors and Proprietors.
ELLISON D. STONE, PUBLISHER.
Ofise Up-stair*, Xo. V, Granite Rou•
TERMS :
tVTO DOLLARS PF.R ANNUM. IN ADVANCE
OR THREE DOLLARS IF DELAYED.
To Club.* remitting 910 in ndvnncr, ro "
£>ira will bo sent. .
Any H ibi. ril.or f.iilint; to c>ivo notiroof ln» Ho
sircto iisoon'inrto hi- *ntncnplionatllioostniration
of t l.o Mine for wr* ioli it hue boon |>nut. " ll 1 b 'j. r ;‘!’
li,| ( . ro ,] wta iin^ to continue it, ami lielu Haute
t<*.< nr'Untfty. . . , . ...
'»*Sii naper willboili«oon1 lo.noJ. (except at the
option ;.f t no o.iilnrsj until nil axeMn^rs nro paid.
R\TF.<t OF AOVEBT1MMO.
Fornno snntro .nuistht" of twolvo linos smnll
tyiio, or sivtoo equivalent. One Dollar nr tbo firs!
Iiiionii.ii,and fifty cents for enoli wockIv o.mtnui
toiion. , ,
Soof i il rontraot* rin he in.vle for yearly lulver
I Mil n lvorti.ooo-nrs m^rted .1 the mml rates.
Ann" fin" .•anli Utes lo, office. Five Dollars,
p .v.blo Vn mlv.ii , in all oases. ....
AdvortinMiiontssamtld always have the desired
nurn t,„f jni»rtinns marked upon tiiem when
m.ti'l- I in. or >• I •rvriso thov will bo published til
F and l iiar rod nueordinHy.
CARDS
ism. WIRE.
Practical Teacher and Surreyor.
R KSIDI.Vfi 9 mile* on ihe'G’smr.v’.lle road, from
Alliens, will impart loynting men a g ,0 ' I’ 1
knowlo.l o in five davs or less ti"'<-. His < tian_c
will be 810. Satisfaction given before tbe mm .m*
paid. The one that liumbng y u. a
argue against my system of teaching.
April 2S—It.
'■^•Professional and Business men can l.nvr
theireards inserted tinder this bead, f >r one year
at toe rate of Five Dollars for a r.,rd of not more
ban six lines, and seventy five renin for eaeli addi
list line.
LAW CARDS
t t. Pimm,
1 4 TTOIDi.Y AT « 1\V— May be found
J\ for,be ;»re« - it,at the lesidonoeof S’ol.Ttuk,
Banks t'onnty. Ga. Communication!. sl.olibl In
addressed to bint at Bus!.ville. Banks Co., (!a.—
Will praetieein the Western Circuit, and in Mad
? ison Comity of tbr Northern.
May 19, it:!- i — 1-
ami*i. 1’. Thiminu
.Ioiin It. Nouiii.
TIIMtllOND vV NORTH.
\ TTOR\KY.t AT I.AXV. Jefferson. Jnek
son o »U!i»v, Gn—Will jinnies in •-«* pnvtn**r
l»*lii|» in rivil ci^oh in the HVatuni Circuit ami
\jit*i*rMi*»rini: counties
Vou ir, 1*59 60—tf
T. 11. DANIEL,
A TTORNEY AT LAW.—(Offiee nt Daniels
villi*. Ha.,) "'ill practice in (’lark, Mn«l■*«»!>
I Elhcrt, llirt, Wilkf*. Trili.ifcrm. lltiicotk, War
ci). < ilaiuicock nn«l T.im «»ln counties.
February 10, 1859.— ly.
JAMES N. INDERU 00D,
A ttorney at t\v. j. tr, -s m. i.n ks
0.1. Will practice inthe count if*n of* In..
lion i»iid to coll«*ot-
Feb n.ns-tf.
C. .11. LFMPKIN,
uccssar to Reese & Lumjihin,)
llflirU) call the attention nf bis old patrons,
n and tlio public geuerully, to bin large us-
sortment of
IIA TS, CAPS, BOOTS and SHOES
He has jus-returned from New York nn*l Plnln-
ilcIpMa. ami i« daily receiving accessions to It is
.>lock, of the Infest styles. Call nod examine
march 25, 1858.
vv
TlYLOR & LFMPKIN.
W IIOI.ICSA1.E and Retail.Grocery Dealer*
College Avenue. Albeits Ga.
April 22.
F. XV. Li t AS,
W HOLESALE and retail dealer in Drv Hoods.
Groeieries, Hardware, Ac., No.2, Brond st.
Allien . (la. |.T„n 19.
U. L. BLOOMFIELD,
HOLKSALK and retail Clothing Store, Tlroad
Strreet, Athens, Ga. [May 10.
COLT &, COLBERT,
D EALEltSiu staple Dry Goods, Oroeeriea, Hard
ware, .Ye., No. 9, Granite How. Athens,Ga.
Jamf.sI. Coi.t. William C.Coi.hsht.
August j:j—ly.
T. CRAWFORD,
(Successor to Cobh Jr Cranford,)
% V'RDLESAI.E andrelail denier in Dry Goods,
v v Groeeries Ac., Alliens, Broad street. Brick
How. No. 7J. [may 21.
J. AY. REAVES & CO.,
n JIlOLESALE and retail dealers in Hroeeri's
Dry Goods, Hardware, Ooekerv. ,Y<-„ X,,
I j, (tinder the Franklin /A u sr.) Broad'st, Athens.
Oa- March 11
MM. B. "sHELTONT"
n EALKR in Dry Goods. Groeeries, Hardware.
Crockery. Drugs, Medicines. ,\c. Ac
•'ll. Yoitab. tV.nte eoitaty, G.t. [ may 20
IT RMTFRE SASH, DOOR. AND BLIND
MANUFACTOHY,
► rill IK undersigned keeps rou
JL slantly on hand at iiis Ware
room, near the Kuiscoinil Ciuirch
all kinds of furniture generally sold in thii maikcd
•jilt frames, for pictures, glasses, «kc
Als»>, nnlrissortmcnt of
Fisk's I’atcat Metallic Burial Cases,
■ A. m ii,i. Will practice in the enmities nftlm 1!\
i tern Circuit. I*#*rlicul»»r ntt
i»l*. [.I an 20, .V.»)
J. XX. HANCOCK,
\ TTOn.NKV .%T I.AW, Dinielsville.Ga.,
will praetio* in th*eunmiesof Jackson,Clark,
M'i lison % Hart, Oglethorpe and Elbert.
Oct. 23 ly.
JUKSON &. IHTCIIINS,
V TTORNKYS AT LAW.—Will praetiee
in the < ountirs of(5\vinnett, Walton, Jnek son.
•nd Hall, of the Western, sail the county of F*»r-
•vtn of the Hlue Hidgo Circuit.
'A.MBS JACKSON, I N. L IHTCIIINS, Jr.
Athens, (J«. I Iiiwrenrevillo, fii
S. —During Mr. Jack son’s absence fro.n floor
cm. business letters should he addressed to the
firm at Lawrencevillo Sent 39-tf
R. J. & AY. T. MI LUCAN,
\ TTOKNEYS AT l.AW—Will praetiee in the
comit ies of llie Western Cirenit, nnd the enm
ities of Madison, Elbert and Hart, of tho Northern
'irenit.
J. MILLIGAN, | W.M. T. MII.T.1HAN.
Jefferson, Ga. | Carnesville, Ga.
Sept. It>—ly
11CLL & HILLVER.
ATTORNEYS at law.
pilE undersigned having associated themselves
getber in the praetiee of law. will attend t lie
Ji'eral Courts in the Western ('irr nit, and give
•irjoint pe.sonal atientiou to nil business’ entrns-
1 to them.
[UEO.lllLt.YER. I WM. II. HULL,
Monroe, Ga. I Athens, Of.
ulv lf.-lv.
D. «. CANDLER,
TTOUNKV AT LAW, Blii Delta. Frank
lin county, Ga. May 24, '37—tf.
ANDERSON H. REESE,
TTORNEV AT LAW’.ATtiKxs.GEonciA.
Offiee iu tboS mtliein Banner Office.
11. M. 1‘M'iMAN.
TTOlt.VEY't Law, Jefferson,Jackson county,
Ga., will g.. eprompt attention to any business
rusted to hiaenro. January 21 — 12m.
JOHN 11. Ill LL,
TTORNEY AT LYW. Augusta, Ga., will a
1 teud promptly to all bttsiucss entrusted to hi
■xe. JJao. 8.
t \\ M.LLMPKIN,
jk TTORNBV AT l.AW, Alltops,Georgia—
g\ will nraetirein all the eountiosof the Western
K wit. rnrtivnlar attention given to collecting.
B/liss ner Wm N White s Book store, on the-
Wnsr of Bread street and College Avenue,
jail 91—
M1LL1AM €. DELONY,
J Attornrj nt l^nir,
T1 rood Street, over die store of I. M. I\eu
« cj. Allien*,Ga. March 15—if.
f,
THOMAS XV M ILKER,
TrORNEY AT LAW. Athens, Geor-
1 g)v Office over A S. A M- li. Mutidovill
•h l-tf.
EPICAL ft 1)E NTAL
I)a. It. M. SMITH,
IM holesale anil Retail Dealer in
§u;s. MEDICINES, PERFUMERY,
I PAINTS, OILS, 1)YE STUFFS,
BUAXDV »S0 WINE, Ac.,&C.. &C.
■ receiving and opening u large ntock of
selected iu the Northern Market* hy him
1 c.i e, mid whirl) hecoutidcuily recoin-
'‘ s lo the p-iblie ns being pure.
^V‘tei)A, June 9.18^9.
l,, i»t. ;r tToittt.
^KiT i.RS bis professional services to the
^H’tt/ens of Athena and vicinity. He can
lX'"' 81 h,s resi< lence. on the slroet
’J 'a Cobbham.
17_ly.
IV
JEBICISP. AVI) SfftCERV.
lAtben *i r ^LESK8Y, having removed lo
K» of " . ,r,h “ Profeosional services to the
*<•<1 „r ._ to 7 n nn< I country, mth an cx
In . c “JV t Y*»ts constant practice, he
*>>'> <a\i^J, * , a '® * liberal pjtronage. Ke-
Juu->e il at w ' 1 *ch was formerly occupied
™ c " u oU
' sMk
and V.ikogany, Rosewood am! oilier oofijns, always
on t iiid.
T i i*uh»rrihc-rhn* « good boiler 22 fort long by
: hr* wide, which he iu denirou* to noil. *
WM. WOOD.
BAKERY, CONFECT I0NERY,
JOSEPH PATAT
Oll.l) nnnounee to ti e citi-
z»:n* of Athens and vicinity .
that he has opened a lhike-y and Confectionery at
the well known stand on JarkH'Xi street, next to
theJStato H.uik, where lie is prepared to furnish
everything in his I ne.
Jn ex per «»need and skillful linker is employed,
who will hake Iresh bread aud cakes evorv day*.
Kresli Oyitera always on hauJ, aud served in
any style, at short uotiee.
A share of the public patronage is respectfully
solicited. (Jan. 13
is,ITS .l.vn SHOES\
\ LAR(>K assortment of Hats of I he best and
latest style s for Gents Boys and Children, for
spring and summer wear, are now being received nt
the 7/utand Shoe store.
ALSO
A good Assortment nf Bonis nnd Shoes, the best
•nuke nnd styles for Gents I.nditH Misses and
('liildrens wonr. Call and exntnine for yours, Ives.
iStore botween l)r Long’s nnd .Vaudeville's)
April 21. C. .V. LUMPKIN.
ORNAMENTAL
C AST. B ROCC1IT ASDCO.HPOM1T
Iron Railing. Wiue-Work. Iron
Furmtbrk and Statuary.for enclosing
Cemetery Lots, Dwellings. Pi:blic.
Squares, Windows, Ware-Houses,
Gardens or Verandahs.
He are tlie only agents in this place for tho
Celebrated Composit Iron Railin'',
combining Hie clicnmiess niul beauty ot f’nst, nnd
durability of Wrought Work. And* having made
arrangements with the Ohtest nml Best Mauufac-
tnrrr* in the country, iu connection with'ourown
facilities, we arc prepared to file orders for nny ot
any ofllienliovo work of Intest Designs ami He
re nt 1'atcnts, w ith pi ices as low ns similar work
can be lind anywhere.
(,’nli nnd r xnminr s|i<s-iinens of ltr.iling and Bonks
of Designs,nt the Works of tlie Athens Stentn Co.,
or address REUBEN NICKERSON, Agtnl.
Uny 19.
Beer. Shoal, llut-
■ ten, Kid, &c.
flMie siilweriber v\ ishrs
Jl to purchase a large
number of
Href cuttle.
Knt Mteep, Lntnba, and Veil, Shunts.
Kids, »Vc.. for which he will pay the*
usual mmket price.
The eiiizena are informed thnt Heel, Mutton,
Lamb, Shnai nud Kid, dressed in the neat -st etyle,
may he gen a rally found at hi* slaughter Isoiikc, or if
do-lred will he delivered at ll.eir reside*,n p.
May 2C—if. W. A. GILBERT.
New Boot and Shoe
Es tahlish eiicn f,
f 1H Aik I KS lll'GlIKS. (late of the firmofBarrv
V.y a\ Hughes,, hnp opened a ROOT »
SIKOK: k.HIAHI.lMKIJIKVr on Jackson
Street, opposite lit usse's, wliere he U prepared
to do all kinds of work in hi& line in a superhir
style. JIis materials are \vc.I select*1 is «voik-
inen are ikillJul, ami all work entmuted lo him
wiil he neatly nnd promptly executed. Ho re-’
Hpeetfully solicits a flhere of tLc puhde patronage,
hein» determined to 8ti!i all in 1.ic« work aud Lis
prices. All he nsk*» is a fair trial.
May 19th, 1859
GRADY, NICHOLSON & CO.,
AGENTS for
tki: hazard pohdek to up an v
A l LARGE Stock or all the ilifTerent
grades kejit constantly on hand, and
Sold at inaniil icliirer's prices.
Athens, June 1C. 1859.
GROCERIES! GROCERIES!!
TAYI.OIt & l.l'MPKIN
A K E "? W !" rpooi P' of A large supply of Groce
* »- riea for thehummer trade.lowhiclitbeyinvilr
Alt examination of price, and Articles. In ihi* ,.,, n .
eernmuybe found almost cveiy article in ininily
use, from the aub.vlaiitiaL to the fanciest lux aries
of life. Athens, July 14,1859.
PATENT MEDICINES.
A LL the most reliable Patent Medicines, now in
market for sale by R- M. SMITH.
J une 9.
OR8E 8nOE NAII.S,—For sslehy,
T. III ail DP A auN, May 2d
II
SPEECH OF HON. A. II. STEPHENS,
DELIVERED IN AUGUSTA, GA., ON SATURDAY,
JULY 2, 1859.
Mr. President, Gentlemen of the Committee,
and Respected Auditory .-
toy ibis deinonstraticn.on my retiring
from public life, I return you my unaffecle l
and unfeigned thanks. The circumstances
attending it—this imposing assembly—con
sisting, not onlj of «o large a number of
voters of the District, but ot so many of the
fair of the land—the mothers and daughters,
who give honor hy their presence—are well
calculated greatly to enhance its apprecia
te n. It is not every one win, has been in
public life s> long as 1 have, that has been
so fortunate as to receive such a complimant
at its close. It was not an urironinion event
amongst the ancients tor public men lo he
o-trucited and exiled, even by those who
had elevated them to places of trust and dis
tinction. But the testimonial now tendered
comes not exclusively from that class of my
constituents. Tl-is may, perhaps, be owing
more lo personal than to public considera
tions. De that as it may, however, let this
niaiiileslation of regard shown to me here,
without distinction of parly, by the generous
•ind liberal minded citizens of this enter
prising and flourishing city—distinguished
alike lor intelligence, urbanity, and" public
spirit, spring from whatever motive it may.
ol this you may be assured, one and all,T
feel it most profoundly, and make my ac-
knnto ledgeinems most sincerely and grate
i*i'ly• Whether merited or not, it is more
than I expected. It is much more ihan 1
desired.
Having entered public life reluctantly,
without selfish unlives, and without ary ob
ject of personal ambition ur aggrandizement,
1 should have pr, lerrod, when the state of
affairs favored n.y leaving it, to go quietly
into that r< tireinciit so much more congenial
10 my nature, without any other rteord ot
approval of my condiirtto hear with me than
that ot my own judgment, and the conscious-
nc.s of having, ot« all occasions and on all
questions, endeavored lo discharge my duty
faithfully and with an eye single to the
maintenance of your rights and the advance
ment of the general public weal.
As yon choose t iat it should he otherwise,
1 could n' t, in consideration of the relations
we have home towards each other, as Rep
resentative and constituents, decline a com
pliance w it it y.ur request. And it is due to
you, in candor, to say that, so far as person
al gratification is concerned, this display
docs, in some measure, compensate lot the
labor, toil, sacrifice, and wear and tear of
hotly anti mind, ever altendenl on hint who
undertakes in watch over, guard, and protect
the public interests.
I he occasion itsell naturally suggests feel
ings of regret, as all partings do — the sever
ance ol tn s so long binning us together in
relations ol snob confident e and tespnnsi-
Inltty, is nut unlike severance of other ties
that link tha tend.-rest attachments of na
ture. I find however, other matters of thought
and reflection w hit-li prompt emotions ot a
different character from those which usually
attend ordinary separations and final adieus.
Some of these, it may not he inappropriate
to mention —not exactly, then, do I feel tike
one who is about to lake his departure from 1
home, from friends, from all he holds dear,
with doubt and uncertainly whether lie shall
ever meet them again; but rather as the
weather ncalen matiner, who lias success
fully passed lho perils of his last of many
dangerous voyages, over and across the
migffty deep, ii.iiis, w ith elated heart and
toward rtjnieing ol spirit, his home haven
finally reached in safety, never to encounter
ocean storms and tempests or troubled wa
it rs more. Thu I (eel.
Politics is indeed a rough and uncertain
sea, abounding iu uncertain and dangerous
elements—elements which, however still
and quiet they may now he. are always
fierce and portentous when fully arousetj;
and perhaps they were never, in our history,
lashed into greater fury than they have been
repeatedly during the period of my service.
I he shattered fragments, the k 'disjet'ta mem
bra," ol many a gallant bark, oil have been
seen atlrilt on either side, borne alang by
their resistless sway ; and many noble, true
hearted comrades have been seen "rari
iianlc* in gnrgite vasto." Is it not natural,
then, that I siiould now, in contemplating
the past, feel, a deep personal gratification
that 1 was so fortunate as lo surmount these
perils, pass securely these risks and buz
zards, not only without a wreck, a founder,
or a stranding, lint without the loss of a
mast or a siuule spar I For this, 1 am in
debted to your generous confidence.
Bui lliere is another reflection far more
important, and doubtless, much more inter
esting to yen, as well as more gratifying to
my sell—that is, that I leave the country not
only in as good, hut in a better condition
11 an I found it. Whatever dangers may
have threatened us, the Republic has sus
tained no serious deliiment, either in her
material resources, intellectual advancement,
social condition, tr political status. On the
contrary, with w hatever short-comings there
may have been, in that fuller development,
that might have been attained in some ol
tlnse particulars, yet, on the whole, her
progress in each for the better, has been
mos’ marked and unprecedented. This is
true of the whole country, as well as each of
the parts separately, and especially of our
own Siate.
Uontrast, for a moment, in your minds,
the condition of Georgia, physically and in
tellectually. in 18!)G, when I first entered
the legislature, with her conbuion now.—
I lie change seems almost equal lo the works
ol magic. Passing by llrose material devel
opments which have given us the honor of
being stj led the Empire State amorist our
sisters of the -South, rake but a glance in
another department—that which embraces
higher and noblrr impiuvement< Then,
lliere was but one college in the State, and
that, f«r the education of men. Now, we
have five limes that number, ot the same
character. Then, the.e was not one in the
State, or in the world, 1 believe, a single
ch trlered university fur the education and
regular graduation of w omen ; I mean such
as conferred the usual college degrees. The
Georgia Fema’e College, at Macon, incor
porated in 1836, with such objects, purp ses,
anil powers, I believe, was the first of its
kind anywhere. The movement at the
time was the occasion of amusement to some.
I may I)© pardoned in this presence, in say
ing that it tnet my warm support. Pile cx-
pciiment proving successful beyond the
expectation of its most sanguine friends, the
example became contagious—not only in
our own State, but in adjoining Slates—and
we now have a perfect galaxy of these bril
liant luminaries, sending forth their cheering
beams in every direction, like new stars in
the firmament above, just brought into exis
tence in the progress of creation. Whatever
honor, therefore, Georgia is entitled to for
her other great works of improvement and
achievement; and however broad, massive,
and substantial the materials may he that
enter into the tuoi.umenl reared to her fame;
and however high they ntay he piled up, let
ihi? still he at the lop the filling and crown
ing point of Iter glory, that she took and
holds the lead of all the world in female
education.
In a national point of view, our progress
has also been great. Vent territories have
bi*en added to our limits. Our trade, our
commerce, our manufacture s, our exports
and imports, have been more titan trrbbled.
History furnishes no equal toll in the annals
of nations. All those great sectional ques
tions which so furiously in their turn agita
ted the public mind, foreboding disaster, and
which, from my connection with them,
caused me to remain so long at the post you
assigned me, have been amicably and satis
factorily adjusted, without the sacrifice of
any principle, or the loss of any essential
right. At this time, there is not a ripple
upon the surface. The country was never
in a profounder quiet, or the people front nnp
extent of it to the other, in a more perfect
enjoyment of the blessings of peaco and
prosperity secured by those institutions, tor
which we should feel no less gre^CHahan
proud. It is at such a time, and with these
views of its condition, that 1 cease all actire
connection with its affairs.
In reference to those agitations, and the
questions giving rise to them, and my cun
duet on them, which you have been pleased
to speak of in terms of such high commen
dation, I ask your indulgence only to say a
few things, and these few only ns of matters
that are past. They were questions of no
ordinary magnitude; they were vital in their
character; they oppressed me with the most
anxious care—with the heavy w eight of the
most intense sense of responsibility—and
the more so as they subjected me on sere a!
occasions, to the most trying of all political
ordeals—the separation iu action front o!J
allies and old friends.
The fiist of tl ese was the annexation ol
! Texas. This arose on my entrance into
C- ngr. ss. It was to me a new field and a
new theatre. It requires an effort, at this
time, to recall the scenes of that day—the
arguments for and against—the passions
and prejudices that were aroused on both
sides. The public mind was perhaps never
before more thoroughly excited. It was nty
fortune, with a few others, to differ, nut only
from our own party friends, hut from a ina-
jorily of those on the oilier side. We were
for the measure. We believed it to he con
stitutional ami advartageous, notwithstand
ing tite contrary judgment and the fearful
consequences predicted by many sages in
cnum-il, in whose wisdom and patriotism we
hail ever confided. We were fur it, howev
er, only on condition that the rights ol the
South should he settled aud garanteed in the
bonds ot the Union, lit this position wp
held the balance nf power in the House;
anti it was not until various o’.her proposi
tions, which left these points open, were
voted down—we voting with the general
opponents of tho measure on them, that ours,
which secured the existing guaranty for f-ur
slave States, to lie carved out of the Terri
tory an I admitted into the Union, if the peo
pi'* should present such Constitutions, on
tkeit application for admission, w»s taken
up and passed by the general friends of the
measure The true historv of these resolu
tions has never been (riven,
in his “Thirty Year’s View,” quote*
at length, and says that they were intri
ed at an early Jay of the session. He says
they ‘were sent down from the State |JJe-
pjrtment.’ In this, lie makes one ot-yhis
flings at Mr. Calhoun, who was then at the
head nf that Department. This is, in every
tsseniial particular, a mistake. These res
olutions were not introduced at an early day
■ ■t the session. Congress met on the 2d
dav ol December. 1811; on the 19th of that
mouth, Mr. Charles J. lngnrsoll, chairman
ot the committee of foreign affairs, introduc
ed the administration measure. After that,
there were six other plans of annexation in
troduced, before the resolutions which final
ly passrd, were offered. They were present
ed by Mr. Milton Drown, of Tennessee, on
the IJth ol January, 1815. He and 1 con
sume frequently together. We agreed in
our views. \\ e could not support any one
of the plans submitted, hut we were anxious
for the measure to succeed on the terms 1
have stated. He drew up the resolutions
embody ing our veiw s, securing the settle
ment ol the vexed question, and thp guaran
ty as to the four luttire slave Stales South o f
the Missouri lute, just as they passed.—
Neither Mr. Calhoun, nor Mr. Tyler, ever
saw the resolutions iiiiti 1 ! they were offered
to the House ; and I doubt if any other per
son did. except Mr. Drown, myself, and
lion. Ephraim II. Fester, one of the Sena
tors of'Tennessee. Mr. Drown informed me
that Mr. Ft ster concurred fully in our views,
anti would present the same resolutions in
the Senatenn the same day, which he bid.re-
marking at the same time, that lie had neither
consulted nor conversed w iih'any other Sen
ator In relation tn them. As for the phrase
ology of the resolutions, that is due entirely
to Mr. Drown ; but for the substance,I feel
fully justified in saying that we aro both
jointly and equally responsible. My course
in the matter was taken, not without some
doubt and distrust that it might be wrong,
as so much talent.nge, experience and worth
were arrayed against it—hence, you may
imagine the gratification I felt, six years af
ter, when Mr. Webster, in his celebrated
7th of March speech, fully admitted the con-
stilutionalitj of the annexation, and the
binding oh'igations of the guarantees therein
secured. The recognized constitutional ex
pounder, and one of thp leaders of the oppo-
t ents of the measure, though not in official
position at the time it passed, lived to give
'lie constitutional question involved, the
sanction ol his high authority ; and now
few men of any party or any creed raise a
point upon the subject.
The next question of agitation aro«e nut
of our acquisitions from Mexico, embracing
al'o, the'Territory of Oregon—the title to
which had just been definitely settled about
that time. 'This was the greatest of all,
before or since. It involved the powers of
Congress over the Turritoriee, and the right
ol the General Government to exclude slave
ry. as it exists with us, fiom them. The
principle was one of vast itnportance ; w helh-
er considered in an abstract or practical
view. Its assertion abstractly carried with
it Southern inequality, inferiority and de
gradation Ifk enforcements practically,
would have hemmed us up, hedged us in,
walled us afourid, and prevented all future
growth and expansion. The point the
South made was the right to go into -the
Territories with their slave proprrty, on the
same tooting, and with the same security as
other properly under the Constitution. This
was her demand 5 and it was on this basis
the settlement was made. The Territories
are to he kept open fur settement antf colon
ization, by all, alike, without any discrimi-
a'ing legislation on the pint of Congress
for cr against any species of property, unlit
the people come to form their Constitu
tions for admission into the Union—when
they ate to be admittel either with or with
out slavery, as they may then determine for
themselves. This is non-intervention.—
And, as you all may know, it came short el
what I wished- It was, in my view, not the
full measure of our rights—that required, in
my judgment, tho enactment by Congress,
of all needful laws fir the protection of slave
property in the Territories, so long as the
Territorial condition lasted.
But an overwhelming majority of the
South was against that position. It was
said that we whti maintained it, yielded the
whole question hy yielding the jurisdiction
—and that, if we conceded the puw er to pro
tect, we necessarially conceded with it the
power to prohibit. This hy no means,
followed in nty judgment. Dut such was
the prevailing- opinion. And it was not un
til it was w-ell'assertained that a large ma
jority of the South would not ask for, even
vote for Congressional protection, that tluse
of us w ho were for it yielded to non-inter
vention, because, though it came short of
our wishes, yet, it contained no sacrifice of
principle—had nothing aggressive in it, and
secured for all practical purposes, what was
wanted. That is, the unrestricted right of
expansion over the common public domain,
as inclination, convenience, or necessity
maf requirsnii the part nf our people. For,
while Congress abstained from all direct
legislation on the subject, jet (he bills or
ganizing Territorial governments g a. t -d lo
the local legislatures^the po.ter M •• l.iws
|upon all rightful subjects of legisl.iti m, not
inconsistent with the Coostmtion of the
United .Stares.’ Tl.is gave them the power
to pass all needful laws t'.r the protection of j
-lave property, t
that being a .-ig!
but none to r*ral
|n-< |>e
' ?. UuMti —
t! j-ct cf legislation —
excludf—th-.it being
inconsistent with the (b.ti u : hi of the
United States, at:-l lire exercise of a power
that Congress did not possess, and could
not grant.
Tl.is was the view we 'cok of the case,
and this has since been sustained hy the
Supreme Court of the United States in the
Dred Scott decision. Thus the settlement t
w'as made—thus the record stands, and by :
it I am still willing to stand, as it was fully ^
up to the demands of the Smi'h, through her
Representatives at the lime, though i nt up j
to my own ; and, as hy it the right of ex- i
pansion to the extent of population and j
capacity is amply secured. The subsequent '
excitement on the Kansas bill, in 1851, was .
but a sequel to that of 185D.
In carrying out tho principles established
in 1850—of opening the Tcriiinrie®. and
leaving them free for settlement by all.alike,
without Congressional interference, it be
came necessary to take oil'the old restriction
of 1820, which had been put upon that ter
ritory.
The agitation this gave ri«e t<\ was caus
ed hy nothing hut the dying efforts of the
old restrictionism to hold their old ground,
and to fight the battle of 1850 over again.—
This was a struggle mainly for principle—
abstract principle on ho.It stiles. In the
result, we were triumphant. Dut it was n..i
a triumph of the South over the North, 9,.
much as it was a triumph of the friends of
constitutional equality and right, over
enemies everywhere ; and let no in-n c--n-
sider this agitation, so far as the Sojjth c-
respunsitde lor it, as useless or unnecessary,
inasmuch as it was a struggle mainly lor an
abstract principle having practically uothi g
in it. Let no one indulge tho belief that it
would JbUKtahgMubtMM* for tlm South to
havp quietly | e t the old restriction against
us remain upon llie stature book, at lliere
was little prospect that slavery e'er would
go to tlnse Territories, and as llie Supreme 1
Court has since decided, in the Dred Scott
case, that the old restriction was unconsti
tutional and void anyhow. Let no one think
that the amount of practical interest iu the
result did not justify the popular commotion
that the controversy evoked. Let no one
iake any such view of the subject as this;
practical results should weigh but little when
gieat fundamental, constitutional, and ab
stract ptinciples of Government are to be
settled. These underlie all popular right9,
and constitute the essence of sovereignty
and independence ; and the fates of nations
depend upon a rigid maintenance of them.—
Alt insult to a flag has hut little practical in
jury in it; and yet, ifuna.uut'd lor, wiil and
ought to justify war “at every hazard i!nd
lo the last extremity.” '1 he war of the
American Revolution, which gave us our
national independence, was fought more in
vindication of abstract principles than for the j
redress ot nny pracltc.il grievances 'I he
grievances ol the colonies were mainly the
assertion of tights and powers over them hy I
the Dritish parliament, which th y denied.
Hence, Mr. Webster said, truly, that it was I
fought “on a preamble.” It was not the
amount of the lax complained of. so much
as the right of imposing it w ithout represen
tation. The very bill that led to resistance
icdu-ed the lax, but asserted in its pream
ble the unlimited and unconditional power
to lax. It was on this measure, that the
great Edmund Burke—a son, Mr. Presidont,
(Mr. Joint Dunes,) of your own native isle,
w ho ranks high above all the others ot her
most illustrious names—high above Gratiar,
Curran and Emmet, and w ho stood tbremost
and first amongst orators and statesmen not
only in the Dritish parliament but in the
world, in his day—il he lias ever been sur
passed in any age or countiy—it was on
this hill, thus granting relief to the colonies,!
accompanied by llie hare assertion ofillegal
right, that Burke, in his place, told the House
of Commons that they w ere sending an an
gel of peace, “out w ith it they were sending
out a destroying angel, too;” and what
would be the effect of tlie conflict of ’liese
two adverse spirits, or which would predom
inate in the end, was what lie dared not
say. His warning was not heeded. Tilt
destroying angel cairre; but with no elLct
upon our ancestors, except to arouse them
in defence nf even their abstract rights, it
was England, who, under the influence ot
his unseen power, .was left to mourn ti e
loss of lo r first- horn colonies.
In politics, as in law, the greatest results
often follow tire t s'ab!ist.u; ( |,t cl abstract
principles, when the amount of practical in
terest involved is too small to he taken in
the estimation. Principlts deciding the
titles to millions of property may be fet
tled, and often are, upon a pepper-corn is
sue. In the case of Pierce aud Twine, two
hundred pounds sterling only were involved.
But who could estimate tho hundreds of
thousand that have been controllec by the
principles established by it ? Or who would
undertake lo number thp millions upon mil
lions whit h have aud do dppend upon the
pr'nciples of Sh< llys case or Perrin against
Blake 1 In this last, thousands of dollars
have been spent in publishing books that
have been written upon it—to say nothing
about the amount or value of property it has
controlled. And yet, only two thousand
pounds sterling were all that was practically
in issue in iL And what was the amount
practically in ir.sue in the Dnd Scott case,
itself! Nothing but the value of one slave
perhaps less than a thousand dollars; yet, on
the p'ircipla depended not only many other
thousands, but in all probability the destiny
of this country. And who is -ain enough
to 6tippo6e that the Dred Scott decision
would have been made, but for the agnation
and the discussion which preceded it, nnd
the sound, clear principles Which that dis
cussion brought to light! Weigh not,
therefore, too lightly the most violent discus
sions by your public men, even upon the
m st abstract irinciples. Nay, more, be
prepared to assert them yourselves as your
fathers did, at any hazard, though there br
nothing at stake but your lion t.
Nor am l of the number of those who lie-
lieve that we have sustained any injury by
th-se agitations, it is true, we were not
responsible for them. \\ e were not tlie
aggressors- \Ye acted on tlie defensive.—
We repelled assault, calumny, and asper
sion, hy argument, hy reason, and truth.—
Dut so far from the institution of African
slavery iu our Section being weakened or
rendered less secure by the discussion, my
deliberate judgment is that it has been grttui
ly strengthened and f utilied—strengthened
and fortified not only in the opinions, con
vietions, and consciences of men. tut hy
the action of tlie government. Questions
that were doubtful and mooted before these
agitations, have since been settled—settled
as I have stated, settled by all the depart
ments of the government, llie legislative,
executive, and judicial. The 0T1I Missouri
Restriction of 1320, has been taken from
llie statute book. There is not now a spot
of the public leiritoiy uC llie United States,
over which the national flig floats, where
slavery is excluded hy law of (’ongress ; and
the highest tribunal of the land has decided
lint Congress has no power to pass suelt a
law, nor to grant such power to a Territorial
legislature. All this has been lho result of
th- so agitations.
question, the people of tlie Smith should ex
amine in its l-ngtli and br-adth. It is one
deserving consideration of the gravest
character. It deeply concerns imr internal
interests and domestic policy, as well as the
g'OWth a id extension of our institutions. It
snotild not he aett il on or decided hastily or
rashly; hut cahulv and deliberately. I only
present it to you for such consideration : and
especially with the view ol impressing you
with this great truth before hand, that if
toers are hut few more slavo States admitted
into ihe Union, it will not necessarily be in
c uisequence of Abolitionism or Wilmot
I’roviso, but (or tlie want of the right sort of
pnpulati nt to settle anil colonize with them.
It is useless to wage war on those who ntay
withhold Congressional legislation to pro*
tret slave | ropertv iu the Territories, or to
qu trrel amongst ou. selves, and arco-e each
Other nf uns.mndness on that question, un
less we get more Africans to send there to
he protected. I give you no opinion upon
the subject, except this—tha', without an in
crease of African slaves from abroad, you
may not expect or ! ok for many more slave
stales, lithe polit y of this country, sel-
tied in its eatlv history, of prohibiting
further importations or immigra ions of this
class of p pnlatton, is in be adhered lo, tho
race of coinpt tition between t.s and 01:f
brethren of llie North, in the colonization
of new S ;.tes. which heretofore has been so
well mt'.in'aioeil by ns. vi 1 soon have to he
abandoned. It is in full tiewof all this,
Dot, pi-rli ns I am detaining you too long ...
on these topics. It may he that some are | * have stated, 1h.1t l- Lie present basis
mote anxious to hear what I have to say for between the sections of the
the future. Will the present quiet Iasi 1 or Emon, which - has been sanctioned hy all
wi| I tlie anti-slaverv spirit tent w the strife 1 ; Die departments of the Government,
he ad-
And what is to be lit* end of it 1 O11 this
point, I can only say thnt 'he future is w ise
ly shut out from our view hy a curtain that l
could not lift if I would, and 1 would not if I
cotilt!. It is enough for us to take cure of
the ever present, with which we are moving
along. All things human are passing away.
Nay, mote, in the conditions and relations
lo each other ol all things throughout the
hered to, you have nothing to tear for your
safely or seeiinty. For on these ptinciples
one slave State alone, hy herself, would he
perfectly secure ng; ittst encroachments ot
aggrej-sior.s on her domestic internal policyr
though ui| il.e rest were free. But litis
safety arid security depend altogether upon
a rigid adherence to the principles. They
are the ship on which, as Foul said, you
material universe, there is nothing eternal, { "» ! ' sl ^tde if you would survive and he
hut change. This is the universal law.—
Our bodies yield to it—death is tlie common
lot of all—governments are subject to the
same law. Tlie most powerful of llie pre
sent day will, in course of lime, pass away,
as those great Empires did, which we read
of, centimes ago—our own cannot escape
tha same Inevitable doom. But w hen this
will he—whether at an early or remote pe
riod—I have no disposition either to inquire
or to speculate. I have no hesitancy, how
ever, in giving j’ou the strong conviction 01
my judgment that il is best for all that the
afe. Whether these principles should he
adhered to, or not, depends mainly upon tho
South, with her people united, there is no
danger. Indeed, with her people uniled.no
one treed have any apprehensions for the
stability and permanence of Iter institutions,
either in llie Union or out of it, just as her
enemies may choose to decide that question
f<>r her. Wo control the great staple wliictt
forms the basis < f the commerce of the
world ; and if united, can and will he able,
in any aud every event, to take care of our-
stdves,
African slavery with us rests upon prinei-
Sfates shall remain united under their pre
Sent Constitution just so long-if that be j P ,es ,hat t * 1 "> newr be successfully t.ssatlcd
■ . oitaiued without b y [t!aso " or argument. It lias grown
forever—as ibis end can lie
the sacrifice of any Constitutional principle,
rr the loss of any Constitutional right cs-
v' trial to the safety and security ot any one
. t them, or anj - number of them—and that
■ i.- Union on this basis, can he and will be
e-< rved just so long, as intelligence, vir-
in<\ integrity, and patriotism rule our nation
?.! councils. How long this will lie, will
depend npnn the people themselves.
1 pgislalors in this country, in the main.
1 cgisiators in mis country, in mu mam, - ■
are but the embodied reflection of the ohar-<* u ' ,der VhcttUeqf apprentices, instead ol
actors and principles of those who elec. ^ bot ver.fy.ng the proverb
them. As mailers now stand, so far as the
sectional questions are concerned, I see no
cause of danger, tilher to tlte Union, or
southern security in it. The former has
always been, with me, and ought to be. with
you, subordinate to tlie latter. Rut on the
present hasis of governmental action, recog
nised in all its departments, on those ques
tions vital to the South, I see nothing like-
lv 10 arise from it calculated to endanger
either her safely or security. Hence, noth
ing to prevent the hope and earnest desire
that a still greater, wider, anil higher career
is before us than that yet attained. And
for many long years to come, there is noth
ing in the diversity nnd dissimilarity nf the
inslilutions of the different States inennsis
tent with this—nothing in nny increase or
addition of States; nothing in the future en
largement of the limits oflite Republic, by
further acquisition of Territories, as, in tlie
event of continued union, there doubtless,
will he. Already, we are looking out to
wards Chihuahua, Sonora, and other parts
of Mexico—to Cuha, and even to Central
America. \\ here are to be our ultimate
limits, time alone can determine. D t of
all these acquisitions, the most important
lo the whole country is that of Cuba. She
lies geographically in the natural line of ex
tension and acquisition. The ua ural course
for all national extension is on lines ol
longitude, rather than lines of latitude— from
North to South, or from South lo North,
rather than from East tn West—so ns to
bring witnin a common jurisdiction tire pro
ducts of different dimes. As yet, we em
brace no portion of the Tropics. Cuha,
besides Inr commanding position in the
Gulf, and all other advantages, would fill up
this deficiency.
tin this subject, ltowever, I will say that
I am not much in favor of paying any grtat
sum of money to Spain for that Island. If
the people of Cuba want to come under our
jurisdiction, it is tlieir right to come, arm
ours to receive them, without let or hind
rance from Spnir. Site holds the Island by
no tenure but that of conquest and force.
The more appropriate policy would be to
repeal all our own laws which make it penal
and criminal for our own citizens to go and
help thorn achieve their independence. In
stead of offering Spain thirty or more mil
lions of dollars for it, I would simply quit
spending other millions in keeping watch
and guard, for Iter to oppress and rob; 1
would simply quit holding while Spain skins.
\ million or two might be well sppnt lo ob
tain so great tl result without difficulty, if
Spa'n saw fit lo receive it—not much more.
But whatever may he our acqtiLi'io s of
territory, I see nothing to endanger nttr
rights in the Union, if the principles now
established he adhered to and maintained in
good fdtth. Over all present possessions or
future acquisitions, we have and will have,
by those principles, the unrestricted right
to expand, to Rettle and colonize with our
institutions to the extent of population and
capacity. Wherever climate and soil suit,
there slavery can and will go to the extent of
population.
tin this point of extension, however, fel
low citizens, I deem it my duty to repeal
what I said in 1850, w hen we had just come
out of the great struggle over the territorial
policy of the government—whatever ab
stract rights of extension and expansion we
may have secured in the settlement of that
policy, you may not expect to see many of
the Territories cotue into the Union as slave
States, unless we have increase of African
stock.- The law of population will prevent
We have not the people Boundaries hy
rivers or mountains, do not make Stales,
It takes people to make States; aud it re
quires people of the African race to make
slave Stares. This requires no argument t
and I very much question whether, with oltr
present stock of that population, we can
furnish the requisite number to secure more
than the four Stales to come out of Texas in
tlie present Territories of the Union. To
sironger by discussion; and will still grow
stronger as discussion proceeds, and as lime
roils on. 'Thirty years agu Virginia was on
the verge ol abolition. Now, no such senti
ment is to he found there. 'Twenty years
ago, Wilherlorce’s theory was carried outby
emancipation in the British West Indies.
Treat experiment lias most signally failed ;
that error in poliry is now. attempted to he
remedied by coolies, instead of Africans,
that one false step leads to another. Car
lyle, liie greatest thinker ol England, lias re
pudiated the folly of abolitionism; and the
London Times followed not far behind him.
The world is growing wiser, and upon no
subject more rapidly than that of the p-oper
status of tlie negro. In my judgment, there
are more thinking men at the North, now,
who look it (ion our system of slavery as
right, socially, morally, and polilica ly, than
there were even at the South, thirty yeays
ago. The leading public men of the South,
iu our early history, were almost ail against
it. Jefferson was against it ; Madison was
against il; nearly all of them were against
it. This I freely admit, w lien the authority
of their names is cited. It was a question
which they did not, and perhaps could not,
thoroughly understand at that time. It was
then a new qn.-stion in tho construction of
constitutional government. It is still a pro*
Idem, in process of solution. They met tha
paramount questions of tlieir day as states
men ; so sliottl i the men of this day meet
these before them.
New troths are always slow in develop,
ment. This is the case in all the physical
sciences. It was so with the Ooper’nican
system in astronomy ; so with the applica
tion of steam in mechanics; so with the
knowledge of the laws of vlectricity, and
ihe n ears of controlling it for great uses
and purposes; this is also the case with new
truths in Government—and even more so;
lor legislators and rulers are not generally
lit# thinkers of any country. Hence, itn-
pnriant fat-ls within their appropriate sphere
olten lie much l-mgrr unobserved without
the legitimate inductions and conclusions to
he drawn from them. The world had moved
on for centuii'S: Stales, Kingdoms, and
Empires had risen, fallen, and passed away,
before legislators wife even conscious of
tile great tacts and truths brought to light
Ity Adam Smith, touching the laws of trade
and the real source of the wealth of nations.
Even when first announced, they were slow
in impressing the minds of those w ho esn*
trolled the ariior, of Government. Now,
they are recognised and adopted as maxims,
hy the wise and intelli.ent in all civilised
countries. So it lias been and is with the
great fact, that in llie frame-work of human
society the materials lor its structure should
he selected and arranged in the crJtr of
nature.
Pythagoras, Plato, and Ari stoile, the
greatest philosophers of nnliqtiity, directed
their minds to the systems of government
and the proper constitution of a Slate. The
republican form was the ideal inndt I of each.
They all saw the necessity of some sort uf
gradation in tlie elements of its composition ;
hut their systems failed, because they
violated nature in making the subordinate
class of the same rare. Subordination is
the normal condition of the negro. This
great truth, that such was the normal con
dition of any lace was nt t recognized in
their theories; and hence tlieir machinery,
in practice, could not work.
In this connection, allow me to say that I
do not agree with some as to the manner of
meeting our assailants on this subject.
Many seem to he not only astonished, but
offended, at the “ hiulter law ” doctrine of
the Senator from New York, (Mr. Seward).
I, too, believe in the higher law—tlie law of
the Creator..vs mani f ested in His works and
His revelations. Upon this, our cause
eminently rests. 1 claim nothing barely
upon the ground that “ thus it is nominated
in the bond.” I recognise to the fullest ex
tent, the doctrine that all human laws and
Constitutions must he founded upon Ihe
Divit e law. And if there is any right
secured, or any obligation imposed in onr
Constitution, inconsistent with this law, un
derfiring and over-ruling all others, such
right and such obligation must be yielded*
I would not swear to support any Constitu
tion inconsistent with this higher law. Let
us not deceive ourselves—this question has
to be nrasptd and comprehended in all its
vast dimentious—on it, we need not orators
", u ■ look in va st dimentious— on it, we need not orators