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4 as much as any abolitionist. I have
4 been un old line Whig. 1 have at-
‘ irays tinted it; but I have always
‘ been quiet about it until this new era
‘ of the introduction of the Nebraska
‘ hill began. 1 always believed that
4 everybody was against it, and thut it
4 was in Yourse of ultimate extisc-
{ XIOH. 4
“We are now far into the fifth year
* since a policy was initiated with th<
* avowed object and confident promise
* of putting' an end to slavery agita-
* tion. Under the operation of that
‘ policy, that agitation has not only
4 not ceased, but has constantly aug-
‘ mented. In my opinion, it will not
4 cease until a crisis shall have been
4 reached and passed. 4 A house divid-
4 cd against itself cannot stand.' I be-
‘ Here this Government cannot endure
4 permanently half slave and halffree.
4 I do not expect the Union to be dissolv-
4 cd; I do not cx]>cct the house to fall;
4 but I do expect it will cease to be di-
* VIDEO ; IT WILL BECOME ALL ONE THING
4 or all the oTiiEL. Either the oppo-
4 runts of slavery will arbest the further
4 spread of it, and place it where the
4 public mind shall rest in the belief that
1 it is in the course of ultimate ex-
4 tisction, or its advocates will push
‘ it forward till it shall become alike
4 lawlul in all the States, old as well as
4 new, North as well as South.”
Commenting on this, lie afterwards
said:
coin is indebted to their
his election.
ir popularity for
iinrerity of his
44 1 only said wlmt 1 expected would
4 take place. I made a prediction only :
4 it may have been a foolish one, per-
4 haps. I did not even say that I de-
4 sired that slavery should' he put in
4 course of ultimate extinction. 1 do
4 now, however; so there nml be no Ion-
4 per any difficulty about that."
44 If I were in Congress, and a vote
4 should come up on a question wheth-
4 er slavery should be prohibited in - a
4 new Territory, in-spite of the. ft red
4 Scott decision, I would vote that it
4 SHOULD.’’
“What I do say is, that no man is
4 good enough to govern another man
4 without the other man’s consent. I say
4 this is the leading principle, the sheet
4 anchor vi American Republicanism.
4 Our ^Declaration of Independence
4 says:
* 4 4 We hold these truths to be self*
4 evident,—that all men are created
4 equal; that they are endowed by
4 th« ir Creator with certain inalienable
4 rights; that among these are life,
4 liberty, and the pursuit of happi-
4 ness ; that to secure . these rights,
4 governments are instituted among
4 men, deriving their just power from
4 the consent of the governed.' ”
44 1 have quoted so much at this
4 time Merely to show, that according
4 to our ancient faith, the powers of
* government are derived from the con-
* sent of the governed. Now, the re-
4 lation of master and slave is, pro
4 lunto, a violation of this principle.—
4 The master not only governs the
4 slave, without his consent, but he gov-
' erns him by a set of rules altogether
4 different from those which he pre-
4 scribes for himself. Allow all the
4 governed an equal voice in the
4 GOVERNMENT; and that, and that only
4 is self-government.”*
Again, in a Speech delivered in
Chicago, during thfi last Presidential
election, which we find published in
the Illinois State Journal, the State or
gan of the Black Republican parly of
Illinois, on the 16th of September,
1S56, Mr. Lincoln said:
“That central idea, in our political
4 opinion, at the beginning was, and
4 until recently continued to be’, the
4 equality of men. And, although it
4 was always submitted patiently to,
4 whatever inequality there seemed to
4 be as a matter of actual necessity,
4 its constant working has . been a
4 steady progress toward the practical
4 EQUALITY OF ALL MEN.
44 Let past differences as nothing
4 be; and, with steady eye on the real
4 issue, let us re-inaugurate the good
4 old central ideas of the .Republic.—
4 We can do it. The human heart is
4 with us ; God is with us. We shall
4 again be able, not to declare that all
4 the States, as States, are equal; nor
4 yet that all citizens, as citizens, are
4 equal; but renew the broader, better
4 declaration, including both these and
4 much more, that all men are created
4 equal.”
Yet again, in his speech at Chicago,
on the 10th of July, 1858,-Mr. Lin
coln said:
44 1 should like to know if, taking
4 the old Declaration of Independence,
4 which declares that all men are equal
4 upon principle, and making cxcep-
4 tions to it, where will it stop ? . If one
4 man says, it does not mean a negro;
4 why not another say, it does not
4 mean some oilier man ? If that de-
4 elaration is not the truth, let us get
4 the statute-book in which we find it,
and tear it out. Who is so bold as
4 lo do it ? If it is not true, let us tear
4 it out. [Cries of “No, no !”] Let
4 us stick to it, then ; stand firmly by it,
4 then. * * * * Let us diseard
4 all this quibbling about this man and
4 the other man—this race and that race
4 and the other race being inferior, and
4 therefore they must be placed in an
4 inferior position—discarding the stan*
1 tlard that we have left us. Let nsdis-
‘ card ull these things, and unite as one
4 people throughout this land until ice
4 shall once more stand tip declaring
1 that ALL MEN arc created equal. *
* * * * I leave you, hoping that
4 the lamp of liberty will burn in your
4 bosoms until there shall no lon-
4 ger be a doubt that ALL MEN ARE
4 CREATED FREE AND EQUAL.”
In these declarations Mr. Lincoln
has covered the entire abolition plat
form-hatred ot slavery, disregard of
Judicial decisions, negro equality, and,
as a matter of course, the ultimate ex
tinction of slavery, None of these
doctrines, however," are left to infer
ence, so far as Mr. Lincoln is concern
ed, as we see he has avowed them in
the plainest and clearest language.—
They are not exceeded by the boldness
of Seward, the malignity of Giddings,
or die infamy of Garrison. It was the
knowledge oi these facts which induc
ed his nomination by the Republican
party; and by the free circulation
which has been given to them in the
canvass, it would seem that Mr. Lin-
The insincerity
disavowal of the doctrine of negro
equality, when pressed to the wall,
after the solemn declaration I have
quoted, is too transparent to require re
mark.
Such, then, are the sentiments and
principles which an overwhelming ma
jority of the North have endorsed by
their votes for the man who announc
ed and defended them.
In this inquiry into the doctrines
and principles of the Black Republi
can party, we cannot leave unnoticed
the announcements which have been
made to the country by their ablest
recognised leaders. Gladly would I
turn from the nauseating recital; but
to learn and appreciate the truth of the
case, we must look to the whole re
cord, however steeped in infamy, or
covered with falsehood. I affix to
these extracts the names of the Sena
tors who uttered them—names, I re
gret to say. too familiar to all the rea
ders of American politics.
“Thus, these antagonistic systems
4 are continually coming into closer
4 contact, and collision results. Shall
4 I tell you what this collision means ?
‘They who think it is accidental, un-
! necessary, the work of interested fa
4 nalieal agitators, and therefore ephe-
4 moral, mistake the case altogether.—
4 It is an Irrepressible Conflict
4 between opposing and enduring
4 forces, and it means that the United
• Stales must and will, sooner or la-
4 tor, become entirely a slaveholding
4 nation, cr entirely a free labor na-
4 tion. Either the cotton and rice fields
4 of South Carolina, and the sugar
4 plantations of Louisiana, will ulti-
4 mutely be tilled by free labor, and
4 Charleston and New Orleans become
4 marts for legitimate merchandise
4 alone, or else the rye fields and
4 wheat field of Massachusetts and New
4 York must again be surrendered by
4 their farmers to slave culture, and to
4 the pioduction of slaves, and Boston
1 and New York become once more a
4 market for trade in the bodies and
4 souls of men. It is the failure to ap-
4 prebend this great truth that induces
4 so many unsuccessful attempts at fi
4 nal compromise between the slave
4 and free States, and it is the exis
4 tence of this great fact that renders all
4 such pretended compromise, when
4 made, vain and ephemeral.”—Mr.
Sc ward.
44 The interests of the while race de-
4 mand the ULTIMATE EMANCIPATION
4 of all men. Whether that consum
4 mr.tion shall be allowed to take effect.
4 with ncedf .1 and wise precautions
4 against sudden change and disaster.
4 or be hurried on by violence, is ali
4 that remains for you to decide.”—
Mr. Seward.
“Slavery can be limited to its pres
4 ent bounds; it can be ameliorated. It
4 CAN BE, AND MUST BE ABOLISHED, and
4 you and I can and must do it. The
4 task is as simple and easy as its con-
4 summation will be beneficient, and its
1 rewards glowing. It only requires
4 to follow this simple rule of action : to
4 do everywhere and on every occasion
‘ what we can, and not to neglect or
‘refuse to . do what we can, at any
4 time, because at that precise time, and
1 on that particular occasion, we cannot
4 do more. Circumstances determine
4 possibilities.” * * * _ * “Ex-
4 tend a cordial welcome to the fugi-
4 tive who lays his weary limbs at your
4 door, and defend nrn as you would
4 your paternal gods.”
“Correct your own error that slaveiy
‘ has any Constitutional guarantees
4 which may not be released, and
4 ought not to be relinquished.” * *
“You will soon bring the parties of the
‘country into an effective aggression
4 upon slavery.”—Mr. Seward.
“What a commentary upon the his-
4 tory of man is the fact, that eighteen
4 years after the death of John Quincy
4 Adams, the people have for their stana-
4 urd-learer Abraham Lincoln, confess-
4 ing the obligations of the Higher Law,
4 which the Sage of Quincy proclaimed,
4 and contending, for weal or woe, foi
4 life or death, in the Irrepressible
4 Conflict between freedom and slave
4 ry. 1 desire only to say that we are
4 in the last stage of the conflict, before
4 the great triumphant inauguration of
4 this policy into the Government of the
4 United States.”—Mr. Seward.
“In what I have done, I cannot claim
4 to have acted from any peculiar con-
4 sideration of the colored people, as a
4 separate and distinct class in the
4 community, but from the simple con-
4 viction that all the individuals of that
‘class are members of the community,
4 and, in virtue of their manhood, en-
4 titled to EVERY ORIGINAL RIGHT ENJOY-
4 ED BY ANY OTHER MEMBER, We feel,
4 therefore, that all LEQAL distinction
4 between individuals of the same com-
4 munity, founded in any such circtim-
4 stances as color, origin, and the like,
4 are hostile to the genius of our institu-
4 tions, and incompatible with .the true
4 theory of American liberty. Slave-
4 the enormity of this institution, which
4 is now vaunted as in itself a form of
* civilization, ennobling, at least, to the
master, if not the slave. Look at it
in whatever light you will, and it is
always the scab, the canker, 4 the bare
bones,' and the shame of the country;
wrong, not merely in the abstract, as
it is often admitted by its apologists,
but wrong in the concrete also, and
‘ possessing no single element of right.
Look at.it in the light of principle,
and it is nothing less than a huye
insurrection against the eternal law of
God, and also the denial of that divine
law in which God himself is manifest,
4 thus being practically da- grossest lie
4 and the grossest c theism. Barbarous
in origin ; barbarous in its law; bar
barous in all its pretensions; barbar-
4 ous in the instrument it employs;
4 barbarous in consequences; barbarous
‘in spirit; barbarous wherever it shows
itself. Slavery must breed barbarians,
4 while it develojies everywhere, alike in
the individuals and in the society of
4 which he forms a part, the essential
laments of barbarism.
“Violence, brutality, injustice, bar-
4 harism, must be reproduced in the
4 lives of all who live within their lata!
‘sphere. The meat that is eaten by
4 man enters into and becomes a part
‘of bis body ; the madder which is
4 eaten by a dog changes his bones to
4 red ; and the slavery on which men
‘live, in all its five-fold foulness, must
4 become a part of themselves, discol
bring their very souls, blotting their
‘characters, and breaking forth in
4 moral leprosy. This language is
4 strong; but the evidence is even
4 stronger. Some there may be of
‘happy natures, like honorable Sena
tors, who can thus let-d and not be
4 harmed. Mithridates fed on foison,
‘and lived; and it may lie there is a
4 moral Mithridates who can swallow
‘without bane the poison of slaicry.”
—Mr. Sumner.
“Send it abroad on the wings of the
4 wind that I am committed, fully com-
4 mitted, committed to the fullest ex
tent, in favor of inmudiate and un
1 conditional abolition of slavery, where-
‘ever it exists under the authority of
4 the Constitution of the United States.”
—Mr. IFifocei.
“If all men are created equai,
‘one can rightfully acquire or hold do-
4 minion over, or project)/ in, another
4 man, without his consent. If all men
4 are created equal, one man cannot
4 rightfully exact the service or the la-
4 bor of another man without his con-
4 sent. The subjugation of one man
‘ to another by force, so as to compel
4 involuntary labor or service, subverts
‘that equality between the parties
4 which the Creator established.”—
Mr. Seward.
“All this is just and sound ; but as-
burning the same premises, to wit:
‘that all men are equals by the law of
4 nature and of nations, the right of
4 property in slaves falls to the ground;
4 for one who is equal to flic other,
4 cannot be the owner or property of
4 that other. But you answer that the
‘ Constitution recognizes property in
4 slaves. It would be sufficient, then,
‘to reply, that this constitutional obli-
4 gation MUST BE void, because it is
4 repugnant to the law of nature and of
4 nations.”—Mr. Set card.
“It is written in the Constitution of
4 the United States, in violation of the
4 divine law, that we shall surrender
4 the fugitive slave. You blush not at
4 these things, because they are farnil-
4 iar as household words.”—Mr. S w
ard.
“The Supreme Court also can rc-
* verse its spurious judgment more
4 easily than we can reconcile the peo-
‘ pie to its usurpation.” ** * * *
“The people of the United States
4 neyer can, and they. never will, ac
‘cept prit ciples so .'-Unconstitutional
4 and so < bhorent. Never, never.—
1 Let the Ch art recede. Whether it re
cedes or not, ice shall rcorganiz'-the
1 court, atti thus reform its polith-nt
4 sentiments and practices, and bring
4 them into harmony with tbe Consli
4 tution and the laws of na ture."—Mr.
Seward’.
Similar extracts from tbe same and
other equally bigb authorities might
be produced to an indefinite extent.—
I have confined myself to Senators—
men high in authority, and who bring
to tbe support of their doctrines un
questioned evidence of the sanction and
approval of the people they represent.
All of these Senators have been en
dorsed by re-election to the Senate,
and bv elevation to other posts of h
or and distinction. Some, if not al
them, are indebted for their position
in Congress twenty-five or thirty years
ago, listen to these discussions or read
them in thq papers with equal aston-
dt - * -*"
election of Lincoln in response to such
appeals show that these men properly
understood the popular sentiment of
their section, to whom alone they ap
pealed for votes to elect tlieir candi
date. . .
From these doctrines, principles,
and nets of the Black Republican par
ty, I propose to extract the aims and
objects of the party. It will >o borne
in mind, that 1 rely upon the declara
tion of their principles : 1st. As made
by lhc.tr national convention. 2d. As
contained ia the deliberate and rc-
neatod declarations of their successful
candidate for the Presidency. bd. As
announced by their most honored anil
trusted leaders in the Sonate of the
United Stales. 1 invite attention to
tiie following propositions, as the plain
ar.d legitimate objects proposed to bo
carried out to the extent of their pow
er :
First. That slavery is a moral, so
cial, and political evil ; and that it is
the duty of the Federal Government
to prevent its extension,
j Second. That slavery is not rccog-
S nizodby the Constitution of the United
States; aud that the Federal Govcrn-
| ment is iu nowise committed to its pro-
j tectiou.
Third. That property in slaves is
not entitled to tiro same protection at
isliment and mortification. 1 w ill not
pause to comment upon this state of
things, but will proceed with my in
quiry into the principles and objects of
this party.
Whilst these announcements are be
ing made in the halls of Congress, and
by those who have been coni missioned
to speak for the people of the North,
it is not strange that the public press
should be filled with sentiments, only
clothed, if possible, in mole vulgar
language. 1 simply allude to the fact,
without intending to weaken the argu
ment by bringing to the witne»s-sland
the lower order of Black Republicans,
of the class of Webb, Wentworth,
Grecly, &c. They simply do the bid
ding of wiser heads. With them it is
thrift. With the others it is sentiment
—passion—power, and the fact that so
many instruments can be found to do
the menial work, is onjy evidence o!
the extent to which the doctrines and
principles have taken root iu the pnpu-
lar heart.
There is one dogma of . this party
which has bccti so solemnly .enunciated,
• both by tlieir national conventions and
Mr. Lincoln, that it is worthy of.seri
ous consideration. 1 allude to the doc
trine of negro equality. The stereo- j the hands of the Federal Government;
typed expression of the Declaration, j with other property.
“that all men are born equal,” has Ifeen j Fourth, That so far from protecting,
perverted from its plain and truthful j it is the duty of tho Fed. Government;
meaning, ar.d made the basis of a po
litical dogma which strikes at the fouu
dation of the institution of slavery.—
Mx\ Lincoln and his party assert that
this doctrine of equality applies to the
negro ; and necessarily theio can ex s:
no such tiling as property in our equals.
Upon this point both Mr. Lincoln and
his party have spoken with a distinct
ness that admits ofno quertiou or equiv
ocation. If they are right, the institu
tion of slavery, as it exists in tho South •
orn States, is in direct violation of the
fundamental principles of our Govern
ment ; and to say that they would not
use all the pow.cr in their hands to
eradicate the evil aud restore the Gov
ernment to its ''ancientfaith," would
he to write themselves down self-con
victed traitors, both to principle and
duty.
: Thcso principles have not only been
declared in the impassioned language J
of its advocates and defenders
have at length found tlieir way int
statute books of ten of tli
States.
Every good citizen, North and South
admits that the Constitution of tho
This may ho the case ; but unfortu
nately for the future peace and securi
ty of the South, the causes which may
lead to its dissolution and defeat arise
outside of life slavery question. So
far from the question of slavery' loading
to such n result, it is tho only subject
upon which, the party tl o.\ uglily ltat-
inonizes. Hostility to slavery is the 1
magic wort, which holds them together;
and when tori, to pieces by other dis
sensions, hatred to the South and her
institutions swallows up all other troab
les, and restores harmony to their dis
tar bed ranks. On this point wo are
not left to mere conjecture; tho history
of the party in tho ton nullifying States,
affords practical proof of tho fact- In
which of thcso States did the Black
Republican party lose power in conse
quence of their acts repealing the fugi
tivo slave law aud nullifying the Con
stitution of tho United States ? So far
from tlieir anti-slavery’ legislation being
an element of weakness, it has proven
in all these States the shibboleth of
their strength. Ia New York and
Pennsylvania, the corruptions of tills
party wore so palpable and infamous,
tiiat their own pre^s cried out against
it- Those of the party who made pre
tension of honesty felt tho shame and
humiliation brought upon them ; and
yet, when the Presidential battle was
In none of these, nor of the other facts
to which I have before referred, can
anything bo found to justify the hope
suggested by those confiding friends,
who, in this hour of gloom and despon
dency, are disposed to hope against
hope.
Turning from these indications in the
political world, to the inoro quiet and
peaceful walks of social and religious
lilo, let us pause, for a moment, and
look to tho pulpit, tho Sunday schools,
and all of tho sources of Christian in
fluence, for one cheering beam of light
Unfortunately, wherever you find the
presence of Black Rcpuhl^aaisin, it is
engaged in '.his work i educating the
hearts of the people f hate tho institu
tion of slavery. The pulpit forgets
every other duty and doctrine to thun
der its anathemas against this insti! U . | j
tion, whilst tho Sunday school room U i
made the nursery of Abolitionists—*
This hope wc arc asked to adopt will \
find iu thesa sources no encouragement |
or support. On the contrary, nothing 1
has contributed more to the creation of
that bitter feeling of hatred, which now
pervades the two sections of tlia coun
try, than tho religious teachings of the
North. It has broken social rela’ions,
severed churches, and now threatens,
in company with its political handmaid,
Black Republicanism, to overthrow
the people of the Soi.tls
feei ng Ilian that of ha;,.
lied. Aliens in Ill-art ,
cen keep them untied. \
us together hut the LO t
broken and violated
en lias pronounce I the d
and it will he accepted V
only Solution which give'
he of future peace and sj
To part with our fri
who have been true and l
sututiuit will cause a pai
ern breast ; for with (>,,
Merer, peaceably, salt!-,
and future sectary, l.od
separation, and in ih.-i,
approve i; :
Fellow-rit:... ... iT
deavore.l to place be.'o ,
the case, in nl.e.r, - ...r
"Si
'■‘at iat f]
. P«w«r
git
1 should t ■
lay own con
to be fought, it was only accessary to our once happy and glorious Union.
- c J - - 1 refer to one other source, upon wlncu
the South is asked to rely, and will then
wherever its power extends ; to pro
Libit it, and therefore it is the duty of
Congress, by law, to prevent any South
ern man from going into tho common
Territories oi' the Union with his slave
property.
Fifth. That slavery is snclr an evil
atul curse, that it is the duty of every
one, to the extent of his power, to con
tribute to its ultimate extinction in tho
United States.
Sixth. That there is such a conflict
between slave and free labor, that all
the States of the Union must become
either slave or free; atul as all Black
Republicans are opposed to slavery
and slave .States, tlieir policy and doc
trines look to all these States becoming
free, as not only the natural but desir
ed result of the “ irrepressible con
flict.’ |
•Seventh. That the Declaration of
Independence expressly declares, and
but ! the Constitution recognizes, the equali-
thc ; ty of the negro to the white man ; aud
Northern ! that the holding tho negro in slavery
ivc of his equality, as well as
1 ancient faith," which Mr. Lin-
cii'U says is violated in the proseut rc-
close the argument. Wo are expected
view of a!! these facts, to rely tor our s
ty atul protecti<-u, upon
uncertain,
United States, in express, terms, rc- j lation of master and slave in tho South- two millions of voters, who have dclib
quires our fugitive slaves to bo deliver- j ern States. crntcly declared m favor of these doc-
raise the Abolition banner, and these |
acts of fraud and corruption was forgot
ten and forgiven in the greater aud
more.absorbing feeling of hostility and
hatred to t.he South and her institutions, j «”i best, trembling majority in the two Ileus*
Shall wo ;losc our eyes to these liistor- os ol Cnngn-ss, mol lold with an tame
ical facts, xnd indulge tho vain hope appeal o>r furtucr ue.ay,
that these men will play a different
part, simply because they arc trans
ferred to a new theatre of action ? 1
do not doubt that tho Black Republi
can party will be guilty of similar and
greater frauds in the Fodctal Govern
ment ; nor do I doubt that tlieir wrung*
iing and quarrels over the offices and
patronage, will plant in their party the
seeds of strife and dissension, which
would lend ordinarily to tlieir speedy
downfall md overthrow ; but I fee! as
sured, by the teachings of the past,
that the magic word of anti-slavery
will aga: t summon them to a cordial
and fraternal re-union to renew aud
continne the war upon slavery, until
they shall have accomplished the great
object of tlieir organization—“its ulti
mate extinction.”
What are the facts to justify the
hope, that tho Black Republicans will
recede from their well defined position
of hostility to the South and her insti
tutions I—Aro they to be found in the
« ho, i;, o,
Ott 'u'o Vi
a! Uov.uti
tho Ahol
have the
confident'
honest j.
rein tins t
quires
cd'up to tbeir owners, when escaping
into another State. Congress has dis
charged its duty in passing laws to
cairy out this constitutional obligation ;
and, so fsr, every Executive has com
plied with his oath of office, to sec this
law duly executed. The impediments
thrown in the way by' lawless mebs ;
tho threats of violence to which Use
owner has been, on different occasions
Eighth. That the Southern States do
not stand upon an equality with the
non-slave hold tug States, because whilst
it is the recognize 1 duty of the General
Government to protect the latter in
tho enjoyment of till tlieir rights of
pioperty, aud would specially be re
quired t» protest their citizens from
any act of confiscation in the common
territories of the Union ; it would be
subjected, and tho expense to which i the duty of the same General Govern
both the Government and the owner’
have been put, are matters of small
consideration, compared with tho more
pregnant fact that ten sovereign States
of tho Union have‘interposed thc-ir
strong arm to protect the thief, punish
the owner, and confiscate tuo property
of the citizens of a sister State. Such
arc the laws passed by these North
States, to defeat the fugitive slave act j biiity.
ment not only to withhold such protec
tion from the citizen of a Southern
State with his slave property, in the
common domain, but to cxerciso that
power for his exclusion from that com
mon territory.
Ninth. That the admission of more
slave States into tlie Union is render
ed a moral i:: not a physical impossi
of Congress, and annul a plain j
’Til appreciate the full import of these
-Sion of tho Constitution of lire United [ doctrines and the principles of the Black
t Republican party', they should be look-
id at in connection with the constitu-
liglits and guarantees claimed
mat
States.
These laws are the legitimate fruits
of the principles and.-teachings of the
Black Republican party, and have, j by the Southern States. They are
therefore, very naturally, made their ' 1 ' 11
appearance upon tbe statute-books of
States under tho control end in the
hands of that party. Their existence j slavery as it exists in the fifteen South
cannot and should not be overlooked I urn States.
briefly
I. That the Constitution of tho Uni
ted States recognizes the institution of
•Howell’s Life of Lincoln, page
379.
‘KY and oppression must CEASE, or
4 American liberty 'thust perish.
“Id Massachusetts, and in most, if
4 not all, the New England States, the
4 colored and the white are absolutely
4 equal before the law.
“In New York, the colored man is
‘restricted as to the right of suffrage
4 by a property qualification. In other
4 respects the same equality prevails.
“1 embrace, with pleasure, this op-
4 portunity of declaring MY disappbo-
4 ration of that clause of the Consti-
4 tution which denies to a portion of the
4 colored people the right of suffrage.
“True Democracy makes no inquiiy
‘ aboid the color of the skin, ot place of
4 nativity, or any other similar circum-
4 stance or condition. I regard, tbere-
4 fore, the exclusion of the colored pen-
4 pie, as a body, from the elective fran
chise, as INCOMPATIBLE with true
< Democratic principles—Mr. Chase.
“For myself, I am ready to renew
‘my pledge, and I will venture to
‘ speak in behalf of my co-workers,
‘ that wc will go straight on, without
‘ faltering or wavering, until every vesr
4 l'g e of oppression shall be erased from
4 the statute-books—until the sun, in all
‘its journey from the utmost eastern
‘ horizon through fte mid-heaven, till
‘ he ‘sinks behindtnewestern bed, shall
4 NOT BEHOLD THE FOOT-PKINT OP A
4 single slave- in all our broad and
4 glorious land.”—ilfr. Chase.
“Language is feeble to express all
2. That tho citizens of the South
will do on the subject have ri‘ c right to go with their slave
property into the common territories of
the Union, and are entitled to protec
tion for both their persons and propcr>
from the General Government dur
ing its territorial condition.
3»- That by the plain letter of the
- o „ on ; your sacriligious bands, and make it
or aud distinction. Some, if not al! ot 3 - ■ *• ” . . . .
and popularity to tbe very avowals up-
Ich I am commenting. It is worse
than idle t:o say that tlio people con
demn these doctrines, and that they
are tbe extravagant ebullitions of exci
ted partisans. This is impossible.—
Otherwise these sentiments would not
be repeated and reiterated, in and out
of season, ty these Senators, and al
ways with more than usual emphasis
and bitterness as the time approaches.
Nor would State Legislatures continue
to rotnm them to Congress if the peo
ple did not approve and sanction tho
octrines th is announced by those cho
sen to represent thorn. *
In the oilier branch of Congress, the
Black Republican tepresentatives have
gone even farther than Senators, in
their abuse and denunciation^ pot only
of the Kistution of slavery, but of slave*
holdets. Ao language is deemed too
harsh—no epithet too cnai$e—no de
nunciation tao bitter, in tho eetimation
of theae men, to bo applied to the peo
ple of the Fioutb. The official record
of£Con(;resa is filled with the most in>
flammatory appeals, not only to tho
people of the North, but to tho slaves
of the South, inciting insurrection, stim
ulating revolts, encouraging arson and
mnrder, and* denouncing riavcholders
as {urates and barbarians. 3 shall not
stop to make quotations from these
speeches. It is only necessary tfo open
any volume of the Congressional Globe
for the last few years, and turn to tho
by those who are desirous cf knowing
what this party will do on Iho su! ject
of slavery whenever they liavo*tlie
power to act. I call attention to them,
not only as an important item in the
evidence I am offering of the principles
aud objects of fbb Black Republican
party, but for the more important pur
pose" of presenting a plain aud pnlpa- Constitution, the owner of a elav
ble violation of the Consiitatum&l.com- entitled to reclaim his property iu
pact by ten of the sovereign parties to
it. These very States are among the
loudest in their demands for uncondi
tional submission on the part of tho
South to the election of Lincoln. Tho
inviolability of the Union is the magic
word with which they summon the
South to submission. Tho South re
sponds by bolding up before them a
Constitution basely broken—a compact
wantonly violated. '- That broken Con
stitution and violated compact formed j Rational rights, equally clear, because
the only Union wc cvr erecognized ; j I prefer to confine myself in this argu-
and if you would still have us to love j meat to those which have been fully
and preserve it, restore to it that vital j recognized by tho highest judicial til
’ Initial iu tho country. No law and con
stitution-abiding man will deny that
the. rights here enumerated are within
the clear provisions of the Constitution,
and that the South is fully justified in
demanding tlieir recognition and en
forcement. Otherwise wc are asked
to pay tribute and give allegiance to a
government which is wanting, cither iu
the will cr power, to protect us in the
e is
property iu any
State into which tho slave may escape
and that both the General and State
Governments aro bound under tho Con
stitution to the enforcement ol this pro
vision ; tho General Government by
positive enactment, as has been done ;
.md the Stato Governments, by’ inter
posing :io obstacle in the way of tho
execution of the law and tho Constitu
tion.
I decline to. enumerate other consti-
will be un lit!
oil by certain
no doubt ti n
cede f.-o.u t
your taniitrj
you, and bo
non nee and
out of(be i
l j navi
Public J-
Athens,
In aectorthuv
a large number
county conven
Athens, this i!
The lneetit!
nominating S’!;
man, ami mum
Secrete! v
th
Tl:
On
Chair
Seward, I mittco selc;
ton, Tho*-.
Ti
spirit cf which it lios been robbed by !
speech of any Black Repubficason the
of ilavery, and
subject
you *Rl find
again wlmt our fathers made it—a
Union of good faith iu the maintenance
of constitutional obligations. Do this;
and the Union will fin’d in all this land
no truer or moro devoted supporters
than the ever-loyal sons of the South.
This, however, the Black Republicans
will not do, as the facts I am now de
veloping will show, beyond all doubt! enjoyment cf undoubted rights. I ap-
or question. i prebend it is equally clear that the nn-
In tho election which has just tratis- j antagonism between those recognized
t ired, tho Rlack Republicans dhi not j rights and the. doctrines and principles
esitato to announce, defend, and jus of the Black Republican party is plain,
tify tho doctrines rind principles which ' direct, and irreconcilable. The one
lliut witli a major- with you i:i 1
ity in Congress against him. Lincoln is return to shi
powerless to <!o us harm. 1 doubt not the future has
sinceriiy of those who present this appeal selves,
against Southern action; but tlieir confi- Washington (’
deuce in its merit only shows how superfi
cial hiu been their consideration of the sub
ject. It is true that, without a majority iu
Congress, Lincoln will not be able in carry
out, ut present, al! tho aggressive rno.isur.-s
of his party. Hut 1st me ask if that foride
and eenstantiy-decre sing majority in Con
gress against him can arrest that tide ot
popular scniitnenl at the North against
slavery, which, sweeping down all the har
riers of truth, justice, and constitutional
duty, has borne Mr. Lincoln into the Pre
sidential chair 1 Can that Congressional
majority, faint and feeble as it is known
tt> be, repeal the unconstitutional legisla
tion of these tell nullifying States of the j brief iilitl
North 1 thin it restore the lost equality of j
the Southern States I Can it give loth
South its constitutional rights? Can i
exercise its power in one single act oi le- ] to
gisl.uion in our favor without the concur- j
rence ol Lincoln! or can it make Chris- |
lians of iJcL.-her, Garrison, Chcover, and I ‘ <l
Wendell Phillips, or patriots o
Chase and Webb 1 Can tint majority in
Congress control the power and patronage
of Lincoln 1 ■ Can ti stay his arm, \yheu he
wields tint offices and patronage of the
Government, to cement and strengthen tho
anti-slavery sentiment which brought his
party into existence, and which alone can
preserve it from early and certain dissolu
tion. Can it prevent the use of that pat
ronage for the purpose of organizing in the
South a band of apologists—the material
around which lJlaek Republicanism hopes,
during his four years, to gather an organ
ization in Southern States to he the allies
of this parly in its insidious warfare open
our family firesides and altars ? True,
hut over-anxious friends' of the Union at
the North, failhtul hut over-confiding men
of the South, may catch at this Congres
sional, majority straw, but it will only bp
to grasp and sink witli it.
The fact3 and considerations which I
have endeavored to bring to your view pro- 1
sent tlie propriety of resistance, on the part |
of the South,-to tho election of Lincoln ip
a very different light from the mcie ip.ies-
tion of resisting the election of a President
who has'been chosen in the usual and con- j
; stiumona! mode. It is not simply that a !
comparatively obscure abolitionist, who
hates the institutions of the South, lias been
elected President, and that we are asked
to live in.tier the administration of a man
who commands neither our respect nor con
fidence, that the South contemplates resis
tance even to disunion. Wounded honor
might tolerate the outrage until, by another
vote of the people, the nuisance could be
abated ; bat the election of Mr, Lincoln in
volves far higher considerations. It brings
lo the Sou i. ..to solemn judgment of a ma
jority of the people of every Northern State
—-wiili a solitary exception—in favor of
doctrines and principles violative ol her
constitutional rights, humiliating to her
pride, destructive of her quality in the
Union, and fraught with the greatest dan
ger to the peace and safety of her people.
It can be regarded in no other light than
a declaration of tho purpose and intention
of the people of the North to continue,
with the power of the Federal Government,
the war already commenced by the ten nul-
iitying Slates of the North, upon the insti
tution of slavery and the consiitutional
rights of the South. To these acts of bad
faith, the South has heretofore submitted,
though constituting ample justification for
abandoning a compact which had been
wantonly violated. The question is now
presented, whether long submission to an
increasing spirit and power of aggression
is compatible either with her honor or tier
safety. In my mind there is no room for
doubt. The issue must now be met, or
forever abandoned. Equality and safety in
the Union are al an end; and it only re
mains to bo seen whether our tnanhou l is
equal to the. taskol asset ting .md maintain
ing independence out of it. The Union
formed by. our fathers was one. of equality,
trines by their support of Lincoln ?
Is the hope based upon the fact that an
overwhelming majority of the people of
every Northern State, save, one, cast
tlieir vote for the Black Republican
candidate 1 Is it drawn from the fact
that, on the fourth of March next, tho
chair ef Washington is to bo filled by a
utan wbo bates the institution of slave
ry as much as any o’ltcr abolitionists,
and who has not only declared, but
used all tho power of his intellect to
prove, that our slaves are our equals,
and that all laws which hold otherwise
arc viola!ivo of tho Declaration of In-
dependcr ce, and at war with the law
of God—a man who is indebted for his
present election to the Presidency alone
to his abolition sentiments—and who
stands pledged to the doctrine of
“ the irrepressible conflict,” and, in
deed, claims to be its first advocate 1 —
or, shall wo look lbr this hope in the
whispered intimation that, when secure
of his office, Lincoln will prove faith
less to the principles of his party,
and false to his own pledges, or,
in his emphatic declaration of May,
1S59, that he would “opposo the low
ering of the Republican standard by
"a hair's breadth;" or iu the public
announcement made by Senator Trum
bull, of llliuois, since the election, in
the presence oi Mr. Lincoln, that he,
Lincoln, would “ maintain and carry
forward the principles on which he was
elected,” r;t the same time holding up |
the military power of the United States
as tiro instrumentality to enforce oLe-
dicncc to lie incoming abolition admin
istration, should any Southern Stato
secede from the Union ; or in the pros
pect of a more efficient execution of
tire fugitive slavo law, whan the mar
shals’ offices in all tho Northern States
shall have been filled with Lincoln’s
abolition appointees ; or in the refusal
of Vermont, since the election of Lin
coln, by the decisive vote of more than
two to one, in her Legislature, to ro-
peal tho Personal Liberty Bill of that
State ; or shall we look for it in the
doctrines of negro equality, which finds
among its warmest supporters the
brightest lights of the Black Republi
can party ; or iu the announcement
solemnly made by conventions, speak
ers, papers, and all other ofgatrs of the
party, that tho rocognized rights of the
South to equality ar.d protection of j justice atul fraternity. On the Itli ot March
tify
I have attributed
principles
to them. During
or the other must give way. Surely
the progress of the canvass I oUtaim ii , no right minded man, who admits tho
copies of tho documents wh:6h they
wero circulating at the North, with a
viow of ascertaining tho grouuds upon
which they wore appealing to the peo
ple for tlieir support and confidence.—
With the exception of a few dull
speeches in fuvor of a protective tariff,
intended for circulation in Pennsylva
nia and New Jersey, and a stH/ewcr
number of pitiful appeals for squftuder
ing tbe public lands, the whole ennvass
was conducted by the most bitter aud
malignant appeals to the anti-slavery
sentiment of tho North. * Under the
sanction of Senators and Representa
tives in Congress, the country was
flooded with pamphlets and speeches
holding up slaveholders as “barbarians,
more' criminal than murderers,” and
declaring unhesitatingly in favor of im
mediate and unconditional abolition ju
Avery State in tho Confederacy where
it now exists—doctrines which arc the
necessary and legitimate consequences
of the universally recognized ’dogmas
uf the Black Republican party. It is
worse than id]o to deny that such arc
the doctrines' and principles of their
1 party because all of them have not
• rcachi
•very, am
ample eTultmce of the truth of tho
statement.
To such an oxtent has this habit, on
the part; of members of Congress, of
abusing the people of the Sonth gone,
that tho citizen of a Southern State
cannot viait the Capitol of his country,
and linger for an hoar in its halls dar
ing the session of Congress, without canvass believed that such, doetriuus
bearing language Md epithets applied. wer o popular', or they would not have
tohimsulf tuid section of the most offen* „ nnn t kni), tl,*;-
sivo ancl insulting character. The ven
erable men, of all sections, who served'
i
icd that point ol boldness and hon
esty which load men to follow principles
to their lcgitimateconclusions. Doc thing
it least is certain': the managers of the
m
giving them
the exclusion
time and money in
general cirqdilion to
all other mat ter. Tho
xisloucc of the rights claimed by the
South, will say that she ought to yield.
It only remains to enquire whether tho
Black Republican party will recede
from its posit.on, cud thus end " the
irrcpresriblo conflict,” which their doc
trines have inaugurated. Those who
indulge the hope that such will be the
case, are, in irvy honest judgment, great •
ly deluded. Tire boldness and earnest
ness whh which this party have avow
ed their principles; the sacrifices which
they have made to sceuro their tri
umph ; tho deliberation with which
their position has been taken ; the clear
and emphatic committals of their con
ventions; their candidate, and all their
leading men'; the solemn acts of their
State Legislations;—all indicate, with
unerring certainty, that there is no
reasonable hope of such a result.
1 know that there are thoso who say
and believe that this party is incapable
of exercising tbe potter it has obtained
without breaking- to pieces, and tiny
look confidently to its overthrow at an
early period. It may be that a cool
philosophy, located at a safe distance
from the scene of danger, nray reason
plausibly upon the chances of over
throwing a party so unworthy of public
confidence; but men lookiug t° Dm
security of tlieir property, and fathers
anffi husbands auxious for the safety of
their families, require some strougcr
guaranty than tho feeble assurance of
partisan speculations, to quiet their ap-
I prehensions aud aft ay their feats.—
slave property shaft never be tolerated; 1
or in the ff.ct, that the party is not on
ly sectional in its principles, but sec
tional in its membership ; thereby giv
ing to tho South the premise of such
boon ns si c may hope to receive from
Black Republicans in their newly as
sumed character of guardians and mas
ters ; or in the warning voice of their
ablest statesmen, that tho decisions of
the Supreme Court in favor of our
constitutional rights arc to bo met, not
with reason and argument lbr reversal,
but with the more potent and practical
remedy of‘reorganization of the Court,’
by adding a sufficient number of abo
litionists to reverse existing decisions ;
or in tho pregnant fact developed by
the census returns now coming in, that
the numerical majority of theNoitli is
steadily and rapidly increasing, with
the promise of still further increase, by
the addition of more free States carved
out of that common territory, from
which tho South is to be excluded by
unjust and unconstitutional legislation 1
Air iu such manifestations of Northern
sentiment as ied to the nomination by
this party oi John A. Andrews for Gov
ernor of Massachusetts, after he had
declared hij sanction aud approval of
the John Brown raid; or in tho elec
tion of tho samo Andrews to that offico
by seventy thousand majority, after he
had declared, in his anxiety to abolish
slavery, that he “could not wait for
Providence’’ to wipe it out, hut must
himself undertake that duty with the
aid of his Black Republican brethren ;
or shall wc bo pointed to tho defiant
tones of triumph which fill the whole
Northern air with the wild shouts of
joy and thr.nksgiving, that tho days of
slavery are numbered, and tho hour
draws near when tho " higher law”
and “ hatred of slavery and slavo hold
ers” shaft be substituted for “ the Con
stitution” aud the spirit of former
brotherbool; or to the cold irony which
speaks through their press, of the ‘ in-
umccniince' of negro insurrections, ar
son andmarder, which may result in
tho South from the election of Liucolu.
it will be supplanted by a Union of section
alism and liatfed. Tho one was worthy of
the support and devotion of freemen—tho
other can only continue at the cost of your
honor, your safety, and your independence.
Is there no oilier remedy (or this state of
tilings but immediate secession ? None
worthy of yonr consideration has been sug
gested, except the recommendation of Mr.
Itucbanan, of new constitutional guaranties
—or rather, the clear and explicit recogni
tion of those that already exist. This re
commendation is the counsel of a patriot
and statesman. It exhibits an appreciation
of the evils that are upon us, and al the
same time a devotion to the Constitution
Snd its sactod guaranties. It conforms to
tint record ol Mr. Buchanan’s life on this
istraeling question—the record of a pure
heart and wise head. It is the language of
a man whoso heart is overwhelmed with a
senso of the groat wrong and injustice that
has been done to the minority section, min
gled w ith an ardent hope and desire lo pre
serve that Union to which he has devoted
the energies of a long and patriotic life.
I he difficulty is, there will bo no response
to it from those who alone have it in their
power to act. lilae.k Republicanism is the
ruling sentiment at tho jVorlh, and, by the
election of Lincoln, has'pronounced, in the
most formal manner, against the principles
"which aro now commended lo the country
lor its safety and preservation. As a mat
ter of course, they will spurn these words
of wisdom and patriotism,-as they have be
fore turned their back upon all the teach
ings of lite good and true men of tho land,
or clso they will play with it in their insid
ious warfare to delude the .Soufh into a false
security, that they may the more effectual
ly rivet tlieir iron chains, and thereby put
resistance in the futuro beyond our power.
They have trampled upon tho Constitution
of Washington and Madison, and will
prove equally faithless to their own pledg
es. You ought not—cannot trust them.—
ll is not the Constitution and the Laws of
the United States which need amendment,
hut the hearts ot the northern people. To
effect tho first would he a hopeless under
taking. whilst tho latter ia an impossibility,
it the appeal of the President was made to
brethren of the two sections of tie country,
we might hope for a different response.—
Unfortunately, however, Black Republican,
ism has buried hrotheihood in Iho same
grave with the Constitution. Wo are no
longer “hicthrcn dwelling together in uni
ty.” The ruling spirits of the North are
Black Republicans—and be: "cen them and
Taylor,
Barrett, Jclm Mu;:
W. Lucas, L.
Kenney, Steven r Ti, .
Phinizy.
Perilling the ae-ii a .
on motion, tit'. 1 Set tv.,;
to read the able am! ,
Ex-Gov. Wilson In:;,
iments contained in ti.
ceivetl with en'diu.-km:
On the return of ti,..
reported the unities
Hull, Titos. 11. U. C
lion. Jefferson Jett!;::
nations were una:ii:n
by the me jting.
On motion of V. m
the Chairman tit.p- ;
nine, to report res f..
tion of the meetit::;.
consisted of \Y. it. I
Thurmond, F.<q.. Dr
Tinsley \Y. ReW. r, ; •
Henry Jennings, il
Sheats, an d P. W. !•
The committee
meats, and , !::o..„h ..
ported the ftwine
on motion, were u:.,t:i
Raolved, 'i i.:it wo
olutions adopted it: :
meeting <>:’ citizens !
November last.
Resolve ?, Thai ue :
fidence in the petse:.
this day, as Candida's
tion, and if elected, v
full discretion to net
may, at that time,
expedient.
Resolved, T!:;.t v
great importance of
concerted action a:.
States, and ifpractb.-.
j of any State from ti
j should be so ordain*.-
! taneous with the f
I iederaey of the >i ■•••
not to be delayed L.
of March, next.
Resolved, Thai a
be appointed as the
mittee, who shaii he
all vacancies that nr
ticket.
Under the last re-,
man appointed Dr.
S. Taylor, Az.triah P
Sheats, Jno. U. Low
Hammond, Jos. Wif
Long, Rob’t. Tuck,
as the Executive Got
lion. J ctlerson Ji t.
R. Cobh, Esq., resp
the meeting in brief
ing the nomination
was absent from tow
On motion, it was
proceedings of this m
ed in the papers ■-! :
On motion, the t. t
PLEASAS 1’ S f
ll. M. Smith, See
,ti
Public Mt'cu::;.
A respectable nuu.b.r -
Clarke countv, met in -
Watkinsville", on Thnr#-!
December, ISoO, pur- i:.
ously made, to notion..•
State Convention, when.
Rev. Bedford Langfi-r.l v •
Chair, and James 1-1. Hi! .
rotary.
John Calvin .Johnson to* -
inviting ‘all tho citizens ct * .4.
to assemble at WalkiusviU-',
22d day of December, instaut.
pose of nominating thrt. ;
sent said county in the t ■
moved that the meeting mi; r -
inst., and then reassemble 1.
purpose, which motion, r.fu
ed by the mover, Rev. Mr. *
James M. Riley, was iinaniin-
On motion, Jtcsohtd, Thai t:
proceedings he published in m
Watchman -and Southern IJum
BEDFORD LANGFUfi
James M. Ivii.ev, Secy.
Tho President has, by p roc I a “
pointed Friday, 4th January n*
of fasting, hutnuliation and pt )-
We see it stated that Aitorr*
•Black has been appointed *"
Stale, iu placo of Hon. Lev- 1 ’
signed. -
GrWtn. A. Choice has at
nrievoii by the Legislature. * -
liberty.
