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“sjfBBd TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM IN ADVANCE ATHENS,' CLARK COUNTY, GEO. AUGUST 14, 1861. VOLUME XXX—NUMBER 23. HE SOUTHERN lM iU.lSHKl) WEEKLY, SLEDGE & REESE, j»vtl.s A. M l l".K. | ASDKRSON W. 11KE3K. Witors ami Proprietors. OFFICE l 1*-STAIDS, No. 7 Granite Row TERMS : TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM. IN ADVANCE To CIoUa r«mUting SIO iu nU. nnrr, (•;!«-■ will be «ent. \ti> nubn«:nbor fnUop to pivo n«*tu*e of hi* dr • ’<'» discontinue hi* Hultauriitl Inn at tin- < xj»jra r ,.ii if the time for wMrli it ha* brm jvilibe «ns wishm;* to continue il, and held • mbit' «ccordingly. . , . . UF*No pnpor will bo dwcouttmiiMl (ox -oj.t at tlie* option <»f tin* cnlilo;*.) until all •*rn .tragi* arc ,m l ’ hath**-•■i'»i»vi:k For one -ounn imMstiiit; of twelve line* small typo, or Hpnec <>«]»!vitU at. One Dollar or the first iiKoriion, and tifiy ceii' . jr ouch vrec*ly eouttuu- ation. Special contracts can be made for yearly adver tising. Legal advertisement*inserted nt the i Announcing candidate* bn office. Pi' i.ivftirahly advance, in nil case*. Advertisement-* should always lmv number of Mi-cri ions mark handed in. « r otherwise tin y orbid, »»»d charged accord»i V. CTJ YIJEiR, RESIDENT DENTIST, ATHENS, OA. jlOOJIHon lirond Street. Entrance next door to (lie Insurance office. Jnnunrv 19. -uni rates, e Dollars, the desired them when published till business directory. I ^Professional and Business men can ' heir enrds insertcd under this head, for one ; at the rate of Five Dollars for a curd of not i DAM A II COHH ATTORNEY AT tAW t MACON, GKO. o FFIt'K .11 Mulberry Sir. t A. M. WUrksliear .V aluni’tou Block. Will 1> v. lord, Dooly. Houston, rlli, and Sumter. -t, ov or the More .. in llonrdman'a nrtioo in ltibb, .llaooti. Twigs*, S»V."J If 1)R. II. GILLELAND, DENTIST, . W ATKINSVIIXK CJ«,roH|iootfully Aolicitithe p.tronftffeof the .ummndinK country.— Full sutiatooiion will begiven in their profession. April 22. IlR. f. B. LOMBARD. D entist, Athens,geohoia, Rooms in huiltTiig with North of the|Pof*t Office,Col* ege Aven tc. Feb 9— 'y. f. w. LUCAS, ^yum.ES ALE and retail dealer in Di Jrv Goods, Broad st. (Jroeierica, Hardware, Ac.,No.2, A t lien, G a. jJan H). R. Lt BLOOMFIELD, W HOLESALE and retail Clothine Store, ltroad Strrcet, Athens, Ga. (May 10. T. BISUOP & SON, W HOLESALE and Retail dealers in Grocer ies, Hardware and Staple Dry Goods, No. 1 lirond St. Athena Ga. |May 1 CRAWFORD & STAPLER, SUCCESSORS TO T. CUAWFOKD, IV O ?L ltroad street, under the Banner Office i V have on hand a nice stock of Fancy and Stn pie Dry Goods, Groceries, Hardware, Boot* and shoes, lints and Caps, and many other things too nuuicrouHo mention allot'which will be sold veiy j<>w J«»y -*• ISAAC MAYER. Importer of RHINE WINE, AIT.CHTA, CJ A. S@f Imported by himself and warranted Pure, and sold as low ns any Northern House. tl^Orders promptly attended to. Oct 25 tf WILLIAM «. DELONV, Attorney lit l.uw, Office on Ui Kenney, Alin Mu tl5—if. Hr v. D O. CASDI.F.U. CANDLER A SUM I MB, ATTORNEYS AT LAW. Iloiurr, Hanks ( o , La, W ILL pni-.i.e in the counties of Hunks, llubciVism, Frunkliii. Jackson and Hull All bnsiuess entrusted to t..cm will receive prompt attention. (May S, IStltl—ly T. M. DANIEL. iTTOIIMiV AT I. AAVAtben 11 will i LTia, Jacks,,,.; Miidi^ Wilke*, Warren ?^’' nb.-e ™ I the- counUcs.d t.’lurke, Wiillon, i. Hart. Elben, O^letliorjie m.l llnmock. door ub .VC Longs' Drug-store Isaac »♦ KENNEY, AT Hat ©IL® ©TAM®. R ETi’lllVN thanks to his friends and a gen erous public for past patronnge, respectfully ivsks a continuance of their favors. ClPGooda cheap, accommodating terms. J a ATHENS STEAM COMPANY IS. NIC'KKRNON, Agent a Sup t. ^11 ANUFACTURERSof Circular Maw , Itl JSill*, Miram Engian,, forcing and lift PUMPS, Shafting and Machinery; Mill v, and all other kind of G BAKING. Iron aud Br ass Casting :of every description. SMITH ING, Repairing and Finishing prc.. ptly exocu ted. Select patterns of Iron Fencing, Ac. Terras cash. May 14 ly ANDREW J. I1AR1IY, J* ffv-r AT I. % \Y. i . will pr.i. ti tm. Parti,u n, Jack- emu,ties iiiicnlii.il paid i ith K. J. J/iJiican. E*q. A TTOIIM.V son couibv, <i to the IlcsternCir of collcciing. Ollii Nov. Id— 10m. It, J A w. T. MILL1CAN, * TTOUNEYs AT LAW -Will practice in the JY counties oi the Western Circuit, and the c«qji*if»s of Madison, Elbert, ami llari, of the Northern Circuit. K. J. MILLIGAN, 1 WM. T M1LL1CAN, JetVeison, Ga. | Carnesville, Ga. Sept. It*— Iy HILL & IIILLYEIL ATTORNEYS AT LAW. r*\HE undersigned havingassm-iated themselves i together in the prnetiee- of law. will attend th« several Courts in the Western Circuit, and giva their joint personal attention to all business entrus'ed to them GEO. IIILI.YER. | WM. If. HULL, Monroe, Ga. | Athens, Ga. July 15 —ly. M. M. PITTMAN. V TT< )It.YEY at Law, JclTerMin, Jackson conn - FAIRBANKS SCALES. S OLD at Manufacturers prices by. T. BISHOP A SON. Athens,October 6 1859. I\ ty. ( a.,will . ' nil. usted to li * prompt attention to at a rare. January-1- J0I1X II. ISl LL, V TTOlSNEy AT LAW, A a:tei:d promptly to all In gusta, Ga., will ness entrusted to [Jan.! A. M. WVNG, W HOLESALE und Retail Oealor in Hard ware, Crocker, and House Fnrni.hinp Good*,one door bolow 3.L. Bloomfield’. ClothiiUS Store Allien*, Ga. Jan.7, 1858 T. II. WILSON & BROS., From the Richmond Whig. ON TO Kf( 11.110ND. AFTER SOL’THKV'S “MAECH TO MOSCOW.’ Major General Scott An order had got To push on the column to Richmond; For loudly went forth, From all parts of Hie North, The cry that an end of the war must he made In litne for the regular Fall Trade; Mr Greely sooke freely ahont the delay. The Yankees “to hum," were all hot for for the fray; The chivalrous Grow Declared they were slow, And therefore the order To march from the border And make an excursion to Richmond. Majjr General Scott Most likely was not Very loth to obey the instruction. 1 wot; 'it his private opinion The Ancient Dominion Deserved to be pillaged, her sons to be shot, And the reason is easily noted; Though this part of the earth Hail given him birth. And medals and swords. Inscribed with tine*words. It never lor Winfield had voted. Besides, you must know that our First of Commanders, llad sworn, quite as hard as the army in Flanders, With his finest of armies and proudest of navies. To wreak his old grudge against Jefferson Davis. Then “forward the column!" lie said to McDowell, And tlio Zouaves with a shout. Most fiercely cried out, “To Richmond or It—ll,"(I omit the vowel) And W ineld, ho ordered his carriage and four, A dashing turn out, to he brought to the door For a p'esant excursion to Richmond Major General Scott Had there on the spot A spendid array To plunder and slay; In the camp he might boast Such a numerous best. As he had never yet In the battle field set; Kvery class and condition of Northern so ciety Were in for the trip, a most varied variety In the camp lie might heat every lingo in vogue. “The sweet German accent, the rich Irish brogue." The butliiful hoy Fiotn the hanks of the Shannon Was there to employ His excellant cannon; And be-ides the long files of dragoons and artillery, The Zouaves and Hussare, All the children of Mars, There wete barbers and cooks And Yvriters of Books— The c/uf de cuisine with his French bills ol fare. And the artist to dress the yot ng officers' hair. And the scribblers arc ready at once to pre pare An eloquent story Of consequent glory; And servants with numberless baskets of Sillery, Though Wilson the Senator followed the train, At a distance quite safe, to “conduct the r/iuriijinglu-." and I, College Avenue, Athena, Ga. M rrh III J. F. O’KELLY, 1‘IIOTOOUAPH ASl) AMBROTYPE R ARTIST. Spring i thews.. THURMOND & NORTH, -A/ttorneys at Luw, W ILL practice in co partnership in the coun ms of Ulnrk. IPalton, Jackson. Gwinnett, lift bun. White, Franklin. Dunks, Haber sham of the Western I’ircuit; nmi llait anil Mml- utonof the .Vi ithorn Circuit; autl will give their ndividuul amt joint attention to nil business cn- .rested t*> them. Thui^lkdiim of debts will TO 2«ivr ore mpt and carciul attention. SAM L P. ilirUMoN l>, 1 JOHN B. NORTH, Over Longs’ Drug Store, | Jefferson,Jnckaou co Athens, Ga. Oci IS tf ’ JACKSON & IllTtlUXS, A TTORNKYS AT1.AW.—Will practice iu the countie. ..f Gwinnett, Walton, Ja. k- .on, .nd Hall, of the Western, *ud the couuty of Foriyln of the Blue Ridge Uin-uit. AMES JACKSON, IN L. HUTCHINS, Jr.. atlien*. On. I L.wrenreville, Ga P.|t.--DuriuK Mr. JneRom - absence tVo.n Geor* 5 ia, bu.ines. letters should he addressed to the nn at Lawronrevillo Sei»t IMF-tf ATTORMEY AT LAW, HOMER, RANKS CO., (it- liT^ 11 L practice in 11. VY ftrcutl. Dusinr: » prompt store of Johr U. ,11 at thews, Athens, Ga. inarch ‘J9 60 NOTICE TO PLANTERS! Three Thousand Pairs of the Best NEGRO SHOES IN THE WORLD!! Made bp MiCleskep cJ Pupil. W K will keep a good assortment ol these at the store ol Messrs. Pit- ner, England & Freeman,in Athens, where .1/r. ,1/cCleskey will be found at all limes, ready to wait upon customers. Wo will sell there shoes in lots, from 10 pair up, at $1.50 per pair. Gash will be paid for Hides. Oct ii ' MeCLESKEY A DOYLE. Is i>f the Western usted to his cure, will inert KtriRS.Yi KS - .—Il.'n, Joseph II Lumpkin.Thos K K. Cobb. I>q . Alliens, Wit.; Joseph II. Bank* G.inesY ilie, ti - Wm. H. Hull, Athens, Ga. [Jau. Iti—:t. PAINTING! PAINTING! PAINTING fimit undersigned would X xeus of Atiieusaml vici j is nee to the cit _. ihat he will ex ecate in the neatest and most wo nsr, all tvork in his line ol b,min«:ss at short Plain, h juse, sign an furniture painting ; Graniicg and ma•bleiiig of alldesigns. paper-hnneing, gla King. &•'. tdr Orticrsir nn lu ighhoi ing towns,- Vtllageti, ot the coutry, j*r >mptly attetulrd t«>. Atneiis, Aog.« 18<>0 I ' M. DONE. Hew SPRING & SUMMER Goods IF.W. LTTCAS * h now receiving a handsome .tool, of New JL Goods, and invitea all who are Yvnnliug sut:L to call mill examine them. All kind, ol LADIES’ DRESS GOODS. In New Spring Dress Silks,llareges, Ac. All kinds French Dress Goods in Organdie* Bareges, Muslins, aVe. Elegant Ucr A/antil!as, $5 00 to f'W 00; Kid gloves, silk mitts, hosiery, laces, t«r)et«ns,Ac. All kinds Summer Goods, for men, boys and chil dren. Sheetings,Shirtings, Linens, Table Damasks, Linen sheetings,towellings, Ac. IITtIt all other kinds of common-place goods. March 6 W HOLESALE A retail dealers in Dry Goods wi.il r i i j .i ^ _i... Grueerko., Hardware. Crockery, Ac ,No.. J V ' ,11,e ,l ' e ,1, ; l!s nere s0 g r *en and ,he ,k y was so blue. There was certainly nothing more pleasant to do On this pleasant excursion to Richmond. In Congress the talk, as 1 said was of ac tion. To errsh out Imtantcr the traitorous faction. In the press, and the mess, I'hey would hear nothing less Than to make llte advance, spite ol rhyme or of reason. And at once put an end to the treason. There was Greely, And Ely The blood-thirsty Grow, And Hickman,^tlie rowdy,not Hickman the beau,) And that terrible Baker Who would seize on the South,evrey acre, And Webb, who would drive us all into the Gulf, or Some nameless locality smelling of sulphur; And with all this bold crew Nothing would do. While the fields were so green and the sky was so blue. But to march on directly to Richmond. Then the gallant McDowell Drove madly tiie rowell Of spur that had never been “won"’ by hint, In the flank of his steed, To accomplish li is deed, Such as never bet’ re had been done by him; \nd the battery called Sherman's Was wheeled into line, Wlti'e beer-drinking Germans, From Nec.ar and Rhine, With Minnie and Yager, Caine on w ith a swagger, Full ol fury and lager, (The day and and ihe pageant were equally fine,) Oh! Ihe fields were so green and the sky was so blue. Indeed ’twas a spectacle pleasant to view. As the column pushed onward to Rich mono. THE ADAMS EXPRESS OFFICE, H AVING been removed to the l.uinpkin House Building, persons having business witu .aid Company "w ilt take due notice thereof, aud govern thcmselvc. eeeordlngly.'' T. ill> N, Agt. Attn ns. n (Ith I8'.U. MEDICO-CHlftURGlCAL! W. D. WELDON, M. D. I GILLSVILLE, IIALL COUNTY, GEO., | 1 H reatly to servo the public professionally; ■ru v*ill found in Ini office, at that place, *t all t , unload professionally absent. Jpril 10 mu. BOOT AXD SllOli 9Ukl\£. N. W. HRUOROP, W OULD respectfully inform his friends and the public generally, that he in now Manu facturing hi bis establishment, on the North corner of College Avenue and Clayton street, every des cription of line boo fa nnd abora, anr b na line ... , „ j pnmp-soled dreaa toots; atilcbed dreaa anhke man | bootlt , benv j donble-aoled boota. out of the very best and tineat material; warranted to be done neat and good as any shoo establishment in the place- [j^T Wending done at the »borte»t notice and in tne neatest style. Thunk i nl for past patronage, he will endeavor to merit und hopes to receive a libcralaharcof custom Jan. 1J—ly. TKJIW- |)KltHO.\JI owing me account, due l.t April. X are informed that those accounts are now ready for setib ment. Pleaae call and let mo have the needful without delay. April lo I. M. KENNEY __ •R. A. LOWRANCE, Resident DENTIST, ATHENS, GEORGIA. College Avenue, Athens, Ga. OFFICE Oct Irt OR. WM. KING. 1 Iomiropethir PI,ytirinn, O m:t!«i i/atji.a of Alhens mat \n ii,i ^ ResidenPe. at Mrs! Clayton's Clayton and TIioiuas streets. e, corner of “>•*—ly. G. L. MeCLESKEY, M. D„ H I VI permanently located in Athena,wit •■ontii.ueili ..practice of Medicine and Surgery, rS-RtTideuee, that recently occupied by Mr. Albua -liaee. Olhr.; at home, where he may he - March 8th. J8 |C. tv. & ||. It. J. LONG, Driiggi.t.. All Dr. lt. M. SMITH, Wholesale and Retail Dealer in DRUGS, MEDICINES, PERFUMERY, P.1 J STS, OILS, DYE STEPPS, MEDICINAL BAANDY AND WINK, &C., &C„&C. ■ 2$ NOW receiving and opening a large stock of Y go<Nls, selected in the Northern Markets by him eif with great caic.and which hecoufidently reconi* .ends to the public as being pure. Athens, J uric 9.1»j9. LAY IN YOUR SUPPLIES! ni^A YVaOKt <V HOYT having determined to if. close up their business in Athens, arc now offering their eutire stock of Family Groceries, At COST for CASHS Persona will do well lo lay in a supply, aa they were nil bought low aud are now groatly advanc ed. TAYLOR A HOYT. April 10 tf MILITARY UNIFORMS- E. YOXDERLEITU, TAILOR, ATHENS, GEO. O FFERS hi. .ervioiB to cut uniform, at *ev entj five e. I ttlier cutting dene. Ere the inarch was begun. In a spirit of fun, General Scott in a speech Said this army should teach The Southrons the lessons the laws obey. And just before dusk of the third or fourth day, Should joyfully march into Richmond. He spoke of their drill And their courage and skill. And declared that the ladies of Richmond would rave O’er such macthless perfection, and grace fully wave In rapture their delicate kerchiefs in air. At their morning parades un the Capitol Square. But alack! and alas! Mark what soon came to pass. When this army in spite ol his flatteries, Amid war's loudest thunder Must stupidly blunder Upon those ;tccursed“inasked batteries.’’ Then Beauregard came. Like a tempest of flame, To consume them in wtath On their perilous path; And Johnston bore down in a whilwind to sweep Their ranks from the flcld Where their doom had been sealed. As the storm rushes over the face of the deep While swift on the centre our l’rcsident past, And the foe might discry In the glance of his eye The light that once blazed upon Diomed’f crest. McDowell! McDowell! weep, weep for the day When the Southrons, you met in their bat tle a rray: To your confident hosts with bullets and steel ’Twas worse than Culloden to luckless Lo* chiel! Oh, the Generals were green and old Scott is now blue. And a terrible business, McDowell, to you, Was that pleasant excursion lo Rich mond. A Noble M amin*. Rarely since the warning voice of Pat rick Henry aroused and animated the Bur gesses of Virginia, has there been uttered in an American Legislature a more manly and eloquent appeal than was made on Ihe 10th ult., in the Uni ed States 1 louse of Reprorenlatives, by Clkmint L. Yai.lan- niGHAM. of Ohio. We give some extracts regretting that space prevents a full report: The hill to authorize the Secretary of the Treasury to borrow on the credit of the United Slates a sum not to exceed 250,- 000,000 6cing under consideration: Mr. Vallandighatn said: A/r. Chairman:—In Ho Constitution of the United Slates, which wc swore the oth er day to suppoit, and hy llte authority of which we are assembled here to-day. it is ritlen: All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United Slates.’’ It is further written also that the Con gress lo which all legislative powers grant ed are thus committed— Shall make no laws abridging the free dom of speech or of the press.” And it is yet further wiitten, in protec tion of Senators and Representatives in that freedom of debate here without which there can he no liberty. “That for any speech or debate in either House they shall not he questioned in any other place.” Holding up the shield of the Constitu tion, and standing here in tins place and with the manhood of a Representative of llte people, 1 propose to myself to-day the ancient freedom of speech used within these walls; though with somewlftt more, 1 trust of decency and discretion than have some limes been exhibited here. Sir, I do not propose to discuss the direct question of this civil war in which we are engaged.— Its present prosecution is a foregone conclu sion, and a wise man never wastes his strength on a fruitless enterprise.. My po sition shall at present he indicated hy my voles and my resolutions and motions which may submit. But there are many ques tions incident to the war and to its prose cution about which 1 have somewhat to say now. Mr. Chairman, the President in the mes sage before us, demands the extraordinary loan of $400,000,0(10—an amount nearly ten times greater that the public debt, Slate and Federal, at the close ul the Revolution in 1783, ana four times as much as the to tal expenditures during the three years’ wai with Great Biittain, in 1812. Sir, that same Constitution which I again hold up, and’ to which I give my whole heait and my utmost loyalty, commits to Congress alone the poaer lo borrow money and to fix the purposes to which il shall be applied, and expressly limits any appropri ations to the term ot two years. Each Sen ator and Representative, therefore, must judge lor himself, upon his conscience and oath, and before God and the country, of the justice and wisdom nnd policy of the President’s demand; and whenever this House shall have become hilt a mere office wherein to register the decrees of llte Exe cutive, it will he high time to abolish it.— But 1 have a right, 1 believe, sir, to say that however gentlemen upon this side of the Chamber may differ finally as to the war, we are yet firmly and inexorably uni ted in one thing at-ienst, and that is the determination that our own rights and dig nities and privileges, as the Represents lives of the people, shall he maintained it the spirit and to the very letter. Aud he this as it may, I do know that there are some here present who are resolved to as sert and to exercise these rights, with be coming decency and moderation certainly but at the sainu time fully and freely, and at every Itazzard. Sir, it is an ancient and wise praclit the English Commons, to precede all votes of supplies by an inquiry into abuses and grievances, and especially into any infrac tion of the Constitution anti the laws hy the Executive. Let us follow this safe practice Wc are now in the Committee ol the whole on the state if the Eniun; and in the exet cise ol my right and my duty as a Repre sentative, and availing myself of the lati Hide ol debate allowed^ltere. 1 propose consider the present state of the Satiun, and supply also some few of the many omissions of the President in the Me'ssage before us Sir, he has undertaken to give us iulorina lion of the state of the Union, as the Con stitution requires him to do; and it was his duty, as an honest Executive, to make that information full, impartial and complete, instead of spreading before us a labored and lawyerly vindication of his own course policy—a policy which has preciplaited into a terrible and bloody revolution. I admits the fact; he adit its that, lo-dav, w are iri the midst cf a general civil xcar, not now a mere insurrection, to he suppressed in twenty days by a proclamation and posse co mi talus of throe months’ militia. Sir, it has been the misfortune of the President from Hie beginning, that lie lias totally and and wholy underestimated the magnitude and character ot the revolution with which he had to deal, or sutely never would have ventured upon the w icked and hazardous experiment ol calling thirty millions of people to arms among them selves without the cou ccl and authority ol Congress. But when at last he found him self hemmed in by the revolution, this city in darger, as he declares, and waked up thus, as the proclamation of the 15th April proves him to have waked up, to the reality and significance of llte movement, why did he not forthwith assemble Congress, and throw himselt upon the w isdom and patri otism of the representatives of the States and of the people, instead of usur ..g pow ers which the Congress has exptessly con ferred upon us? Ay, sir and powers which Congress had but a little while before re peatedly and emphatically refused to exer cise, or permit him to exercise. But 1 shall recur to this point again. Slates* anjU who, though himself proved his courage fitly years ago upon the battle field against the foreign enemies of his country, is now, thank God. still for the compromise at home to day. Fortunate in a long and well spent life of public services, and pri vate worth, he is unfortunate only that he has survived a Union and, I fear, a Consti tution younger than himself. The Border State propositions also were projected hy a gentleman from Maryland not now a member of this House, and pre sented by a gentleman trom Tennessee, [Mr. Etheridge] now the (Mark of this House. And yet all these propositions, coining thus from the South, were severally and repeatedly rejected by the almost united vole of the Republican party in the Senate and Ihe House. The Crittenden proposi tions, with which Mr. Davis, naw President of the Confederate States, and Mr. Toombs, his Secretary ct State, both declared in tho Senate that they would he satisfied, and for which every Southern Senator and Repre sentative voted, never, on any rccasion, re ceived one solitaiy vote from llte Republi can parly in either House. The Adams or Corwin amendment, so- callen, reported from the Committee of Thirty-three, and the only substantive amendment proposed from the Republican side, was hut a bate promise that Congress would never he authorized to do what no sane man ever believed Coocrcss would undertake to do—abolish slavery in the States where it exists ; and yet even this proposition, moderate as it was, and for hich every Southern member present vo- How comes ittbatthe President has for gotten to remind us, also, that when the party thus committed to the principle of deadly hate and hostility to the slave insti tutions of the South, and the men who had proclaimed the doctrine oftlie irrepressible conflict and aho, in the delimma or alter native of this conflict, were resohed “that the Cotton und Rice fields ofSoulh Carolina and the Sugar plantations of Louisiana, should ultimately he tilled by free labor,” had obtained power and place in the e-m- mon government of the Slates, the South, except one State, chose first to demand solemn constitutional guarantees for pro* lection against .he abuse of the tremendou* power and patronage and influence of ih e Federal Government, Gr the purpose of se curing the great end of the sectional con flict, before" resorting to secassion or revo lution at all? Did he not know, how could he be ignorant, that at the last session of Congress, every substantive proposition for adjustment and compromise, except that oflered hy the gentleman fiotn Illinois, [Mr. Kellogg.] and we all know how that was received, qaiue from the South? Stop a- moment and let us see. The committee of thirty-tlireo was moved for in this House by a gentleman front Vir ginia, the second day of the session, and received the vole of every Southern Repre* sentativc present, except only the member from South Carolina, who declined to vote. In the Senate, the couimiitecof thirteen was moved for by the Senator from Kentucky, [Mr. Powell,] and received the silent ac- quiescense ot every Southern Senator pres ent. The Crittenden propositions, too, were moved also by another Senator from Kentucky, [Mr, Crittenden,] now a member of this House—a man venerable for Itis years, loved for his virtues, dislingushed for his services, honored for his patriotism, for four and forty years a Senator, or in other public office; devoted from the first hour of his manhood lo the Union of these except one, was carried through this House by but one majority, af er long and tedious delay, and with (he utmost difficulty —sixty-five Republican members, with the resolute and determined ger tleinan from Pennsylvania [Mr. Hickman | at their head, having voted against it and fought against the very last. And not (Itis only, hut, as :i part of the history of the last session, let mo remind you that bills were in’rodttcid into this House proposing to abolish and close up certain Southern ports of entry ; to authorize the President to blockado tie Southern coast; and to call out the militia and accept the services of volunteers, not for three months merely, hut without a:ay limit as to either numbers or time, for the very pur pose of enforcing the laws, collecting the revenue, and protecting the public proper ty ; and were passed vehemently and earn estly in this House, prior to the arrival of the President in this city, and were .then, though seven States had seceded and set p a government of their own. voted down, postponed, thrust aside, or in some way disposed of, sometimes by large majorities in this House, till at last Congress adjourn ed without any action at all. Peace then seemed to be the policy of all parties. Thus, sir, the case stood at twelve o’clock on the 4th ot March last, when, from the Eastern portico of this Capitol, and in the presence of twenty thousand of his coun trymen, but enveloped in a crowd of soldic which no other American President ever saw, Abraham Lincoln took the oath of office to support the Constitution, and de livered his inaugural—a message, I regret to say, not written in the direct and straight forward language which becomes an Amer ican President and an American statesman, ud which was expected from the plain, blunt, honest man of the Northwest, but with the forked longue and crooked counsel of ihe New York politician, leaving thirty million people in doubt whether il meant peace or war. But whatever may have been the secret purpose and meaning oftlie inaugural, practically for six weeks the policy of peace prevailed ; and they were weeks of happiness to the patriot, and pros perity to the country. Business revived, trade returned, commerce flourished. Nev- r v.as there a fairer prospect heforo any people. Secession in the past languished .ltd was spiritless and harmless; secession 1 tt the future was arrested, and perished. - By ovei whelming majorities, Y T ir<jinh, Ken tucky, North Carolina, Tennessee and Mis 33uri all declared for the old Union, and every heart heat high with hope that in due course of time, through faith and patience and peace, and hy ultimate and adequate compromise, every State would ho restored to it. * * * . * * * * Sir, 1 do not propose to inquire now whether the President and his Cabinet were sincere and in earnest, and meant really to persevere to the end in the policy ol peace ; or whether from the first they meant civil war, and only waited to gain time till they were fairly seated in power, and had dis posed, too, of that prodigious horde of spoils men and office seekers, which came down at first like an avalanche upon them. But I do know that the people believed them sincere, and cordially justified and approve ed of the pul icy of peace ; not as they sub sequently responded to the policy of war, in a whirlwind of passion and madness, but calmly and soberly, and a9 the result of their deliberate and solemn judgment; and believing that civil war was absolute and eternal disunion, while secession was but partial and temporary; they cordially en dorsed also the proposed evacuation of Sum ter and other forts and public property with in the seceded States. Nor, sir, will 1 stop now* to explore the several causes which either It d to a change in the policy or an early development of the original and real purposes of the Administration. But there are two which 1 cannot pass by. And the first of these was parly necessity, or the clamors of politicians, and especially of certain wicked, reckless and unprincipled conductors of a partisan press. The peace policy was crushing out the Republican party. Under that policy, sir, it was melt ing aw’ay like snow before the sun. The general elections in Rhode Island and Con necticut, and municipal elections ia New* York and in the Western States, gave abundant evidence that the people were re solved upon the most ample and satisfacto ry constitutional guarantees to the South as the price of a restoration of the Union.— And then it was, sir, that the long and ago nizing howl of defeated and disappointed politicians came up before the Administra tion. The newspaper press teeine 1 with appeals and threats to the President. The mails groaned under the weight of letters demanding a change of policy ; while a se cret conclave of the Governors of Massa chuseits. New* York, Ohio, and other States assembled here, promised man and money to support the President in the irrepressible conflict which they now invoked. And thus it was, sir, that the necessities of a party in the pangs of dissolution, in the very hour and article of death, demanding vigorous measures, which could result in nothin^ but civil war, renewed secession, and abso lute and eternal disunion, were preferred and hearkened to before the peace and har mony and prosperity of the whole country. But there was another and yet stronger impelling cause without which this horrid calamity ol c vil war might have been post poned, and, perhaps, finally averted. One ol the last and w orst acts of a Oongres which horn in bitterness and nurtured in convulsion, literally did those things which it ought not to have done, and left undone those things which it ought to have done, was the passage of an obscure, tll-consider ed, ill-digested, and unstatesmanlike higl protective tariff act, commonly known as ••the Morrill tariff,” Just about the same time, too, the Confederate Congress at Montgomery adopted our old tariff of 1857 t which we had just rejected to make way for the Morrill act, fixing their rate of duties at five, fifteen and twenty per cent, low than ours. The result was a9 inevitable as the laws of trrde are inexorable. Trade and commerce—and especially the trade and commerce of the VVesi—began to look to the South. Turned out of their natural course years ago, by the canals and rail roads of Pennsylvania and New York, and diverted Eastward at a heavy loss to the West, they threatened now to resume their ancient and^accustomed channels—the wa ter courses—tho Ohio and the Mississippi. And political association r nd union, it was well know’n, must soon follow* the direction of inteiest and trade. The city of New York, ilie great cnuimorcial emporium of die Union, aud the Northwest, the chief granary of tLe Union, began to clamor now, loudly for a’repeal of the uerniciouR aud ruinous tariff^ Threatened thus with the loss of both po litical power aud wealth, or the repeal of the tariff, and ai last of both, New England—and Pennsyl vania, too, the land ot Peun, cradled in peace— demm.ded now coercion and civil war, with all its horrors, us the price of preserving either from de struction. Aye, sir, Pennsylvania, the great koy- .stoiift of tho arch of the Union, was willing to lay the whole woighi of her iron upon i hat sacred arch, ami crufli it beneath the load. The subjugation of die South, aye, sir, the subjugation of the South ! 1 am not talking io children or foo’s; for there is not a umn in this House fit to be a Representative here, who does not know that the South cannor be |brcea to yie v ledfouce to your laws aud author ity unri ! • ^ j conquered and subjugated her . tilt jtu'. ■•ration of the South, and tho closing up of her |M*r;s, first hy force, in war, and afterwards by tariff laws in peace, was deliberately resolved upon by the East. And, sir, when once this policy w as begun, the self-same motives of waning com merce and threatened loss of tiade impelled the gieat city of Now York, aud her merchants and her politicians ami her press, with bore and there au honorable exception, to place herself iu the ve ry fiont rank among the worshippers of Moloch. Much, indeed, of that outburst and uprising in the Nordi, which followed tho proclamation of the 17th of April, as well, perhaps, as the proclama tion itself, was called forth, not so much by the fall of Foil Sumter (an event long anticipated) as by tho notion that the “insurrection*' might be crushed out in a few weeks, if not by the display, certainly, at least, by the presence of an over whelming force. These, sir, were the chief causee which, along with others, led to a chauge iu the policy of tiie Administration, and, instead of peace, forced us headlong into civil war, with all its accumulated horrors. * * * » * CongrcoR was not assembled at once, as Con- ;rcHs should hive been, and the great question of ivil war submitted io their deliberations. The tepresentatives of the States aud of tho people were not allowed the slightest voice in this the most momentous question ever presented to any Government. Tho cntiio responsibility of the whole work was boldly assumed by the Executive, aud all the powers required for the purposes in baud were boldly usurped from either tho States or the people, or from the legislative department; while the voice of the judiciary, that last refuge nnd hope of liberty, was turuea away from with ccn'cmpt. Sir, the right of the blockade—and 1 begin with it—is a belligerent right, incident to a state of war, nnd it canuot be exercised until war has been de clared or recognised ; aud Congress alone cau de clare or rccoguise war. But Congress has not declared or recognised war. On the contrary, it had but a little while before expressly refused to declare it, or to ana tho President with the power to make it. And thus the President, in declaring a blockade of certain ports in tho States of the South, and in applying to it the rules governing blockades ns between independent Powers, vio lated tho Constitution. But it, on the other hand, he meant to deal with these States as still in the Union, and subject to Federal authority, then he usurped a power which belongs to Congress alone—the power to abolish and close up ports ot entry ; a power, too, which Congress hud also refused » few weeks before to exei cise. And yet, without tho repeal or abolition of ports of entry, any attempt by either Congress or ihe President to blockade these ports, is a vio i lution of the spirit, if not of tho letter, of that Clause of the Constitution which declares that “no preference shall bo given by ary regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one State ov- ei tnose of another.” Upon this point I do not speak without the ghent authority. Iu the very midst of the South Carolina nullification controversy,it wussuggest- ed that in recess of Congress, and without a law to g* ’Tu him, tho President, Andrew Jack- son, meant to send down a fleet to Charicaton and blockade the port. But the bare suggestion called forth the imlignant protest of Daniel Webster, himself tho arch enemy of lulliftcation, and whose brightest laurels were won in the threo years'con flict in the Semite Chamber with its ablest champ ions. In an address, in October, 183*2, nt Worcea ter, Massachusetts, before a National Republican Convention—it was before tho birth, or christen ing at least, of the Whig party—the great ex pouuder of the Constitution said: •‘We arc told, sir, that the President will imme diately employ the military force, und at once blockade Charleston. A military remedy, a rem edy by direct belligerent operation, lias thus been suggested, and nothing else has been suggested, as the intended means <»f preserving the Uniou.— Sir, there is no little reason to think that this sug gestion is true. We cannot be altogether unmitul ful of the pnst, and therefore we caunot be alto gethir unapprehensive oftlie future. For one sir, I raise my voice beforehand against thounauihor ized employment of mili hjv power, and against superseding the authority of the laws, by an armed force uuder tho pretence of puttiug down uullifi cation. The President has no authority to block ode Charleston." Jackson! Jackson, sir! the great Jackson did not dare to do it without authority of Congress ; but our Jackson of to-day, the little Jackson at the other end of the avenue, and themimmic Jacksons around hint, do blockade, not only Charleston arbor, but ' »: vhole Southern const,three thous and mi!* it: extent, by a single stroke oftlie pen. “Thv r*resiuc:it has no authority to employ mil iry force till he shall be duly required '— Mark the word ; c/uired so to do by law and tho civil authorities, i duty ii lo cause the laws to be executed. His duty is to support 'he civil authority." As in the Merryinau case, forsooth ; but I shall recur to that hereafter : sor, »u extenuation of whose characser it is writ ten by Ihe great historian avert it occulot, /««*»- tique scelera nontpcclavn. Thus it is, sir, that here in America, in theaoy- emv-ib'rd year of the Republic, that great writ and security 9f personal freedom which it cost the patriots and freemen of England six hundred years of labor and toil and blood to extort and to bold fast from venal judges nnd tyrant kiiigs, written in the great Charter at Rtnnytneade by tiie iron Barons, who made tho simple Latiu.and uncouth words of the times, nullus til/er homo, iu in tho language of Chatham, worth all the classics; recovered ana confirmed a hundred times after wards, as often as violated and stole i away, and fiually and firmly aecur »d at last by the great act of Charles II. and transferred thence to our own Constitution and laws, has been wantonly and ruthlessly trampled in the dost. Ay, sir,, that great writ, bearing, by special command of Par liament, those other uncouth but magic words, per stratutum tricessimo primo Caroli secundt rcjis which no English judge, co English minister, no king or queen of England, dure disobey; that writ brought over by our f» there nnd cherished by then, as a priceless iuheriutoce of liberty, an American President has -contemptuously set at defiauce Nay, more, he has ordered his subordi unto military chiefs to suspend it at their disere non! And yet, after all this, he coolly comes be fore this House aud the Senate and the country, and plead* that lie is only preserving and protec-- ing ilie Constitution : and demands and expects of this House and of tho Seuate and the country their thanks for his usurpations of power; while outside of this Capitol, his myrmidons are clam oring for impeachment oftlie Chief Justice, aa engaged in a conspiracy to break down tl e Fed Ili* duty i*, if the laws be resisted, to employ the military force of the country, if necessary, for their support and execution ; but to do all this in romjdinnre only with lair and with decisions o f the tribunals. If, by any ingenious devices, those ho resist tho laws escape from the reach of judi cial authority, as it is now provided to bo exer cised, it is entirely competent to Congress to make such new provisions as the exigency of tho case may demand.” Treason, sir, rank treason, all this to-day. And yet, thirty years ago, it was true Union patriotism and sound constitutional law ! Sir, 1 prefer the wisdom and stern fidelity to principle of tne fathers. Next after the blockade, sir, in the catalogue of daring Executive usurpations, comes the 'procla mation of the 3d of May, and ths orders of the War and Navy Departments in pursuance ofit — a proclamation and usurpation which would have cost any English sovereign his head at any tima within the lust two hundred years. Sir, the Con stitution n«»t only confiucs to Congress the right tc declare war, but expressly provides that “ Cou- gress (not the President) shall have power to raise aud support armiesand to “provide ami main tain u navy.” In pursuance of this authority Congriss, years ago, had fixed the number of of ficers, and of the regimeuts of the different kinds of service; and also the number of ships, officers, marines and seamen which should compose tho Navy. Not only that, but Cougres* has repeat edly, within tho last five years, refused to in crease the regular army. More than that still: iu February and March last, the House, upon sever al test votes, repeatedly and expressly refused to authorize the Piesident to accept tho service of volunteers for the very purpose of protecting the publje property, enfoiciug the laws and collecting the revenue. And yet the President, of his own more will and authority, and in violation oftlie Constitution, lias proceeded to increase, aud has increased, the standing unny by g. r >,0J0 men ; the navy by eigh teen thousand, aud lias called for and accepted the services of torty regiments of volunteers for t rce years, numbering forty-two thousand men, aud making thus agraud army or military force, raised by executive proclamation alone, without sanction of Congress, without warrant of law, aud iu direct violation ot the Constitution aud of his oath of office, of eighty-five thousand soldiers enlisted for three and five years, and nlreadjr in the field. And yet the President now nsks us to support the Army which he has thus raised, to ratify hi* usurpations by a law ex post facto, and thus to make our selves parties to our owu degradation, nnd to his infractions oftlie Constitution. Meanwhile, how ever, he has taken good care, not only to enlist the men. nize the regiments,and muster them iifttFaerx out to provide in advance tor u lot of forlorn woruout, ami broken dowu politicians of his owu party, by appointing, either by himself, or through the Governors of States, Muior-Gcn- erals, Brigadier Generals, Colonels, Lieutenant Colonels, Majors, Captains, Lieutenants, Adju tant*, Qunttennasters, and Surgeons, without any limit as to numbers, and without so much as ouce saying to Congress—“ By your leave, gentlemen.” Beginning with this wide breach of tho Consti tution, this enormous usurpation of the most dan gerous of all powers—the puree aud the sword — other infractions and assumptions were easy; nna after public liberty, private right soon fell. The orivocy of the telegraph was invaded in the search after treason aud traitors; although it turns out significantly enough, that the only victim, so far, is oue ot the appointees and especial pets ot the Administration. The telegraphic dispatches, pro served uuder every pledge ot secrecy for the pro tection and safety of tho telegraph companies, were seized aud carried away without search war rant, without probable cause, without oath, and without description of ilie places to bo searched, or ol the things to be seized, aud in plaiu viola tion of right of tho people to bo secure in their houses, persons, papers, and effects, against un reasonable searches and seizures* One stop more sir, will bring upon us search and scizur* of tho public mails; and finally, as io tho worst days of English oppression—as in tho times of the ’Bus sells and the Sidneys of Euglish martyrdom—of the drawers and secretaries of tho private citizen; though even ’hen tyrants had tho grace to look to the formr ;t helaw, and the execution was judicir . murder, not military slaughter. But who shad •*>>._. that tlio future Tiberius of America shull Inve the modesty of his Roman prodecea engaged in a conspiracy trral Government: Sir, I am obliged to pas* by, for want of time, other grave and dangerous infraction* nnd u-ur patious ot the President since the first of April, i only nlludo casually to the quartering of soldiers in private house* without the consent oftlie own era. aud without any manner having been prescri bed by law ; to the censorship over the telegraph, and the infringement repeatedly, in one or more »f the States, of the right of the people to keep and bear arms for their deteuce. But if all these things I ask, have been done in the first tw months after the commencement of this war, aud by men not military chieftains, and unused to ur biirary power, whst may we u..t expe rt to sec done in three years, and by the successful heros of the fight ? Sir,|the power and rights oftlie States and the people, and of their Represent/! tivea have been usurped; the sanctity of the pri vate house and of private property has been inva ded ; and tho liberty of the person wantonly and wickedly stricken down; free speech, too, has been repeatedly denied; and all this under the plea of necessity. Sir, tho rbrlit of petition will follow next—nay it has already boon shaken ; and the freedom ot tho press will follow soon after it; and let me whisper in yorr ear, there will be *ew to mourn over its loss, unless, indeed, its ancient high and honorablecharactf r shall bo redeemed and re- - cued from its present reckless mendacity and de gradation. Freedom of religion will yield, too, at lust, amid the exultant shouts of millions, who have seen its Lely temples defiled and iu white robes of a former innocence trampled now under tho polluting hoofs of an an bilious and fuitidoM* or fanatical cle*gy. Meantime national banks, bankrupt laws, a vast aud permanent public debt high lariffs, heavy direct taxatiou, enormous ex penditure, gigantic and stupendous speculation, acarcby first and a strong government afterwards, uo more State Hues, no more Stato governments, and a consolidated monarchy or a vast centralized military despotism, must all follow in the history of the future, as iu the history of the past they have, centuries ago, been written. Sir, I have said nothing, and have time to say nothing now. ot the immense indebtedness aud the vast expen ditures which have already accrued, nor oftlie folly aud mismanagement of the war so far, nor of the atrocious and shameless peculations uuu frauds which have disgraced it in tho State gov ernments and the Federal government from the beginning. The avenging hour fot all these w ill come hereafter, and I pass them by now. The Congress of the United States meets here gain to day ; hut how changed the scene. Instead of thiity four State*, twenty-three only, one less * .an the number forty years aco, are ’here or in tho other wing of the Capitol Forty six Senators aud one hundred and sevonty thiee Representa tives constitute the Congress ot the now United States. And of these, eight Senators and twenty tour Representatives, from four States only, linger here yet as deputies from that great South, which from tho beginning of tho Government, contribu ted so much to mould its policy, to boild up its greatness, and to control its destinies. All the nth er State* of that Soutn are gone. Twenty-two .S’«»*iKU*ra aud Mixty.five UuurAMuntatives UO louiier answer to their names. The vacant seats are, indeed, still here: and the escutcheons of the respective States look down now solemnly and sadly from these vaulted ceiling*. But the Vir ginia of Washington, and llemv.an i Mudison.ol Marshall and Jefferson, of Randolph and Mo the birthplace of Clay, the mother of State of Presidents; tho Carolinas of Pinckney and Sumter, and Afarion, of Caihouu and Macon , and Tennessee, the home and burial place of facksoti: aud other States, too, onco most loyal an 1 true, ate uo longer here. The voice* and the footsteps oftlie great dead of the past two ages of the Re public, linger slid. it may be in echo, along the stately corridors of this Capitol; but their descen dants from nearly one-half of the States of the Republic will meet with us no more within these marble halls. But in the park3 and lawns, ami upon the bread avenue* of this spacious city, sov euty thousand soldier* have supplied their places ami the morning drum-beat front n score of eu oampmeuts within sight of this bcloagured capi tal, give melancholy warning to the Representa tives oftlie States and of tlio people, (hat atmd arms laics are silent. Sir, sooio years heuco, I would fain hops some mouths hence,*ii I dare, the present geueratmu will demand to know tho cause of all this; and some ages hereafter tho grand and impartial tribu nal of history will make solemn and diligent iu- quest of the authors of this terrible revolution. From ihe Richmond Dispatch. The Protest of the Demecratic.Metn- bers of the New Hampshire Legisla ture against Appropriations for War agaiust the South. During the session of the New Hamp shire Legislature, in June last, ninety- one members of that body protested against the passage of the bill making appropriations for war against the South. The circumstance was noticed at the time as a favorable indication, though it had no effect upon the bloody minded Black Republicans of the North. We append the protest of these ninety-one true men, which is as eloquent in language as truthful in sentiment: The undersigned claim their consti tutional right of entering upon the jour nal of the House this their protest against the passage of a bill entitled an “Act to aid in the defence of the country,’’ with the following, their rea sons therefor: 1. Because the bill compels us to approve, ratify and confirm “all pay ments made by the Governor and Council, or by their authority and di rection, in order to furnish troops from this State for the defence of the United States, or enlisting, arming, equipping, disciplining, maintaining or transport ing said troops, or in any way connec ted therewith of the nature, extent, validity and-equity of which we know so little as to be entirely unable to form any definite judgment re.ative thereto, and because from any information com municated to this House, we cannot assure ourselves or our constituents that it would be safe and proper tor us thus to approve, ratify and confirm. 2. Because by tiie provisions of this Bill the power to consider and deter mine what appropriations are necessa- jy, and what disposition has been, and shall be, made of the money ol the people, how and hy what agents dis bursed, and in what manner accounted for, are taken from the representatives ot the people, to whom such power constitutionally belongs, and surren dered to the Executive branch of the Government. 3. Because we cannot permit trans actions of any branch of the Govern ment to be sealed up from the eves cf the people, or to be placed beyond their power to examine, inspect and judge. • 4. ‘ Because we cannot regard the action of this House in Ihe rejection of the amendments proposed to the bill as other than the assurance that the pres- ei.t war may be waged by unlawful means, lor conquest, subjugation, na tional consolidation and the extinguish ment of State sovereignties, and we are unutterably opposed to the attainment, by any means, of such objects. Disavowing all considerations and motives of a partizan character, we en ter our protest against this bill, because of its loose, irresponsible, extravagant provisions, and also because we de sire to put upon the record our earnest will to protect the State against the exercise of a decree of executive pow er, sti' h as ti;e Constitution never con templated and the people never before dreamed of. When such an extraor dinary appropriation was submitted to our sanction, we had a right to know, and the people had a right to know, distinctly and specifically, where their money was to go, for what purposes it had been and was to be applied, and by what suitable cheeks its disburse ments had been and was to be guarded. We cannot consent to give the idle catch phrases ot the day the weight due alone to reason and argument. The po itical parly to which we be long has, fortunately, no occasion for new and extraordinary demonstrations ot devotion to the llag of our country. They have never heaped malediction upon it, or upon the Constitution.— They have not only loved and honored it, but they have upheld and defended it at home and abroad, on sea and land, at all times and in ali places. They have striven to maintain the Govern ment as it descended to them, and in the spirit which animated their fathers —not a “consolidated” Government such as is now oc ><sionally foreshad owed, but a Government composed of independent, sovereign States, united for the purposes expressed, and clothed with the powers delegated by the States and the people, and with no oth- Thts Union, which has been our pride and deljght, had its birth in the adoption ol the Constitution. Upon that instrument, ns its firm foundation, warmed and strengthened by glorious memories of the dangers, trials and privations of a seven years’ conflict for independence, hedged all around by the forces of mutual affection and in terest, it stood lor the first fifty years, in calm dignity, assuring fraternal re gard among all its members, safety for the rights ot every citizen of every lat itude throughout the broad extent of our land, an amount of individual and social freedom and prosperity hitherto unknown, security at home and respect throughout the world. It was only when the provisions of the Constitution itself relating to domestic servitude came to be denounced and boldly re- {.uJtaiad, ll.at all iHwso gr..»t in'erests and precious blessings were seriously imperiled. We are ready to make any appropri ation reasonable in itself, and propetly uarded, which looks practically to restored respect for constitutional rights and consequently to restored fraternity, mty, peace and prosperity. Nay, more, for these objects we are ready to pledge ‘our lives, our fortunes, and our sacied honor.” But we enter our solemn protest against making this the occasion for inaugurating in New Hampshire legislation like that of which the bill just passed ; s a type. We w.ll not sanction appropriations of the peo ple's hard earning, unheard of in amount, without figures, without facts, without sound reason as a basis. This legislation, in our judgment, does little less than to invite speculation. It is mmaterial that this great debt is to be funded, and that the bonds are not to be redeemed this year, the next, or the year after. They are to he paid some time, by us or by our childrtn. It is in vain to remind us of the old Latin maxim, so often reproduced of late, that in the midst of arms the laws are dent. If we go b*ck to the origin of that maxim, we shall find that in the midst of arms the best institutions have been overthrown, and, upon the tyrant’s plea of necessity, great liberties have been crushed under the iron heel of military despotism. However important may be other objects contemplated, or to be achieved by this war, nothing can be more im portant than lor the people to hold in their own hands, w'th a firm grasp, all the rights which r or fathers delivered to us—among these, and above all, the sacred personal security of the habeas corpus, the freedom of opinion and freedom of utterance. We have demanded a specification of the objects for which this unparalleled call upon the industry and income of our constit uents is predicated. We 1 ave asked whether this war contemplates reunion, and if so, in what manner arms are to achieve the object. We have asked whether«.it means the desolation of Southern homes, the overthrow of Southern institutions, and the destruc tion of our own race there. We have demanded more perfect security for the economical, faithlul, legitimate appli cation of this vast amount of money, and the result is that we are turned round upon the privilege which we ure thankful is yet reserved to us, of spread ing upon the journals of the House this our respectful, solemn protest. Signed by Harry Bingham, Aaron P. Hughes, and eighty-nine others, members of the New Hampshire Leg islature, and by order spread upon the journals. Host11 u Attitude: of Prussia.— The Black Republicans tell tho truth occasionally in reference to their for • eign relations, anti will be seen by tho Washington correspondence of tho Philadelphia Inquirer that even des potic Prusia is getting as ttnfrieudly as England and France ’; I learn that tho Secretary of State is busily engaged iu writing dispatches to Mr. N. II. Judd, our Ministor to Ber lin ; that they will coutain specific in structions in regard to the unmistaka bly hostile attitude of Prussia, as tnani*