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changed for foreign productions. If on -1? that part of the imports of New Or leans, which is obtained from abroad in exchange for cotton were taken into the estimate, the aggregate imports of all the staple growing States, like those of South Carolina and Georgia, would no doubt sink down to less than one seventh part of their exports. Such being the actual statc'of our for etgn commerce, it deeply concerns our welfare to enquire, in the first place, whether it is a sound and natural condi tion of this great interest? and if it be not what are Our available means of placing it to a natural and healthful condition? That it is neither a natural nor a salu tary condition, will be apparent front a I few obvious considerations. Viewing the: subject as one strictly of political econo my—and in that light only arc we nowi considering it—New York, Pennsylvania, and Massachusetts are, for ail such pur-j poses, to be regarded by the staple States! as foreign communities; not less so than j Great Britain and France. The bonds of j our political Union, as confederated j States, however they may bear upon other aspects of the subject, have no bearing whatever upon the question of national wealth, as it relates to the several States.. The federal constitution, giving it the ut most amplitude of construction, cannot annihilate the intervening distance of a thousand miles; nor has it annihilated the. separate and independent political organ zation ot the States. We cannot there fore, regard the wealth [of New ork or Pennsylvania, as the wealth ol South Carolina or Georgia, or as contributing towafils it upon any other principle than , that mutual dependance, happily existing between commercial communities, which j makes the prosperity}',©!’ the one condu cive to that of the other, in proportion to the extent of the exchanges of their re spective productions. Every cotton plant-j er must have perceived, that the price of his staple depends more upon a prosper ous condition of the trade of Manches-j ter. than upon that of all the cities of the United States, north of the ‘Potomac. And, however it may shock the nerves] of that false and mistaken philanthropy, which sometimes assumes the guise of] patriotism, we must he excused for ‘ : tun- | Jessing” the homely virtue of preferring j the prosperity of our’own respectivc'com- ] inanities, thouglij derived from a direct] trade with foreign countries, to that of our Northern confederates, derived from the same sources, but at our expense. Applying these plain and obvious prin-j ciples to the existing state of our com mercial relations, it is apparent that the profit made by the merchants of New York and other Northern cities, upon the exchange of our staples for foreign nici-j chandize, is as effectually abstracted from the wealth of the staple growing States, as if those cities belonged to a foreign jurisdiction. We are very far from complaining of our fellow citizens of the North, for reaping the golden har vest which circumstances presented to their enterprize. They deserve common- j dation rather than complaint. Our pur-] pose is to stimulate the enterprize of our own merchants; to recover, by a fair and j equal competition, the advantages they! have lost: and to invoke the patronage of our fellow citizens generally, to sustain: them in such a competition, and such aj competition only. We should ourselves i furnish an example of that mock patriot-! ism of which wc have spoken, and which 1 is too often used to disguise a selfish pur pose, if we were to advise our fellow citi zens to purchase from our own importing merchants, when better bargains could be. obtained from their Northern competitors. Wc only ask a decided preference when the terms are equal, and shall endeavor I to show, in due time, that such terms can | he afforded, with a liberal profit to our importers. We propose now to exhibit*a rough es- 1 timate of the animal loss of the exporting States, bv the indirect course ot their foreign trade; or, more accurately speak ing, of the annual addition that would be made to their wealth, by the establish ment of a direct export and import trade with foreign countries. The excess of the exports of the Southern and South-western States be yond their imports was, in lS;»fj, sixty millions of dollars. As the value of our imports always exceeds that of our ex ports, even when our importations are not excessive, bv an amount equal to the in-, creased value of our exports, in foreign markets beyond our custom house as-; sessment, and the estimated cost ot im-i porting the merchandize obtained in ex change, for them, it may le* safely assumed that the Northern cities imported in the year above stated, seventy-two millions ol foreign merchandize, winch was purchas ed by the staples of Southern aiul South western States, and fairly constituted a part of their foreign commerce. Esti mating at 15 per. cent., the profits ot the Northern merchants, and all the expenses and risks incident to the transhipments and transfers of an indirect instead of a direct route to the seaports of the South ern and South-western States, it follows that the people of these States sustained aloss_pf $10,800,000 in that year, by the indirect course of their foreign com merce. By the same process of reason ing, we reach the conclusion that Geor gia and South Carolina sustained a loss, in t’ne same year, ol $3,000,000. In coming to this result, however, it is as sumed that foreign merchandize can be imported as cheaply into our Southern • j Atlantic cities, as into the cities of the •[North. This assumption, however con ijtrary to preconceived opinions, is believ !led to rest upon the solid foundation of ! | undeniable facts. A great deal is jiabitu i; ally said about the natural advantages of t New York, as an importing city; and these are taken for granted, without re flection, from the mere fact of her great commercial prosperity. But what are these natural advantages? She is, no doubt, from her position, the natural emporium of the foreign com merce of most of the New England and j middle States, and by her magnificent canal, she will continue to command the trade of the North western States, until |an equally or more magnificent channel jof internal commerce shall supply the j whole valley of the Mississippi with for j eign merchandize, l>v a shorter and ! cheaper route, through the seaports of the j | South. But the question still recurs, where arc her natural advantages over the i i cities of the South, or tlie Atlantic, or j the Gulf of Mexico, for carrying on the foreign commerce of the staple growing; States? Does the Atlantic present a smoother surface or safer navigation be tween Liverpool and New York, than it does between Liverpool and Charleston or Savannah? Do merchant vessels enter I the harbor of New York under more pro pitious gales, or ride in it with more sate- ] ty than in the harbor of Charleston?— These question) are conclusively an-uer- jed in the negative, bv the fact, known to ]every merchant who is practically ac quainted with the subject, that freights from Liverpool to Charleston or Savan- I mill, are actually lower than from Liver pool to New York. This is one of the natural incidents of a direct trade. Ves sels coming from Ltirope for cotton, would of coup, c prefer bringing mer chandize to a great cotton market, where a direct exchange could he effected, than to a city a thousand miles distant from the market, involving the necessity of a coastwise voyage, in addition to that across the Atlantic. If, then, merchan dize can be transported from Liverpool to Charleston or Savannah, cheaper than to New York, what other element in the cost of importation, turns the scale in favor of New York? Are house rents and the general expenses of living, lower in New York than:; in [Charleston or Savannah? House rent is notoriously much higher in New Yoik than in any of oar Southern seaports; and if the concurrent testimony of travellers is to be credited, the expen ses of living there, and every species of common labor, arc greatly beyond what they are in Charleston or Savannah. It is thus that the alleged natural advantag es of New York, so far as relates to the trade of the South, vanish, when exposed to the test of scrutiny, and resolve them selves into the mere beauties of a mag nificent harbor. (Remainder next week.) Animal Magnetism. She was a fine! strapping young woman enough, dressed half- i ami-halt’ between a tine lady and a servant maid; but as sly looking a baggage as you could select from an assortment of gipsies; and, unless her lace belied her, quite capable of scratching a ,Cock-lane ghost. Indeed, something came across nit: that 1 had seen her; before; and if my memory don’t deceive, it! was at some private theatricals contrary to law. For certain she could keep her counte nance: for if the outlandish figure of a doctor, with his queer face, had postured, and p iwed, mid poked towards me, with his lingers, for all the world like the old game of “My grundmo-; ther sends you a staff, and you’re neither to smile nor to laugh,” as he did to her, l should ; have hursted, to a dea l certainty, instead of going off, ns she did, into an easy sleep. As soon as she was sound, the count turned round to me with his broken English— “ Ladles and gentlemens,” says lie, “look here at dis young maidens, Mi/./, (.’harlot Ann Elizubet Martin,” —for that is his way of talk inn-—“mid inv magneiismusos I tro her into j von state of sombanibozluism,” —or something !to that effect. “Alizz ('harlot Ami, don art a i slip.” ] “As fast as a church. Mister Count,” says ! she. talking and hearing ns eusv as broad | awake. “Ferry gout.” says he. “Now i take dis ho. k-Missis Glass Cokcry—an 1 I shall make do maidens read soul little of him wid her back. Here he is bytwoen tier shoulders.— Mizz Chariot Ann whit you see now mit your eves turned do w rung way forte leek!-” “Why, 'then,” says she, “Mr. Count, J see quite plain a T and an O. Then conus li, an l O, and X,Jand TANARUS.; an 1 the »o.\i word is 11, and A, and I, an 1 It.” “Ferry gout,” cries the Count over again. “Dat is to rest ile hare. Ladies and gentle mens, you all here? A* Gott is my sluuigo, so is hero in de boko. Now, den Miss ( harlot Ann. vons more. Vot you test in your mouse?” “Why, then. Master,” says Charlotte Ann. i “ns sure as fate, 1 tide sweet herbs chopped up snail!” ; ‘ - Very coot, indeed!—but what mer bysides de sweet herrubs?” “\V!iv,” says she, “it’s a'relish of salt, and pepper, and mace—and let me see—there s a flavor of current jelly.’’ “ Bcsscr and besser!” cries the Count. “La dies and gentlemens, are not dose vondcrfools? You shall see every wart of it in de print. Alizz dim lot Ann, vot you feel now?” “Lawk a mercy, Mister Count,” says she, “there’s a sort of stuffy feel, so there is, in my inside!” “Yaw! like volt fool belly! Ferry goot! Now, yon feel vot.-"’ “ Feel! Mister Count ?” says she, “why, I don’t feel nothing at all—the stuffiness is clean gone a wav!” “Yaw, my child !” says he, “dat is bveause I take avay de cokcry boke from your two shoulders. Ladies and gentlemens, dcse is : grand powers of rnagnetismus! Ach himinel! I As Hamlet says, derc is mure in our philoso i ties dan ilere is in de heaven or de earth! — Our mutter Nature is so fond to hideer face! But von adept, so as me, can lift up a whale!” —[Hood. (Q,u ? lift up the veil.) BRUNSWICK ADVOCATE. THE ADVOCATE. BRUNSWICK, (Ga.). MARCH 15, 1838 State Rights Ticket for Congress. ELECTION FIRST MONDAY IN OCTOBER. THOMAS BUTLER KING, of Glynn. WILLIAM C. DAWSON, of Greene. i JULIUS C. ALFORD, of Troupe. WALTER T. COLQUITT, of Muscogee. RICHARD W. HABERSHAM,of Habersham EDWARD J. BLACK, of Scrivcn. MARK A. COOPER, of Hall. EUGENICS A NESBIT, of Bibb. LOT WARREN, of Sumpter. RESUMPTION OF SPECIE PAYMENTS. In our paper of 4tli January last, vve express ed the confident opinion that the resumption of specie payments could not be delayed beyond a date “late in the Spring or early in the Sum mer.” Since that time the largest Deposit Bank in Boston, o{>crating with a capital of $750,000, and with es much Government money as it pleased has flailed, overwhelming in its ruin five neighboring banks. Notwithstanding the com mercial distress, and the embarrassment of other hanks thus produced, wc are still happy to be able to announce that such arrangements have been made by the banks in New York, Philadelphia and Boston, that it may be said to be ascertained that the anniversary of the stop page will he to the date of the resumption. i On the 10th May next in all our large com mercial cities specie payments will be resuin- ( ed, and if at that time vve cannot congratulate j 3 ourselves upon the recovery of a healthy cur-j renev, wo shall at least be sure that vve have \ taken a first and decided step to return to one. \ it must he that there are many banks in North-! ' ern and Southwestern sections of the country who will thus be forced to acknowledge their '• im.-oundness. They cun neither meet their | bills in specie, nor longer shelter themselves ] under the plea that institutions of aeknowledg-! ed capital and ability do not act upon a specie basis. Great distress may ensue to the commercial connexions of these rotten institutions. But. after vve shall have recovered from this last | sad consequence of ill-judged and miserable 1 tampering with the currency, it will be our ; own fault—that is, the fault of our own Gov- j ernment —if vve do not again find ourselves on j the high road to prosperity, from which vve j were forced to deviate by a foolish partizan ! devotion to the opinions of one man—of a iium too, confessedly ignorant upon nil sub jects connected with finance and currency. FROM WASHINGTON. Latest, date from Washington, slh inst.! The on! v news of great interest from thence re- , j * ° late to the Duel. The House of Representa tives have appointed a Committee of Inquiry, i who will do their work thoroughly, and have shown the most laudable disposition to pro tect themselves from a recurrence of murders i ,in their honorable body. It is a pity they ; could not have thought of it seriously before. Each I louse has passed a frontier bill, some what differing in its provisions from the other, the object of which is, to prevent the petty in vasions of the citizens of our borders, into the , limits of Canada. In the Senate, the enquiry | as to the charge of bribery against .Mr. Reg gies, goes on; but the committee have as yet ' made no report. Mr. Strange of N. C. and ■ others in the Seriate, have spoken upon the Sub-Treasury bill; but it is not as yet disposed I of. Most of the time of Congress has been for 1 the last week of ourdates occupied in private business, petitions, claims, &c. of no public in terest LATER FROM EUROPE. The Cambridge, arrived at New York from I Liverpool, brings dates fifteen days later than I we had a week since. The packets might as well remained the other side, for anv interest ing news they have brought. Besides the burning of the Lloyds’ and the Royal Ex change, announced by us in another column, the magnificent Italian Opera House at Paris, iias been burned—and also the Winter Palace of the Emperor Nicholas, at St. Peters burg. Money market in London easier. Cotton as in all our ow n markets in Liver pool dull. There are no other news of interest, except that remarkable fact, announced by an English paper, that, for more than a month, there had been no attempt upon the life of the King of the French. INTERNAL IAIPROVEAIEXTS IN NEW YORK. Annexed is an account of the cost of the Public Works actually completed in New York, and of those in progress and projected. This statement cannot receive too much at ! tention from the people of Georgia or of any j State about to embark largely in tiie judicious and wealth-producing policy of Internal Im provements. It is the voice of Experience and ! Success speaking loudly to all w ho would em | ulute the prosperity of New York. It is now : more than twenty years since the efforts of the immortal Clinton induced that State to open I and develop her resources by the magnificent ; and unrivalled project of the Erie Canal. This it is, that lias now made a smiling garden of the then howling wilderness of her western counties. This it is, that his in some sort giv- jen her a title to the proud name of the Em -1 pire State: Canals finished, cost $12,000,000 Gcnessee Valley and Black river canals, will cost 6,200,000 Enlargement of the Erie canal, say’at least 15,000,000 Loaned to Delaware and Hud son Canal Company, 800,000 Loaned (authorized) to New York and Erie Railroad, 3,000,000 $37,000,000 So much has been expended and l authorized to be expended by the State. In addition to which are the following pri vate works of improvement, vizv Delaware and Hudson Canal, completed, 2,420,000 Railroads completed, 5,065,000 Private canals com menced, 1,550,000 It’lroads commenc’d 10,000,000 Total, $62,035,000 j Add railroads authorised 31,064,000 Grand total, $03,100,000] The number of miles of canals and rail-} roads completed, is D9s—miles commenced 1134—and authorized, 1704—showing a total of 4833 miles. That is twenty-one millions of dollars for works now in course of construction by the State, and, including the New York and Erie j railroad, twenty-four millions—a total of lliir-1 ty-seven millions of dollars for works complet- j ed and commenced by the Slate—a total of sixty-two millions, completed and commenced j by the State and by private companies—and a j grand total of ninety-three millions of dollars! for works completed, commenced and author-! ized by the Stale and by private companies. [Albany Argus. Wc desire to return our best thanks to the editor of the Darien Telegraph, for his courte sy and attention in republishing our address to the public. At the same time vve beg that he will not take it amiss, that we withdraw alto gether from any controversy with him, relating to Darien or Brunswick. In this determination vve anticipate the concurrence of the Tele-! graph,as its editor can be no more ambitious! than vve arc to enact the quarrel of the Eatan-! svvillo Gazette and Independent, so forcibly] and humorously, yet so truly described by the inimitable Boz. The reason we did not acknowledge the ru mor announced in ours of the 22dult. that two brigs laden to the depth of 12 feet, had been 1 detained ten days in the river at Darien, to be j erroneous, was that, at the very time we re ceived the contradiction of the Telegraph, we were informed by a'gentleman of high respec tability, lately from Darien, that the report, originally published by us, was substantially correct. Disclaiming all knowledge of the matter ourselves, and not pretending to believe the floating rumors of the day, we still incline to the opinion that there was some foundation in fact for this statement. llovv this can con sist with the denial of the Telegraph, we can not pretend to explain—for we will still main tain the orthodox faith in which wo were edu cated, that every thing printed in a newspaper is true. CHARGE OF BRIBERY Against Mr. St nator Ruggles oj' Maine, i We give below extracts from the affidavit of Henry* C. Jones of Newark, which specify the exact nature of the transaction in relation to w hich the Senate are about institutin'? an i I enquiry. We learn from a personal aequain- Lance of Mr. Jones that he is a man of standing I and respectability and of unimpeached veraci- j ty- Onor about the 25th Jan. last past this j deponent applied to the Hon. Henry L. ] Ellsworth, Commissioner of the Patent j Office, at the Patent Office in the city of] Wash ington, and requested his opinion as! to the sufficiency of the specification on which his patent had been granted, and was bv him referred to Dr. Jones ami Mr Kellogg, whom lie found in a private a partinent in the patent office, known as the secret archives, and also a third per son, then unknown to this deponent. That this deponent then submitted his patent and specification, to the three per sons above mentioned, all of whom con-] curred in declaring them to be insuffici ent. This deponent thereupon inquired for a competent person whom he could procure to draw anew and correct speci fication, when the person above alluded to and who was then unknown to this de- 1 ponent, offered to draw anew specifica tion lor the deponent, and on this depon ent’s enquiring what would be his charge for so doing, answered that “lie did not! know, perhaps nothing; he would see when it was done.” This deponent then enquired for his address, and on its being given, learned, to his surprise, that he was the Hon. John Ruggles, U. S. Sena tor from Alai no. This deponent by the invitation of Mr Ruggles, called upon him at bis lodgings on the evening of that day, and also on the evenings ot the two ; succeeding days, and during those iuter i views bad considerable conversation with Mr Ruggl es respecting the Jock which tliis deponent had invented, and for which he was desirous to obtain anew patent. — In the course of these conversations Mr Ruggles spoke repeatedly and strongly of the great difficulty of preparing specifica tions correctly, and of the large number of specifications that were incorrectly made, and also observed that lie was the framer of the present Patent Law,and could therefore prepare specifications un der it better than any other person. Dur ing the conversation above named, this deponent also expressed his desire to pro j cure the adoption of his lock for mail , bags, by the Post Office Department and Mr Ruggles said he had considerable in terest with the Post Office Department, ! and proposed to this deponent, that if this i deponent would give him an interest in I the profits arising from the manufacture and sale of the locks, lie, (Mr R.) would I use his influence to procure its adoption by the department. Mr Ruggles at the same time proposed that the assignment of the interest in the lock should be made in the name of (Mr Ruggles’) brother who lived at Worcester, Massachusetts, and requested this deponent not to let it be known, that lie (.Mr R.) had an interest in the lock, as if known, it might lessen his influence in procuring it to be adopt ed by the Post Office Department. This deponent objected to making an assign ment to Mr. Ruggles’ brother, without having seen him, and Mr Ruggles subse quently, in one of the Committee Rooms, at the capitol, said that he would take the assignment in his own name. After this interview, Mr. Ruggles prepared and tendered to Air. Jones a deed of covenant, by which Mr. J. was to assign to the Hon. Senator one fourth his patent right. In rela tion to this Mr. Jones deposes as follows: 1 he deponent took the said paper, but declined signing it at the time, saying that lie wished opportunity to examine it. .Mr Ruggles strongly urged deponent to sign the said writing, saying, among oth er tilings that he had discovered an im provement ot the lock which lie would communicate to this deponent, if he would sign the same paper, hut this deponent persisted in declining to sign it. In the course of the conversation which then took place, this deponent remarked that he wished his lock to stand on its own merits; to which Mr Ruggles replied— “ I hings do not go down here on their own merit, hut by pulling the right string, and il you will make me interested, I will pull the right string, otherwise I will have nothing to do about it, unless you will sign the paper before you go home.”— I his deponent and Mr Ruggles then part ed, Mr Ruggles taking with him the specification and the old patent; the lat ter, however, this deponent succeeded in obtaining from him on the evening of the same day, and having by tlie aid of real friends procured anew specification to be prepared by a competent person, succeed ed at last in procuring anew patent, without the friendly offices and assistance ot the lion. John Ruggles, of Thornaston, in file State of Alaine, and without sacri ficing the quarter part of his earnings for fourteen years to come. IIENRY C. JONES. Sworn to and subscribed the day and year first above written, before me, JACOB L. DOUGLASS, Justice of the Peace. How great a Fire a little Spark kindi.eth. We extract from the National Intelligencer, of the 17th ult. the report of the debate—the result of which was the fatal du el of the 23d. It will be interesting to all readers as a correct report of a controversy which cost a noble and high minded man his life. It shows, too, after such a discussion in which Mr. Wise had taken so active and bit ter a part, the murderous impropriety, either of Mr. Wise being appointed by Mr. Graves as his second, or of his consenting to accept the appointment. In fact, from Air. Wise’s own showing in the statement, published with his signature, Air. Graves was merely his proxy in killing Mr. Cilley, while he stood by and urged him on—refusing all honorable terms of reconciliation; and in the rancor of his heart, proposing at the third fire, that if that was not effectual, the parties should be brought nearer. Air. Wise said, that “The Spy in Washing ton” was an anonymous writer, and him he should not now have to do with. The.charac ter of the authority upon which the charge is made is vouched for as respectable and au thentic by the editor of the Courier and En quirer, in whose paper it appears;' and the House is called upon to defend its honor and dignity against this charge. He should move, j therefore, that a committee be appointed to in- I vestigate that charge, and that thus this House and the country may know whether it he true. Here is an opportunity offered to the House to show its willingness to investigate alleged ; abuses. For himself, he (Mr. W.) was not re ! sponsible for the truth of this accusation. lie i hoped that it was false, and could not he prov ; ed. Ho believed that there was corruption i and abuse, in many indirect forms, in the ad ministration of this Government, but he could not yet believe that any member of this House : would offer to sell his honor and honesty for gold. If this were indeed so, ho would adopt i the sentiment lie had heard upon another oc casion—Reform or Revolution? Liberty or Death! Mr. Wise concluded by sending the follow ing resolution to the table: Therefore, Resolved , That a select commit i tee of members, with power to send for ! persons and papers, be appointed to inquire [.into the r-h 'urc of corruption therein contain i ed against a member of Congress; that as soon j as the committee ascertain the name of the j person accused, they give him notice to ap ; pear before them and attend such examination, and that they report to this House. ! Air. Cilley said that this charge was very vague, and made upon the authority of an anonymous writer in the daily prints. The { charge, to entitle itself to the notice of the House, should be under oath. He knew noth ing of the Editor of the New York Courier ! and Enquirer, who vouches for the authority t upon which this charge is made. It might be ! the same editor who once accused a certain in- S stitution of buying up voters like cattle in the j market, and had afterwards received facilities from the same institution. The charge, such as it appears before the House, is not worthy .of ita notice. Let it be distinctly made against an individual, under the solemnity of jan oath, and then there would be a proper time for considering and acting upon it He hoped this House would not be made the are na for Settling newspaper quarrels, and that j the members of this House would not catch up j every idle rumor, and bring it up upon that floor for discussion. Every President of the United States had successively been personal , ly attacked in the papers of the clay—Wash- I ington, Jefferson, Madison, and the two Ad ! ainscs; but the country, the People, had made !up its verdict as to those charges for itself. It j was giving to this attack too much importance; ! it did not deserve it, as it was clearly irres ponsible. If the press does a person injustice, the People will do him justice. He was' ! known to his neighbor, and, in th« end, if he ] be abused by the press unjustly, even the press will be in his favor. He gloried in a free press. Alen, even wrongly accused by it : need not fear its operation, while they whom it fairly criticises may derive benefit from it. He said nothing against the press, nor would he disparage it lie repeated that the au thority upon which this charge now came be fore the House was insufficient to warrant its action; and he thought that the gentleman movingtDs resolution would himself think so upon reflection. Air Cilley said that when he was up before he had alluded to the charge now proposed to be investigated as a mere newspaper para graph, and that it seemed to be unworthy of serious notice in its present form. He had al so declared that it was an entirely novel case to him, and that he would be willing to act, in any mode, in reference to it, that the sense of the House should indicate. The editor of the Courier and Enquirer says that “the Spy in Washington” is a respectable authority, and the Spy says that his authority is another respectable citizen. Now, that writer is here, in Washington; why, if he knew of such a flagrant outrage, and was so patriotic as to wish it to bo investigated, did he not make the charge to this House in his own proper name, and in a specific manner? But now," because he (Mr. C.) had stood up to defend the charac ter of the House against this anonymous im putation, he was to hear the basest charges in sinuated against himself. Air. Wise here asked if the gentleman from Maine meant to say that he (Mr. W.)hud made base charges in relation to himself? Air. Cilley would explain. He did feel that it was ungenerous for that gentleman to have said that the presumption was rather that it was he (Air. C.) than himself (Air. W.) to whom this charge alluded. Air. Wise had made no 'personal charge against the gentleman from Maine, false or true, none whatever. And lie again asked that gentleman if he meant to say that he had insinuated base charges against him? Air. Ciiley repeated in substance jvhat; he had before said. Mr. W ise. Then the gentleman from Maine designs deliberately to insult me? Air. Cilley certainly did not: he had not made any charge against the gentleman from Virginia. He knew his rights and the rights of his constituents on that floor. Air. Wise understood, and did not under stand the gentleman from Alaine, as disclaim ing the charge that fie had made base charges against tfiat gentleman. Air. Cilley said that he had distinctly re marked that the gentleman from Virgin ia had said that he (Mr. C.) was more ob noxious to the charge contained in the resolu tion before the House, than he (Air. VV.) was; and he could say no more. lie was in favor of hearing the testimony of “the Spy in Wash ington,” and of having him examined at the bar of the House. He did not know that per son. The gentleman from Virginia just re marked that he had been informed of the name of the member alluded to. Why not disclose it ? Air. Wise rose and said that he could never again treat that gentleman with confidence who could rise in his place and repeat to the House what a member had said in private con versation in his seat. Air. Cilley had not intended to violate con fidence. The gentleman from Virginia had said openly in his seat that he knew the name of the 'member meant Mr. Wise. But it was in reply to an express question of another member. After some further explanation had taken place between Mr. Cilley and Air. Wise, the latter of whom made some remarks with re gard to the difficulty of pursuing the investi gation of charges against parties accused, on account of the obstacles thrown in the way by those connected with the dominant party. We have given above the debate, of which the deplorable result was the death of Air. Cilley. We now present our readers with the next stage of the proceedings which may be seen from the subjoined note of Col. Webb: Ga nsiiv’s Hotel, Washington, Feb. 21,1838. To the Hon. Jonathan Ciiley: Kir—ln the Washington Globe of the 12th inst. you are reported to have said in the course of the debate which took place in the House of Representatives on that day growing out of a publication made in the New York Courier and Enquirer,—“He (you) knew nothing of this editor: but if it was the same editor who had once made grave charges against an In stitution of this country, and afterwards was said to have received facilities to tas amount of some $52,000 from the same Institution, and gave it his hearty support, he did not think his charges were entitled to much credit in an American Congress.” I deem it my duty to apprize you, Sir, that I am the Editor of the paper in which the lat ter fromjthe “Spy in Washington” charging a member of Congress with corruption, was first published; and the object of this commu nication is to inquire of you whether I am the Editor to whom you alluded, and if so, to ask the explanation which the character of your remarks fenders necessary. Very respectfully, your ObL Scr’t. J. WATSON WEBB. However much we may condemn the con duct of the duel —and we do condemn it most heartily—we concur in the following re marks of the assistant editor of the Courier and Enquirer in regard to Col. Webb’s posi tion in this'aftair. In the unfortunate occurrences which fol lowed, no imputation can rest upon Colonel Webb. Os his solicitude to prevent the meeting, and his fixed determination to take the place of Air. Graves ip the combat, it is impossible to entertain a doubt. These facts are established beyond cavil or discussion. Such solicitude was natural—and whatever