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COMMUNICATION. Ia these dull tim«Mt Mr. Editor, the casual reader nay find a moment’s entertainment in a glance at the times that have passed: the time when we were a United People! When base aspersions had anver.fceen uttered by the longue of slander, or ineeribed by the pen of the libeller against the South! When an inter meddliag with Southern rights and Southern interests 4«itol never been suggested, even by the distempered and excited imagination of the political demagogues, or the anarchy of those momentous times, which filled the minds of the humblest of mankind wi|h the loftiest ideas of Liberty. I mean the time of THE LIBERTY TIIFK. At the time of the disturbances excited in the American Colonies by the stamp act and a trifling tariff on tea, a large Elm was used in Boston, to hang obnoxious characters in effigy, end to make known the intentions of the sons of liberty, (as the patriots were called,) who also held their meetings under it. The fol lowing inscription was placed upon it—“ This Tree was planted in the year 104(5, and prun ed by order of the sons of Liberty, Feb. 14, 1760.” It was thenceforth called the Liberty Tree , but in 1774, was cut down by the En glish troops, by whom the town was occupied. The example was imitated in other parts of the country, most of the towns having their Liberty Tree. On the breaking out of the French Revo lution' (1789,) the same emblem was adopted. A Liberty Tree was planted by the Jacobins in Paris, and many other cities followed the example. The Lombardy Poplar was used) but the French name of this tree, 7’ti i/ilier, af fording matter of derision, oaks or iir trees were afterwards used. Has the North forgot ten these times? Hus it never occurred to the seditious minds of J. Q. Adams and his asso ciates, that we, too, planted a Liberty Tree, and engraved upon every branch of it, u Con stitution, which secures t® us certain rights, and declares it treason to excite an insurrec tion by word or letter among United States. *f)oes tho North know, and knowing, will they believe it, that this Tree has never boon cut down by English Troops, as their tree was: but that it flourished in perpetual verdure (for it was the magnificent Laurel of the South,) amidst the tempest that raged around, until that tempest rolled hack on the stormy shores of Europe, and never seemed to wither, until the abolition entirts of the North, used Adams and others, as Tools to hackle around it, that it might tumble down and be demolished for ever? There is another Emblem, Mr. Editor, with which some of our most pleasing associations arc intimately connected, and from which an instructive moral may be drawn. It is THE LIBERTY CAP. _ The right of coverinsr the head was, in ear ly times, a mark of liberty. Stares always went bare-headed, and one of the ceremonies of emancipation was placing a cap on the head by the former master. Thus the Cap or the Hat became the symbol of liberty, and has played a part in many Revolutions. The Swiss owe their liberty to the hat w hich doss ier ordered to be saluted as a mark of sub mission. The arms of the United Swiss Can ton have u round hat for a crest. In England, the Blue Cap with a white border, and the in scription Liberty, in letters of gold, was used as a symbol of the constitutional liberty of the nation, and Britannia sometimes bears it on the point of her spear. The cap was used in France, as the symbol of liberty, at the be ginning of the Revolution (178i>); and its red color was borrowed from that of the liberated galley slaves of Marseilles, who went in great numbers to Paris. The Jacobin Club of Par is, afterwards made the red cap a badge of membership, and it was therefore called the Jacobin Cap. It will strike your readers, Mr. Editor, as a most remarkable coincident, that the very first Cap of Liberty and Liberty Pole we read of in Colonial History, was raised in Braintree, Norfolk County, Massachusetts, the birth place of John Adams, the second President of these United States; the sire of this very apos tate son, who now attempts to take off the cap of Liberty his father helped to put on Free men, and place it on their slaves, without their consent. As well may we take his shipping that brought them here, his factories that clothe them, and his bank stock and merchan dise that bought tfyem: lor these are merely riches of the North* while uur Slaves and j Lauds arc the riefie* qf the South, which w e i possessed when we finrt planted our Liberty Tree and put on our Liberty Cap, and sat down in peace and harmony for half a centu ry under its cadi, invigorating, comfortable shade, and oo*»gning kmve, no recreant son, no human hagd shall ever cut it down, until this generation and tlie generations to come have passed away. Then, and not till then, will we yield our right to possess what property we please. Spirits of 1786 j arise from your mouldy sep ultures, and SCTrirt:o»the w retches who would plant the seeds of discord, to ruin our beauti ful Tree of Liberty, and like the misseltoe, ’ sap its vegetation, that they may reap a \ ieioua harvest!! GLYNN. ; mGRAM— TO A WHISKERAhiDO. i A man like thee Bcjiree eVy appeared; • A plus like thine, where shall we find it? fcurelv thos cherishcst thy beard In hope? m hide thyself b-hind it COL. PRESTON’S LETTER. Columbia, September 3, 1838. 1 You say that “the Republican State J Rights party” is in favor of an dent Treasury: In* this it is utterly out of my power to concur with them —I am op-' posed to an Independent and in favor of| a Dependent Treasury; dependent For its j organization and control upon the law of 1 the land; dependent for its conduct and administration upon agents as much re-1 moved as possible from executive control;; dependent upon all the circumstances up on which tlie general prosperity of the country depends; dependent for its health j and vigour upon the health and vigour of the community; operated upon, intluenc-. ed and controlled by all the great causes | which affect the accumulation and dis tribution of public wealth; dependent up on the state of the country, and indicat ing its condition with as delicate a sensi tiveness as the thermometer does the state of the atmosphere; dependent upon all the great interests of Commerce and Agricul ture; in a word, I would have the Federal Treasury identical with and absolutely de pendent upon the common destiny: sol emnly believing that to put it on a dis tinct footing, would tend more to consoli | date the general government and seduce it into despotism, than any measure that | has ever been proposed. “The '‘Republican State Rights party” j is also in favor of a separation of govern j incut from hanks. If by this, it is meant that the Executive of the U. States should ;he deprived of all influence or control I over these institutions, which might be ! abused for political and party purposes, j I fully concur in such an opinion; for a sad experience has admonished the coun try that the party in power at all events is i not to he trusted with the use of such iu i rincnces; nor would I he unwilling to see | the money of the government kept apart i Irom the business ot the banks in such a way ns not to he used for hanking pur poses. If we could promise ourselves that the expenditure ol (lie government, and with it the revenue, could he reduc ed to ail economical scale, no great injury could result from either of these sources; lor the lew millions ol government mo | uey on hand at any one time, would not !he .sufficient to confer much executive ■ patronage: nor would it disturb to any great extent the ordinary hanking opera tions. As, however, the appropriation of thirty-nine millions of dollars at the last session of Congress, notwithstanding the! creation of a national debt for the pur-1 pose of raising the money, warns us that as long as our present rulers are in power,! j any reduction ol e\|. t niViture is i, l hie, it would he desirable in the arrange ment of the treasury to guard against the mixing of th.i public funds with those of the hanks, thereby authorizing the use of, them, as so much hank capital. # # # # # 1 cannot conceive of anything more; preposterous and revolting, than that the. Government should have one currency and the Feople another. Until the pres ent period ol intrepid speculations, such a notion lias never been avowed, much I less been aeted upon, in the whole histo-j tory ol the world. .No Government, bar barous or civilized, has ever pretended to separate its currency from that of its cili-, zens or subjects. Such a project would lean been considered equally preposter ous and dangerous, even in those times I when Government was regarded as some thing sell-existent, independent of the People, belonging to a superior ami priv ileged race, and having rights and inter ests in opposition to those ot the commu nity at large. What, then should be thought ol it when Government is under stood to he hut an emanation from the People, and governors hut their serv ants ! It is admitted on all hands, that there ; cannot he in this country an exclusive spe ; <*»o circulation.—Paper credit is our cur rency, and its destruction is not the avow -led purpose ot even the most infuriated partisans of the new theories of finance. ; Their declared objects is to leave all the vast moneyed transactions of society to lie conducted by paper, while the Federal Government is to protect itself bv the use ot a peculiar medium, in which the citi zens do not participate. Does the Gov ernment withdraw itscll from the curren cy of the country because it is not good enough for it? Is the Government better Ilian the People? Are its interests and success more to he consulted than theirs?! Is the Government to have one interest and the People another? Shall the Gov ernment prosper while the People sutler? These are questions which ought to be j answered. In mv opinion, the Govern ment and the People should lie bound ti|) in the same destiny for good or evil; , or if we must discriminate, save the coun try and let the Government perish. * A * « * „ ll the policy of exacting specie he |ust, or any oi the arguments used to maintain it be true, in regard to the general gov ernment, they are equally applicable to the State governments, and the experi meut can he most safely tried upon them.— Let the divorce, then, of Bank and State, begin m the States, where tiie success and phenomena of the experiment upon the wealth ami property of the country can he uiimiteh- watched. * * ' * * ‘ # You say that the gentlemen who you ' represent are opposed to the establishment ! of a National Bank. 1 concur with them*! I bc.mve such an institution, underpres-eiiJf BRUNSWICK ADVOCATE. circumstances, iudspedient and impracti cable; nor do I believe its establishment j will ever be otherwise, unless the destruc tive principles of the ruling party continue so to harass the country that it will he driv en to escape from anarchy at the risk of despotism. In 1810, inexorable necessity forced the Government upon the exercise of this very doubtful power —a" necessity superinduced by the events of the war. No such necessity can again he created hut by the folly or wickedness of a blind infuriated party, which for the sins of the country, at present controls its policy. — There is not one of the gentlemen whom you represent, Sir, who will do or suffer more to arrest this disastrous career, and : avert the necessity which may drive the country upon a National Hank, than I; and 1 declare with perfect confidence, that if . the Administration will pause in its mad ! carer of violence and ultraism — or if, what is more probable, it he beaten down by the sober intelligence of the country —there , will be no National Rank established. If, I on the contrary, they continue to insist up i on their exaggerated theories, and ire not rebuked by the moderation and practical good sense of the people, a National Rank [will he the inevitable consequence. To | wards this institution the public mind is ( obviously impelled, by the efforts of those ; who would persuade us that the destiny of j this great people and of their free institu tions is reduced to the alternative of a .\ a j tion.il Rank or an exclusive exaction of I gold and silver. Ry this mode of stating j the argument, all middle ground is exclud ed. They present Scylla on the one ham] and Charybdis on the other, and I denying any passage between them, leave us which of the two to choose. i ****-**#. The present Congress lias, hv a most ] decided vote, rejected both branches of j this illusory alternative.* It has expressed I its disapprobation of a.National Rank, and j has most emphatically rejected the specie j exacting Sub-Treasury. Indeed, this last I measure has received its doom in the most | decided way—it was rejected iu the Sen late by a majority of fourteen. In Con- I gross between the extra and regular ses ; sion, it lost in the Senate from a majority I ill its favour to a majority of nine amiinst j it; and in the House from a majority of j seven in favor ot a postponement to a ! majority of fourteen for total rejection.— 1 he fate ol the Sub-Treasury without the I specie exaction, was very different—it | passed tin: Senate, and failed in the House by a majority <>f hut four. Thus it is ap parent that a Sub-Treasury with the re ceipt of the hills of specie paying hanks is a more favored measure than either of > air'wHiAt bavu mo vj»> , 1 , insisted upon as our only alternatives. It is a known tact that the hard money clause and its advocates destroyed the Ind pend ant Treasury; which, but for that feature and its friends, would have been the law ot the land; so that they are responsible for the failure of a Sub Treasury system. * * *= -;#*’*# 1 beg leave to assure you. Sir, and the gentlemen you represent, of the perfect coincidence of our opinions iu opposition to the Federal party. For the sincerity ot this avowal, my friends, and neighbors, will give me implicit credit, when they re member that I first came into their service a State Rights politician, of the straight est sect ot the Jefferson and Madison of 118, of the Win. 11. Crawford of 181(5, of the John Taylor and Judge Smith school ol 1822, and that, following out the prin ciples of these men, 1 was a Xullitier of 1832, —without having aught to forget, deny or explain, in my past history. Alv career has been humble, but it has been uniform. It it has not been signalized by distinguished abilitv, it has not imposed upon me the painful task of vindicating a doubtful consistency. When, from the honorable service of this district, the kindness ot the State placed mo iu a more extended sphere, it was, unquestion ably, that I should act there upon the principles which had gained fuor for me here. My course required deliberation to determine upon it. I found the Gener al Government administered upon princi ples Irom which even Hamilton or Pick ering would have revolted, and in posses sion ot a party autlaciouslv avowing doc trines so anti-Repnblican as to procure ior them the designation of '“the Royalist party." 1 toiuul that party avowing and acting upon the principles of the Proclamation against South Carolina, and of the Force Bill. They had passed the* Tariff of 1828, and had onposed the Compromise of 1833. They had seized upon the deposites in tiie Lnitcd States Rank, and held the pub lic money against law. They claimed for the President all ex ecutive power, without reference to the Constitution. They avowed the principle that the spoils of government belonged to the vic tors in a party struggle, and boldly used office and otlice holders to perpetuate their power. Their President openly employed all the power ot the Government to appoint his successor, and they expunged the Constitution to perform an act of syco phancy to him: the most guilty mid igno minious act that has sullied our history., Such were the principles and practices of the party in power—not only clnrac-j terised by every quality which coed de-, fine Federalism, but going beyond all that the wildest enthusiast for a consoli-i dated government had ever i.nn-med— and there enormities were perpetuated in ■the name of Republicanism and Democ racy!—which names they have recently again desecrated in a hollow and hypo critical address to the United States, full of those professions which they made and violated every year for the last ten. The old federal party was honest, though mis taken—the new party have acted upon, while they denounced, their principles, and used them to gratify the lust of mon ey mid office. I went into Congress in opposition to this party. I stand iu opposition to it yet. 1 stand iu the same rank—shoulder to shoulder with the same men now as in 1834—and driving the storm of opposi tion against the same profligate party. I trust and hope, sir, the Republican State Rights party does not differ any wise from the State Right Whig party, in stern un compromising hostility to the present Ad ministration; and, if so, I, for one, pledge myself to he ready for an equal opposition to any set of men who came in imitating their practices or sharing their princi ples. In conclusion, Sir, I offer you this toast: i The Van Buren Party.—Let us never forget the words of Air. Tazewell. “They have deceived us once, that was their : fault—if they deceive us again it will be , ours.” With many thanks, Sir, to those whom you represent, for the honor done me, and with the highest personal regard to you, 1 am, dear Sir, your obedient sevant, VVM. C. PRESTON. Trial of Slaves for Murder in Vir cixiA. The Court of Oyer and Terminer . ; was held in the county of Bath, on the '22nd August, for the trial of Andrew, l Lucinda and Caroline, slaves belonging to George Alaysc, Esq, who were charged’ with the murder of Margaret and Mary] I Mayse, the daughters of Air. Mayse.— ! Nine Magistrates on the Bench. The billowing evidence was introduced in helialt ol the Prosecution:—Caroline, the slave ot Air. Mayse, testified, that on the 10th ot August, the two prisoners (An drew and Lucinda) told her they would show her a good blackberry patch that evening, and Lucinda told her she must bring Alary and M argaret Mayse with her, and she would show them the blackberries. : Whilst on her way to meet the children] returning Irom school, she (Caroline) met] ! with Andrew, who told lit*r to make haste I and bring tho children up to the Big Gate, , and lie would show them the Wackberrics. ] She went on and met the children, and .took them on with her, up a short distance J , Irom the unto- :i route different from licit on which they had usually returned from school. They met with Andrew and Lu cinda— Amlrew leaning against the fence on the side next the road, and Lucinda , standing near him. The w itness then ask ed Andrew, where the blackberry patch j was. ![e made no reply, but seized Alary, ! and Lucinda, coming up, took hold of Alary by the head, and stood behind her, whilst Andrew stood on one side and cut her throat w ith a now looking shoe knife. I he poor little girl staggered around and tell down—w hereupon the other little girl Margaret started to run, but Andrew soon , caught her and brought her back—and Lucinda held her, whilst Andrew cut her throat in like manner. After the mur ders, the prisoners got ofer the fence into] the hushes—while the witness ran towards the house; hut becoming exhausted, she! i was compelled to stop, and Andrew pass ed her, with his shirt sleeves rolled up,! and went on to the well on t he opposite] side ol the yard, and washed his hands and arms. The witness declared that she was prevented, by her (ears of being murdered herself, from disclosing the . event .to her mistress immediately upon getting to the house. Lucinda is her mother, and told her she would be hung if she told any thing about it. Wilmington, Sept. 11. Sixty mills ok Staging savei>. —An- other section oitxtd rro.v this knd ok tiie Wilmington amj Raleigh Rail Road. —The Wilmington and Raleigh Rail Road Company have opened anoth er section of their road, and the cars now run (A.* miles) to the Dublin Depot; this with S miles in use from Halifax to Wel don makes the entire distance opened (>)3 miles. During -the 'first week in October, we are officially assured, that the seetbn between the Dublin depot and Fai»>u’s will be travelled over: and by the Dth of December, So miles at this end aid twen ty at the other—making Toe efforts) of this company to expedite hie traveller | and to lessen his fatigue arc rapidly tel ling, and deserve all commendation. That a little community of /000 inhabitants’ should project and j?x cutc a continuous line of Rail Road of 173 miles is worthy l of the highest pr.se, and is without a parallel. 77ie stages ordered sonic time ago hare been received, and in October, a daily line trill be ran f rom Wilmington to Halifax, j and the tce/m boats between (his and Charleston, four times per week. The tide on Thursday night was two feet ligher. at Wrightsville than an ater age Spring tide, hut two feet lower than 'during the August gale in 1837. Resumption. At a meeting of the Presidents ot the Banks ol New Orleans held on me Itttli inst. it was unanimous ly resolved that the said Banks resume the. payment of specie on the first Monday in vtnmiry. ?S3‘J GENERAL LAMAR. - We make the following extract from a me moir of Gen. M. B. Lamar, lately published in the New York Spirit of the Times. Gen. La mar is now without doubt President elect of Texas: | “On reaching the first years of man | hood he exhibited three opposite phases of ] character, which are seldom combined iu 1 the same individual—a burning thirst for j military glorv, and the most uncompromis ing and enthusiastic politician in his State. : The indulgence of the first was hardly possible in a time of profound peace, and jit effervesced in the meagre honors of I some militia distinctions. Ilis love ol literature and poesy was more easily in dulged in,and many were his contributions to the leading journals of the day, for I which he obtained the meed of praise so ! grateful to the mind of youth. But it was as a politician that he become most conspic uous in Georgia. Having been for many vears the confidential secretary of Gov. Troup, he was deeply impressed with the value of those lofty principles on all poli tical subject w hich have rendered that dis tinguished statesman the model and admi- ration of his parly. Thus imbued, he frequently represented iiis fellow citizens in the State legislature, and was among the most eloquent and ac tive leaders of the State Rights Party.— He was afterwards a candidate for Con gress, on an independent ticket, running in opposition to both parties, and had the satisfaction, though defeated, of learning how extensive was his personal popularity throughout his native State. At this period tlie subject of colonizing Texas began to occupy the attention of Southern capi talists, and the tide of emigration was just beginning to move in that direction.— With a view of inspecting the country and learning its resources, Gen. Lamar employ ed a year in traversing it in all directions, and after encountering serious hardships, and many most singular adventures, he re turned to Georgia, was partially influential iu inducing those adventurous spirits to leave their native States who afterwards were sacrificed in cold blood to the ruth less vengeance of Santa Anna. On the occurrence of this event Gen. Lamar, hith erto a traveller only, joined the Texian army as a volunteer, with the hope of a vrnging his slaughtered friends and countrymen. The day previous to tlie battle of San Jacinto, Lamar, though merely a private, distinguished hiuself in an extraordinary feat of personal prowess and daring in the presence of the army. — Such was the effects of his manifestations of courage and gallant bearing that, on ♦ho very eve of that most remarkable and decisive battle, Lamar was demanded by tiie acclamation of the soldiers, to com mand the cavalry. The request was granted by Gen. Houston, and the event of that victory evinces tlie spirit and intre pidity of those whose admiration he had so fully won. The horse led the charge, and in seventeen minutes the entire Alexi cau army was routed, and dreadful was the vengeance that day taken for the murders nt Alamo. Subsequently, under Burnet’s administration, Lamar was created Gener al, and Secretary of War, and when the Texian government went into operation under tlie Constitution, lie was elected Vice President of the Republic. This sit uation he now holds, and is the most con spicuous candidate for the next Presiden cy, an office singularly enough limited to tlie period of two years.” When tlie Missouri question was agit ating tlie Union from one extrernitv to the other, as with an earthquake, and t’ie Union of these States seemed to be held togeth er hv a single hair, Mr. Van Boren’s Resolutions in the Senate nt New-York, were as follows: we call u/>on the citizens of Georgia, to read then., and weigh the claims of this man, for their support, for the Presidency, and wliich this Democrat ic address is put fifth, if possible, to se cure. i These are tb Resolutions: j “The ('nns'itation of the United States clearly give- Congress the right to require ! of the ne'i states, not comprised within i the original boundaries ot' tlie United i States, the prohibition of slavcrv, as a condition of their admission into the 1 U'/ion. Therefore, ! “Resolved, 'That our Senators he in structed to oppose the admission, as a State, into this Union, of any Territory, not comprized as aforesaid, without mak ing the prohibition ot slavery therein, an indispensable condition of admission.” [Southern Recorder. i Fxtiiaokuixaky Instance ok Memory. The Louisville Journal of the oth inst. says: —'Fhe Gubernatorial conflict in Pennsylvania becomes more and more j amusing. Fhe Porter men are getting affidavits against Ritner, and the Ritner . men are getting affidavits against Porter. Just now the Ritneritcs are in the ascen dant. 1 hey have an affidavit from one ‘‘Rebecca Beatty,” which the poor Porter ites find it hard to match. The latter are® ■ astounded for the present, but possibly! they may rally by and by. A portion of Rebecca’s affidavit is in these words: “I hod a daughter and a son by him (» orter,) the latter is now a boatman, liv- ; ing along as well as he can, for the truth, is his I ithcr never gave him a cent to sup port. bin in his life. ‘I now declare before the all-seeing! God, that the children were both David R. Porter s. It is now years since all this took place, but still, 1 hare it fresh in my man - 1 1 - mackerel fishery. j Our ‘oldest fishermen’ have never known the season when fat mackerel were so plenty about our shores as they have been for a week or two past. Mackerel. The fishermen have brought in large fares the last week. The ves sels that have cruised round the shores of I the Cape, have taken from 100 to 150 .bids, during the last four weeks. The I' essels in the Bay of I’undy are reported doing well; those off Mt. Desert and the eastern shore have taken very few fish. [Yarmouth Register. ! We learned at Plymouth thaflgoat fish ing had been very good business for the last week or two, some individuals clear ing 830 per day each. The mackerel taken are of the best quality. The fleet above mentioned bad been lying off Ply mouth several days and must have had, it I was thought, tolerablfe luck.—[Hingham | Patriot. ( f, ,tov •‘Xcetown, Sept. o.—The macker iel fisher.nen are doing well. It is estimat ed that 3000 bbls. were taken in Bnrns ; table Bay on Friday last. One vessel took I 70 bbls. that day. Sun- Treasury Operation. We un derstand that the citizens of the Chero kee counties, have recently had an oppor tunity of w itnessing and feeling the prac tical operations of the Sub-Treasury sys tem, iu a manner quite calculated to pre possess them in its favor.—The troops ! which had been engaged in collecting the ] Indians for removal, having been disband ed earlier than was anticipated, it became ] necessary to sell the corn and bacon, and I other provisions which had been procur ed lor their use by the Government offic ers. The sales, says the Southern Whig, | “were duly advertised—but lo and behold! when the goods were placed under the j hammer, the wonderous workings of the j Sub-Treasury system (which Mr. Cam jbreling declares is now in successful op eration,) would not suffer any tiling but Treasury notes or specie to be received in payment for them. The consequence was, that the goods sold brought about one fourth, and in many instances not one ] tenth oftheir real value, and were bid in by ■ government agents and favorites, who sold ; them to the citizens at enormous profits, for the very money which tho government officers had but the day before paid to the people, and were then paying to the peo ple for all contracts with them. And vet ■ this is an administration which finds zeal ! ous supporters in Georgia, and among ] those too who witnessed this most stupend ous fraud, not only upon the government, lmt likewise upon the people in that sec [ tion of the State. There were large quati , tities of good bacon sold for 4 to j cents , per lb., which commanded forthwith from tlie citizens three times the amount; while [ corn, for which the Government paid one dollar and fifty cents per bushel, was sold in many instances for one fourth the sum, which was bid in by those favorites who could procure the Treasury notes or spe ] cie, and instantly sold to the people for ! the money which the Government had ] paid its debts with, at prices three or four 1 times as great.” —[Augusta Chronicle. Facts, Facts. By the Report of tlie ; Charleston and Hamburg Rail Road Com pany, we perceive that since the first of January last, and up to the first of July, die number of passengers passing and re passing, is '23,008 —number of bales cot ton, 17.972!! The whole amount realiz ed during those six mouths on passengers, freight, &c. 8104,231!! During the last year, 34,395 bales passed over this road! And yet we are told by the en emies of Internal Improvements that a Rail Road can never be adapted to the transportation of Cotton! If this road, ly ing almost parallel with the Savannah river, can divert such an amount of Cot- ton —the distance being as ONE MILE to THREE—is it not reasonable to an ticipate that the Brunswick Road will meet with equal if not greater success, when the distance is as one to four? and the risks by the circuitous route incom parably greater? [Columbus Enquirer. Yankee Shrewdness—Coming it over tiie fifteen GALLON law. — We un derstand that previous to the Division Alusier at Dedham, a shrewd one hit upon the following novel expedient to evade the license law. lie made application to the Selectmen for a license to exhibit a striped pig during the parade day, which ' was graitte'd. He accordingly procured a pig, and with a brush painted some stripes on his back, and liail a tent erected on the field, with due notice on the exterior, that a striped pig was to be seen within; price of admision six and a quarter cents. The rate being so low, numerous visitors were induced to call upon his swinish majesty, and every one on coming out appeared highly gratified with the kind and courte ous reception he met with from the keep er of the remarkable pig, for eacli coiner was treated to a glass of brandy and wa ter, or gin, or, whatever liquor he might prefer, without any extra charge. Some were so well pleased, that they were in duced to takerti second look at the animal, and were as kindly and liberally treated as at their first visit. At the last accounts the exhibition was driving a brisk business, and was likely to make a profitable day’s job in exhibiting his “stripedpig.”—[Bos ton Sentinel.