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MUSES RETREAT. ANAVAL S O ]VJ G, By David Humphreys, ef quire , minister plenipotentiary of the United States at the court of S/ain. I. CjrAILY lads • our friencta we're leaving, Honor calls us to the main : Sweethearts! what’s the life of grieving, We but part to meet again. 11. Soon aveng’d our country’s quarrels, What delicious joys we’ll prove, Sweet reposing, crown’d with laurels, In the arn.s of those we love. 111. Love of country, love of glory, From our mother’s breasts we drew, Our forefathers fam’d in story, Give the great example too. IV. Hail Columbia’s hardy fearnen, Bravely bred on boift’rous waves— Faithful to ourlelves as freemen, Not the world can make us Haves. V. “ Arm our floating tow’rs of timber”— Congrcfs bids—each pulse beats higher, Shew the world our joints are limber, Nerves of Heel and fouls of fire. VI. Now our breasts with ardor glowing, Feel our bold forefathers’ flame; Thro’ our veins their pure blood flowing, Can our deeds disgrace their name? VII. Hade then seize each plund’ring corsair, Where the waves insulted roll, Trade protect in cv’ry quarter, From the Tropic to the Pole. VIII. Thence to the wide world’s wonder, Matters of the mighty deep, While we guard our coast with thunder, Ye at home may fafely deep. * IX. Let us live a band of brothers, Whether on the land or sea ; ’Tis our strength and not another’s, That would make or keep us free. X. Never fearing foes or weather, Union being still our boatt, Free we’ll live or die together— “ Union,” boys! in bumpers toast. EPIGRAM. AS TLb with lYienJ Jack fat over their glass; They talked of their loves and amours, Bob, “ I'm in love with a beautiful lass, “ Who’s coijucttiih and well knows her powers. But here hes the devil,” adds lie with long face, “ Which makes my heart olten full fore ; “ I've at least twenty rivals, and am in disgrace, 41 And perhaps theic may come twenty more.” “ Oh 1 be notdifmay’J, tho' there be such profufion 44 Os rivals,” fays Jack, you’ll be firrt ; “ For when e’er a girl has so m iny to choose on, 44 She generally chooses the woilk.” ANECDOTE S. Mr. FOX, on his late canvass, having accofled a tradesman, whom he solicited for his vote: the blunt eleftor replied— 4 / cannot five you my supper t\ I admire your abi lities, but d—n your principles ! Mr. Fox in ttantly retorted— My friend, 1 applaud your Jtacerity , but d—n your manners. THE Revd. Mr. B r, a man of con fulerable humour accompanied with great formality of manners, in a convivial par ty, where the late lord Kelly fat at the head of the table, was alked to ling, but would not comply with the prefling folicitatioh of the company. At last Lord Kcllv said, % mutt either sing a lbn*, tell a ftorv, or drink a pint bumper. Mr. B r being r,n abflemious man, rather choose to tell a •story than to pay the forfeit. 44 One day,” find lie, in his pompous manner, 44 a gen tleman, bv prqfeffion a thief, in the courfc of his round, saw a church door invitingly open; he walked in, thinking that even there he might find something ufeful; hav ing fc cured the pulpit cloth, he was re treating* when 10, he found the door flint. He took the only means left for his eleape; he let himfclf down by the bell roue; the be.l of courie rang, the people were alarm ed and the thief caught. As thev were dragging him away, he looked up empha tica.lv addressing the bell, as l now addrcls your lordflijp, •« had it not been, fa id he, lor your long toßgue and emptv head, I iud made mv clcape.” 7*" V A R I S, July 17. TALLEY RAND'S DEFENCE. Citizen Talleyrand has just pub iifiled a vindication of his conduct, in an swer to the adulations preferred against him in several pamphlets and journals:— He begins with remarking, that all his ac cusers are themfeives ex-priests or ex-no bles, and, even princes or foreigners, who having firft introduced themfdves to no tice with cunning and dexterity, soon as sumed, with audacity, the privilege of in ttru£fing us how we fliould be free in our own country. “ What then,” continues Talleyrand, “Do these men urge, who are not French men, whose integrity they have succeeded in corrupting r That I have been one ol the Conttituent Airemblv ? Yes, I was ful ly convinced that they could never forgive those whose names are illuftrioue among the founders of liberty. I was fully con vinced that men who had never experien ced the firft sallies of the French people, in 1789, who indulged in fhameful raille ry on the fublimeenthufiafm of the nation, and who, unable toprevent the revolution, exerted themfeives to render it odious, were in secret enraged against the aflem bly which firft proclaimed the declaration of the rights of man, and were more fa vorable to the anti-revolutionary part ol that aflembly than to the part which pro duced the revolution. But I was ignorant that they could carry their audacity so far as publicly, and without any mark, to re proach a citizen with having been a mem ber of the Conttituent Aflembly. “ In the present agitation of the public mind three suppositions are alone poliible. The republic will consolidate its strength in the midst of so many events ; we lhall be overwhelmed in the confufion and de ftru&ion of every kind of authority; or royalty will be restored to oppress us with increased fury ami tyranny. Every other supposition is to me a chimera, and I have unquestionably given fufticient pledges of my zeal against the two last systems. The fate allotted to me by both the one and the other of them, isfulficiently known, as well as thekind of preference which they would grant to me. It has been a thousand times demonstrated, that I can have no other de sire but that of consolidating the power and eflablifiling the glory of the republic. I did no!, indeed, expeA, I confefs, to be reduced to the neceflity of proving, in the 7th year of the republic, that I am not an emigrant. A proof rendered unnecelfiry by the unanimous declaration of the Na tional Convention, which ordered my name to be erased from all lifts of emi grants, and repealed at the fame time, the decree of accusation which had been brought against me. “ But it is asked by my accusers, What are the motives which caused the Nation al Convention to erase the name of Talley rand ? The arifwer, however is Ample, and undoubtedly decisive. I was sent to Lon don, for the second time, by the provision al executive council, on the 7th of Sep tember, 1792. I have in my poflfeflion the original pa Apart delivered to me by the council, and which is signed by fix of its members, Lebrun, Danton, Servan, Cla viere, Roland, and Monge. It was transmitted to the convention, when it thought proper to take my case into con sideration, and I will produce it to any person desirous of feeing it.” Talleyrand denies that he wore the white cockade in America and at Hamburg, and appeals to the testimony of the envoy and oonful at that city. With refpeft to the reproach of having lufFered the new coalition to be formed, he vindicates himfdf by quoting his opin ion, which was decidedly given in favour of an honorable peace, and makes the fol lowing observations: 44 when it is con sidered that those who dare to accuse me of wiftting for the continuance of war are the very persons who stirred up the fire of difeord, invoked with the mod ardent prayers all the fury of war, were eager to excite revolutionary movements in every part of the world, abused every power in the moil insulting and impolite maimer, threw obstacles in the way of every nego ciation, and propagated in the public jour nals the aflertion so fatal to the tranquility of Europe, that republics and kings, are neceflarily in a state of hostility—when it is considered that I have been conftuntlv engaged in repairing the mifehiefs produ ced by so many inconsistencies and follies, and in claiming the apprehensions of the envoys of neutral and amicable powers, every one mail be struck with aftonilh ment that these men rtiould accuse me of co-operating in producing the coalition, and that they lhould themfeives be igno ranton how many accounts the accula ion applies to their own conduct. I have alio, in a detail which has been noticed bv the legislative body, pointed out the principal and more immediate causes of the coali tion, and I may be allowed to cbferve, that my observations have been received by the national reprefen tat ion, with a de gree of interett which it only confers on acknowledged precificn and truth. “ It is known that Austria, even from the figningof the treaty of Campo Formio, however favorable that treaty might have been to it, having recovered from the ter ror inspired by our arms, began to medi tate projects of greater ambition; that it was then encouraged by England and Rus sia ; that the events in Rome and Switzer land became new motives and pretences for its actions; and that it fought every where, from that time, for a few allies, whtch it did not find difficult to obtain, in conftquence of the principles of the re presentative system which (truck at all ar ;ftocratic establishments, or by the natural effeCt of the oppreflions exercised bv fume of the French agents, unworthy of that name, even in friendly countries, or prin cipally in consequence of the impression and by the engagement of Aboukir, which in giving us an add.tional enemy revived the audacity and hopes of the others. “ At the commencement of lalt Bru maire, the end of October, when gen. Jou bert set out for Milan, about five months before the Ruffians entered Italy, I had the good fortune to procure the plan of attack which had been combined between the Ruffians and Austrians, and I gave it to him myfelf. He has since declared that it proved highly ufi-ful to his operations. Every thing relative to the great changes in Switzerland and Italy, was never either difeuffed or decided upon by the Diredo rv, in my presence. The alterations in the Cifalpine republic, are totally without mv knowledge. I was merely acquainted with them in coniequence of their execu tion ; so much so, that when citizen Ri vaud was sent ambassador to that republic, I was applied to for blank letters of cre dence, and I was totally uninformed with refped to his embassy, until he had been employed for a considerable time. Here I know, it is objected to me with severity, that I fliould not have hesitated to have given in my resignation—and is it imagin ed that I was not disposed to that measure? Can it be thought that such an idea was not gratifying my independence? But I confefs, I was prevented by that desire, that indefatigable hopeof peace, from which nothing could detach me. I forgot my fclf entirely in that sentiment, and to that I facrificed my personal uneasiness, my re pugnance as an individual. “ I am accused that an attack was not made on Portugal. But if such an attack had taken place, and had been violently opposed by Spain, would they not have thought themselves juftified in blaming a condud which would have irritated this latter power, whose alliance it was so ufe ful to cultivate? lam reproached with not having fufficiently encouraged priva teering against England, but if it had been encouraged without any bounds, with what vehemence would they not have in veighed against the want of precaution, or the stupidity of ministers, who allured, that 545 armed vessels for cruizing had been captured by the enemy from the begin ning of the war to the end of the 6th year, that the number of our prisoners now in England, amount to more than 30,000 for whose subsistence the Republic is at the yearly expence of 15 millions, and that it is principally to privateering such a result is to be attributed, might have dared toex pofe the nation to the repeated hazards of a game, the losses of which are so sensibly felt ? “ I am reproached with the expedition to Egypt, which was planned previously to my administration, and had in no ref peft been determined by me. But if that expedition in which the genius of Buona parte, in which his glory, and that of his invincible army rendered certain and Hill renders certain, so many successes, had notLeen effected, and it could be proved, that I had opposed the projeCt, with how much acrimony would not these fame per sons have said, that I was influenced bv secret and improper views, and that I wilh ed to deprive the Republic of the moll magnificent establishment in the world, which was to strike a most terrible blow at the Britilh power in India. “ They complain of the cold indiffer ence of the Swedilh government, but how much more would they have to complain, if in order to prevent it, the Republic had given way to demands incompatible with her dignity? They also objeft (could it be imagined) that men of the best characters as Republicans have been entrusted with diplomatic millions, with an intention, they fay, of getting rid of their observa tion at home. But if others who were not Republicans had been entrusted with business of that nature, would they not have had more reason to complain, and would they have been silent upon so fa vourable an opportunity ? “ The Journal desHommesLibres main tains, it was Talleyrand who procured the return of Malmetbury, after the latter had been dismissed by Charles Lacroix. But it was not to Paris, that was no longer neces sary, but to Lille, even in the of our military bulwarks. Is this point clear ly made out ? There never was an impor tant fact that carried conviction with it rr.ore ftronglv. On the igtb when th.e conierences began. “ j m Minister; it was only the 28th I was appointed by the Direclorv’.ltß (hort every thing which has been d W ’ either within or without the imputed to me; and 1 am the Grand duke of Tulcany as a hostage, as if it were my p rov j t . give inftruXions to the Generals. have the effrontery to afle-rt, that it who alienated from the Republic the TV ■ ted States of America, at a moment *•*' I they know that American negotiators |,f 5 B arrived in France, and they cannot l> !, ■ norant of the share which I have ■ that event, on account of the lano'nJ® full of deference, of moderation, antfl be bold to fay, of dignity, which I addm I fed them in the name of the French oil vernment, while those who now att L* 1 me were desirous only to convey to t > I exprelfions ievere and irritating.” 1 Talleyrand concludes his vindicate I by accusing his afTailants of ignorance 1 malice and the basest designs. ’ I OBSERVATIONS I Os Charles Delacroix , upon the ReflePl'ms I publijhed by Talleyrand Per fid. ’ I As I have been named, or referred ta I twice in the reflexions which citizens Tab ieyrand has publillied, I owe it to truth and to my own charaXer, to establish those faXs wi,h refpeX to which I have been alluded to in this work. It is true, as citi zen Talleyrand fays, that it was me of whom lord Grenville demanded a passport for lord Malmefbury ; that it was I who forwarded it; that it was during mv Mi. niftrv the negotiations were carried on and Anally, that it was I who pointed out Lisle, in conference of the express orders of the DireXorv. Ido not fee how these faXs can excite suspicion; but if it was ne ceflarv to juftify them, I would fay that the facility of telegraphic communication, and the recolleXion of the intrigues of lord Malmefbury, at Paris, during hisfirft million, where the principal motives which determined the D reXory in prefering the I commune of Lisle. “It is well known” fays Talleyrand, “ that the expedition to j Egypt had been prepared before the period of my Ministry. It is a certain faX, that citizen Magailer, consul General of the republic in Egypt, after a great number of memorials he had sent relative to an ex pedition against Egypt received, previous to my entering into administration, leave to return to France. It was in faX, and it could not he otherwise, my duty to give information upon the fubjeX of his memo rials.” It would seem from this paiLge, that it was I who cd the expedition to Egypt. I owe it to truth to declare the faX, without attempting here to judge of the merit of the enterprise. It is very well known that different projeXs, parti cularly under the ancient government, were propoled relative to Egypt; but what is not known, yet is not the less true, is that these memorials remained wholly neg leXed during my miniftrv.—That nei ther myfelf on the part of the DireXory, nor the chief of Division, paid any atten tion to them ; that I had not any idea of the contents of the memorials of citizen Mageller. That his memorials in no ref peX influenced the permiflion given to him to return —but on the contrary, it was granted on the ground of his ill state of health, and the danger he was in of dying, if iie remained longer in Egypt. Let ci tizen Talleyrandrefertotheaccount which I have given the DireXory of the opera tions of my administration, on the nth Thermidor, under the article Ottoman Porte. He will find there is not a word re lative to this expedition, and that through outj it breathes the d fire and the hope, of promoting and afliiring the mod perfeft harmony between the two powers—Citi zen Talleyrand may recal to his mind, that in the firfi conference I had with him, af ter my return from the Batavian Repub lic, having for a long time difeourfed up on the fubjeX of the horrible counter-re volution, which had destroyed in one day the fruit of fix months labour there; and the outrages committed against the French republic on my person; 1 spoke of the re port which was then just circulated, that Egypt was the immediate objeX of the expe dition of Buonaparte—“ I would not at tempt [faid I] to steel the secret from you; but Ido not believe the report. Fie is gone to destroy the settlements of the Ruf fians, who are -to declare war against us; to restore Poland to its rank as a nation, to keep the House of Austria in check, and command a difinitive peace. If you have any ulterior designs against Egypt, the Porte in gratitude for the important service you will have rendered it, will willingly lend its afliftance to reaiize them.” Citi zen Talleyrand left me to enjoy the iilufion which events have but too soon destroyed. My regard for truth has im posed on me those fliort observations. R will plead my excuse to citizen Talley rand. ‘ CH. DELACROIX. Ckarentcn, zyth Mejidor, July 15, 7 tkyear r s the French me and indivifiblc .