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v'Vv f ■ 'iiJL 1 vr ■"iwi» aw set Received, ■ , 2* Razees, Vor two Horses 2 V 2 Gigs. , / Which will be sold lovy for Cash, by ft PICQUET./ FOR SALe/, ; Bills on Nl York.i October I / tt „~5 jroTiju*:. “ ALL persons indebted to Col. Wn,- m am F ew, of JV< mv-ftor/c, ii»;e here by notified, that unless payments are made on \»r before the Ist January next, suites will be commenced Without dis crimination, ns no further indulgence can be given by the subscribers- / J. B. Howards, JHtornies for Wm. Few. July SO. ts ftEATOKTKk'ff labuZaS Have Just Received A CONSIGNMENT of Cotton Yarn, which they will sell on very ac commodating terms. August 8 ts Bolting Cloths. THE subscribers have just received a complete assortment of the best quality DUTCH BOLTING CLOTHS. Edward Quin, & Co. June 25. tf_ Bills on New York f AT SHORT SIGHT, For Sale by A. Slaughter & C. Labuzan. August 1 6. ts iP To Rent, TWO Front Rooms with a Cellar, on the comer of Bridge Row, directly opposite the Toll-House. Thesituation is an excellent one for business. BRUX & (SCURRY. Nept. 37 * GEORGIA, ? TaROUOHT to Scriven County. 3 Jill Jail in Jack sonborough, September 23d, 1817, a ne gro man who says his name is HARDY, and that he belongs to David Jameson of Twiggs county, near Marion, he is a voungfelibw about five feet eight inches high, of dark complexion, pretty liberal in his speech, says he has been in Augus ta jail, and made his escape when taken out on his way home; and cays he is a tolerable good shoe maker; has on a pair of red striped overalls, and says he has been run away ever since December last. Solcimon Kemp, s. s-.c. October 1. o GEORGE WALTON, Esq. is candidate for a seat in the Representa- Branch of the Stare Legislature, at the ensuing electiou. October 1 ts lO"* We are authorized to announce General Thomas Glascock a candi date for Me Legislature at the ensuing election- July 26. ?r-?* We are authorised to announce PATRICK. PRESCOTT, Esq. a can didate for the Legislature at the ensu ing election. Skotomber 13 ts |CS“We are authorised to announce Anstu.m Fogg, a candidate for the of fice of Sheriff', for Richmond county at the ensuing election. June 7. fry* We.areauthorised to announce Col. Peter Donaldson, a candidate for the office of Sheriff" of Richmond county, it the ensuing election.—jun.ll •**VVe are authorised (0 announce Edmund Fugg, Jun. a candidate for the office of tax collector of Richmond County, at the ensuing election. July 9. %*We, are authorised to announce Thomas Jlandlky a candidate for the office of tax collector for Richmond county, at the ensuing election. July 5. gy" We are authorised to an nounce Capt. JAMES BARTON, a can didate for the office of Receiver of Tax Returns for Richmond county at the en suing election. Sept. IS. %*Mr. Hiram Mann is a candidate for • Receiver o K tax returns for Richmond county at the ensuing election. June 21. : ' WE are authorised to announce Ed ward llassel a candidate for re ceiver of tax returns for Columbia county at the ensuing election. August 6 WE are authorized to announce Jas, Hutchinson a candidate for Tax Collector of Columbia county at the en anlng election. Sept. Si 80 s * We are autboris?d to announce Kichap.d Rc Sh? a candidate for the of- of Tax Returns of Richmond county, at the ensuing elec- i-—— June 11. w*. to announce Major DRNN SDENT, a candidate at the ensuing election, to represent the # of Columbia in the next Legis S* All kindiT of J ob~W oik.' JVeatly exeeuted at this Office. Iff K|| From the Boston Chronicle. On tho Present Slate of England. Inquiry into the individual situation of the JZnglish. Their freedom, moral ity and happiness on a level.with those of the other feudal nations. THE only plausible argument that is ever urged in defence of the character' of the British Constitution and Admin istration, is the supposed prosperity of . the English people. It is constantly asserted by English writers, ami often ; repeated by those of other countries, that of all the people upon earth the En glish enjoy In the greatest perfection the advantages that civil society is intended to afford—viz: the most perfect combi nation of security of person and proper ty, with liberty of speech and action. I propose at. peresent to examine the cor rectness of this opinion. The subject is somewhat more extensive than the mere effect ot the domestic administration of the government—but this will form one , branch of the inquiry, and will be con . sidered with more convenience in this connexion than in any other waly. The present moment is, as I have had occasion to state in some of those letters, a period of real and singular individual ( distress in England, and this situation may be reasonably considered the re sult of vicious political institutions, and consequent vicious administration. It is also probable, that this state of things will not be materially improved without some important alterations in these po litical institutions. Still it would bo improper in considering their effect OTI tbegcneral happiness to confine our at tention exclusively to the present mo ment—especially as this has been alrea dy a subject of separate consideration. 1 shall now, without reference to present circumstances, proceed to inquire whe-. ! tber the English are, as is supposed, the freest, the happiest , and the most virtuous people upon earth. We have, to be sure, on all these points, the direct and unequivocal tes . tiinony of nearly all their writers, who agree in this opinion, whatever their differences may be in other respects, and as most of our notions of foreign affairs come to us through English channels, the same idea is pretty general in this country. It ought however to be observ ed, that the opinion of men or bodies of men respecting themselves is not ad mitted as evidence either in law or com mon sense. If it agrees with other in formation, it is useless—if not, it is not entitled to any weight. If we permit -tins sort of self-evidence to be urged in Tsivoiir of England, we must permit it also to be brought forward in favour of eve-ry other nation on the globe: for though the English are somewhat remar kable lor the extent to which they car ry this natural prejudice, it is well known that every other nation partakes of it in a greater or less degree. The naked Negro panting at the line, Boasts of his golden sands and palmy ' wine— Basks in the glare or stems the tepid wave, And thanks his Gods for all the good they gave. With what contempt the vain and good humoured Frenchman regards the frowns of foreigners that come to Ids capital to catch his manners, learn his language, and enjoy his luxuries. How inferior to himself does the Italian consider the barbarians beyond the Jllps.—U ow the German exults to see the rest ot Europe Haifa century behii d him in philosophy and science—The Spaniard in the bo som of superstition,ignorance and slave ry, retains all the pride of that period when he governed the world—-and the representatives of the United .States had nearly declared this country by a vote the freest and most onlighted nation on earth. The extent of this prejudice is by nomoans in direct proportion to actual superiority. The Turk has no better term for the ingenious and enlightened European, than Christian dog—-and Chi na, that has stood for ages in the porch of the temple of improvement without having spirit enough to open the dom 1 , regards herself as the physical centre, and the Sovereign of the Universe: while the philosophers in every country, tho’ not insensible to the value of political institutions, and the superiority of some nations over others, place them all in many important particulars,upona level. When, therefore, the English assert themselves to be the freest, the happiest, and most virtuous nation upon earth, we must look round forsomebetter evidence than this assertion, before we receive the opinion as indisputably correct. 1 . The freest nation isthe one thaten joys at the least expense , the security of personam! property, which constitute the principal advantages of social union. Freedom, therefore, includes two con siderations—the degree in which the se curity of person and property is enjoy ed, and the expense at which the enjoy ment is obtained. First then, in whai» degree do the English enjoy this secu rity of person and property. Property in England is di\ ided under feudal prin ciples, but the division, such as it is, is secured by the law, and in contempla tion of/the law the poorest man is equal ly protected in his small possession, as the richest landholder in his large do main. Now as the whole mass of pro perty belongs to the nation as a corpo rate body, if any portion of it is appro- J* ■•» .. •JJ X . -'C- fa .: I•<>"■» %, " : priated in an arbitrary manner to one, portion of the nation, this must be view ed as a sacrifice made by the people at large for the security of the rest. But on feudal principles, this division was no other than appropriating the whole property to a few nobles and leaving no thing to t\& body of the people. The harshness of this division has been in a considerable degree softened by the mi tigations and alierations introduced in to the feudal system by the progress of improvement; but it still forms the radi cal feature in the distribution of proper ty. The case is not peculiar to England hut is common to all countries where property is divided on feudal principles, and it is perfectly clear that in all such countries, supposing the object of social onion tube the secure enjoyment of life and property, the people make the ab-y surd and incredible sacrifice of giving up , the thing itself to obtain the secure en , joynieut of it, and as far as the feudal principle enters into social institutions in their more improved forms, so far they are tainted with the same absurdity.- Ihe law to be sure is said to secure the poor as wel l as the rich in the enjoyment ot their rights. The operation of it however in practice has been well illus , trated by a writer in the Edinburg Re view, in the following way:—Suppose a brood of twenty fowls in a barn yard to whom a quantity of corn is given out, and suppose that nineteen of the fowls are employed laboriously and steadily all the time in scraping together and set ting apart for the use of the twentieth fowl, (who all the time does nothing,) ninety-nine out of a hundred parts of the whole quantity, the remaining hundredth being, divided among the nineteen la bourers. Now the law which is said to secure to the nineteen their single part, as well as to one his ninety-nine parts, is in fact the law that compels the nine teen labourers to give to one idler ninety nine parts in a hundred of the fruits of their labour. That is, when applied to England, to adhere to the principles of distributing property actually in force. And strange to say, the power that sanc tions this law, is no other than the joint force ol the twenty. Such is the sacri fice made lor the security of property in feudal countries and in England among; the rest. 6 It would be hard enough if the mono polizers who have succeeded in appro priating ninety-nine parts in a hundred of the fruits ofthe common labour, should still grasp at the remaining hundredth; and the encomiaists of British jurispru dence make their boast that the owner of the hundredth part is as safe in his pos session as the owner ofthe ninety-nine. Wbat is this but saying that the mono polizer has sense enough not to disturb an arrangement which secures to him all the advantage, and to the restall the labour? When feudal usurpations have settled down into the form of established political institutions as they have through all Europe, the inferior ranks of society are as firm in their places, theoretically, at least as the superior. That they are so is not so much advantageous to the inferior as the superior, because an in terruption ofthe regular course of events would produce inquiry—develops the vices ot the arrangement, and substitute for it one more conformable to reason and nature, lliat the humble are mate rially better protected in their rights in England, than in the other feudal coun tries, I am not, however, quite satisfied. If the forms of administering justice hold out some appearance of advantage, as in the Habeas Corpus Act, and the trial by jury—they are probably more than coun terbalanced by the great expense &delay ia legal proceedings; and the criminal code ofEngland is more bloody and bar barous than any other in the world. To refcur to my former illustration—one of the nineteen labourers whose industi v supplies the single idler with ninety nine hundredths of the whole stock, in an emergency of hunger pilfers a single kerned from his superfluous heap. The consequences is he loses his life. It is clear that no natural and rational dis tribution of property, would require to be enforced by such sanguinary and ab surd regulations. The Habeas Corpus Jict has its value; but considering that it is suspended whenever the ministry pleases, which is of course the precise and almost the only periods when the people want it; and that its application is waved in ordinary times, when it suits the convenience of* the government, as in all cases of impressed seamen—this value cannot be rated very highly. There is a difference between the Liberty of the Press enjoyed in Great Britain and in the rest of Europe; that in the latter people are prevented from writing what is called sedition , and in the former they are punished for it; sedition being about the same in both. Which of these cour ses is the most humane and rational, 1 need not take upon me to determine. Upon the whole I am inclined to think that appassionato and philosophical ob server would consider the people ofEn gland as enjoying about the same share of freedom as that of the other feudal countries. In all of them the rights of the people are by the theory of their in stitutions completely sacrificed, and for what advantages and security they prac tically enjoy, they arc indebted to the improved state of public opinion, which protects them against the pretended pre rogatives of their oppressors, and to which their oppressors are compelled to attend. The gtgte of public opinion is about the same oh these subjets in En gland as on the continent, and the pro tection afforded by it ia about equal in both—This discordance between esta blished institutions and enlightened pub lic sentiment would result in the imme diate reformation of the former, were not the personal interest of powerful bo dies and individuals concerned in retain ing old abuses. As it is, society is kept in a continual ferment by the conflict between opposing interests.—Europe is arrayed into two parts, the adherents of ancient forms with all their abuses, and the friends of improvement in social in stitutions, corresponding with the im provement in political knowledge and public sentiment. The knowledge of this fact is the true key to the history of the European world, including this coun / try, tor the last half-century—to its pre sent political situation and its immed iate and ultimate future prospects—lt unlocks at the same time the mysteries of the great party division that has dis tracted our own country.—But into these interesting and curious recesses I have not time at present to penetrate further. 2. Are the English, as they pretend, the most virtuous people upon earth?— If they were this would be a strong tes timony in favour ofthe character ol their social institutions, considering how very important these are in the formation of character. It will be found however, I believe by impartial inquirers and .obser vers, that like other boasters they are in general no better than the rest of the world—They have readied about the same point of improvement with the oth ?r European nations. The divisions of society are marked in about the same way and preserve about the same dis tinctive character. You will probably find for instance that in England and r ranee there is nearly an equal propor tion of capitalists and labourers, and that ejch class possesses in equal degrees the vices and virtues incident to its educa tionaml pursuits. That die labourers England are more moral than the la bourers in France, or the nobles in Lon loti less vicious than those of Paris, it would be found, I believe, verv difficult to prove. With regard to the nobles they have, as a body, no pretensions to morality in either country—The peasan try in both are subject alike to the ne cessity ol labouring, the great source and protection of virtue. There are even one or two circumstances of considerable force that may be urged in favour of the probably superior morals of the French peasantry; the influence of the catholic priesthood—whose ceremonial is much more strong and direct than the corres ponding influence in the English church —and the force of domestic attachment is acknowledged to be much more re markable among the French—both very strong inducements to correct habits— Much is said of the superior character of a supposed middle class, existing in England but not upon the Continent.— But it we analyse it correctly we shall find the nation extremely vague and at bottom incorrect—This middle class consists ofthe moderate and small capi talists, the lower clergy, the lawyers and physicians, the tradesmen and merch ants. And has not France and the o ther powers of the Continent the same class composed of the same materials?— and w hy in the name of common sense, should the morality of an English lawyer or a n English physician be superior to that of a French one? it is really time that we should begin to lay aside the habit of viewing every thing English through English eyes—and apply to that nation, as to alt others, the general prin ciples of accurate and impartial obser vation. It we must have national pre judices let them be in favour of our own country.—There is at least as much ground for them, and they have their advantages and graces—But it is a kind ot moral adultery to pour out upon a distant and foreign land the fountain of natural affection and "partiality that ought to be reserved to refresh and fer tilize our own. Those who like the subject may expa tiate in praise of the charitable, and pi ous institutions of Great Britain. Poli tical economists are, however agreed that charitable institutions have a tendency injurious, instead of beneficial to the 1 public good, and the ostentatious exhi- ' bition of benevolence on these occasions is very slender proof of its existence in 1 the character of individuals.—Piety, un derstood in an enlightened and liberal sense, has no approving smile for the fanatical and ill judged zeal of Mission aries and distributors of the Bible with orwitheut the English Liturgy; and com mon sense hardly knows which to ad- i mire most, the delusions they la- < hour under, or the unexampled vigour 1 with which they follow them out into i action. but that some good may * possibly result from these extraordinary i efforts, as from almost every operation however equivocal or pernicious, but their immediate effect is certainly mis chievous to society and unfavourable to the progress of truth, and it is not very credible to the intelligence of our coun trymen that they should have thought it - expedient to adopt all these institutions; 1 and have given infinite credit for piety 1 and philanthrophy to individuals who have no other view for the most part but 1 to prop up a rotten and tottering Ecclesi astical establishment, with which their I own interest is connected. It is not the ' least among the ill effects of this adoption that it tends to keep up that sentiment ■ *A , eolonial servile dependence with we are *pt W look towards 'Great Bn tauvand which it is the principle «b ject of sound American tolicy at ?, present moment to discourage. 3. As to the question whether t L Enghshare orare: not the happie stcf"? tions, as they claim to be, it is not cessary to enter into a very elaborat* enquiry. We have seen already , their social institutions and politic f advantages are upon a level with that of their neighbours in the other f e , l( |„i countries, and as far as happiness j 8 fluenced by these circumstances the’ have no right of course to claim any J penority—They sometimes put forward* a claim to an exclusive monopoly 0 fe 0 « fort which they say no other nation on the globe has a name for, or knows how to enjoy.' This notion however, w h en analy sed, is found to resolve itself into polished grates and snuftcrs,and i n gen eral a greater perfection in the small ac commodations of domestic life. n ow far these matters are essential to well be ing, or how far a superiority in thowi may be counterbalanced by the constitutional disadvantage of a sombre and melancho ly disposition I shall leave for others to consider. We have now taken a general survey of the foreign and domestic administra tion ot the British government, and this sketch terminates the plan which I pro posed for these letters. My object wag to make a brief but distinct the present distresses, to indicate the more probable immediate causes of them and to trace them in their ultimate ori’ gin, to the vices of the constitution and the consequent mal-administration of the government. I have not been moved in this enquiry by any aversion to England or to Englishmen, many of whom I per sonally love and respect, but by a wish to communicate what 1 conceive a cor rect vie\v of the present situation of things in that country, and also to illusl trate by contrast |the superior advan tages of our own political institutions. And though I have taken the liberty to point out the fundamental errors it* the British constitution, I am not disposed to say that any immediate amendment in them is either practicable or convenient. The dangers of hasty revolution may be as great or greater than those of erro neous systems. Thefproper conclusion to be drawn from the inquiry is that we, who pqssfess a constitution founded on the basis of equal political rights should regard it as an inestimable treasure and instead of puzzling and distressing our selves with doubts whether purely re publican institutions are practicable, and hankering as it were after exploded fol lies of Europe—should feel and be sen sible of the blessings we enjoy—— 1 Ofortumti nimium, sua si bona norint. lhat it should still be a doubt among the speculative philosophers of Europe whether institutions of this character will admit a favourable operation in practice, is as I have already had occa sion to suggest rather a singular fact With a view of throwing some light up on this subject I shall inquire in my next letter, which will form the concluding one of the series, into the present state of political philosophy in Great Britain, and into the circumstances that have given the latest English writers a preju - dice in favor of monarchical andaristo cratical establishments. NOTICE. By order of the Hon. the Inferior Court of Richmond county , I HEREBY call on the representatives of those men, formerly residents of this county, who sacrificed their lives in defence ot the United States, in the late war with Great Britain and the Indiaft t ribes, to report me the number and cir cumstanqes(of the families of the ileceas- 1 sed, that a return thereof may be made to the next General Assembly of this I State, according to a joint and concurred resolution of the 2d day of December, 1816. John H.Mann, c.i.c.k.c. September 3. AM NOTICE A N ELECTION will beholden on the -jlJml. third Tuesday, being the 21st of October next, for Justices of the Inferior Court of -Richmond county, at the cMrt house in the city of Augusta.—By order of the Hon. the Inferior Court. John H. Mann, cVk. September S. tde - _ NOTICE. AN ELECTION will be held at the _ court house in the city of Augusta, on the first Monday, being the 6th day of October next, for a Senator and two Members to represent Richmond county in the next general assembly of this state. —By order of the Honourable the Infe rior Court. John K. Mann, ci'k. September 3. tde Administrator’s £ale. AGREEABLE to an order of the honorable the Court of Ordinary ot Lincoln county, will be sold at Lincoln court-house on the first Tuesday in Oc - tober next, a tract of land containing 137 acres, on Soap creek, Lincoln coun ty, belonging to the estate of Elijah Athey, dec.—Sold for the benefit of the heirs and creditors of said deceased.-* Terms made known on the day. Archibald Heggie, adra’r September 6. t?d