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FORIBON 'From the London, Guardian of July 2. V THE QUEEN. The House of Commons, by its com tnanding' mujovily upon Mr. "Wrttreifm'ceV conciliatory proposition, declared that tli«- proscc tion of an Inquiry into the conduct of the Queen, would be derogato ry front the dignity of the crown,& injnri ' Sous to the best interests of the Empire ills Majesty’s Ministers.supported this res olution with a fearless cincerity, which proclaimed the consistency of their en deavors to consign this most unpleasant ■subject to its own proper obscurity—-to leave me Queen’svpast and future repu tation to the Sole arbiter of popular opin ion, provided that reputation did not in vwvc the honor of the crown or the char* a«er of the country. Any concessions 'which might have placed the Queen in full possession of her legal rights uud dig nities, or have recognized as the proper head of female«ociety in Great Britain, would, have invested her reputation with a .possibly dangerous influence over tije regal orr.ational Iwnour. Those conces sion* were not made. It was in snp|x>rt of a motion which implored the upon the principle of expediency, to wave her pretentious to the inost solemn incognition of her purity, licit 'Ministers declared duet the inquiry would be derog atory from the dignity of the Grown, and injuris'ns to the best interests of ike Em pire. This admission or declaration has been enlist extraordinary—the most oxttaor . dinavy thataiyy minister ever agreed go.— 'd as it tlren new ground for his Majesty’s ad sevs ro take.—Was it a principle only discovered and acted upon on the night of Mr. W.iberforcc’s motion?—What, , we would ask, icd to the first correspondence with the Queen's Attorney General? Wuat h» the proposition at St. Oiners? —What to the repeated delays in the .prosecution of the inquiry ?—\Vhut to tbe more solemn negotiation-in Eonuon, —but a b-lief that the i nquiry would be ‘derogatory tr-in the dp-;;lily of tin- crown, and injurious ■Vo ibd best interests r of the Empire.’— "With the most astounding accusations blow; fi nr I.Hiy by every gale—With evidence tending to give a form ■ un .ba!.l •to tins current rumours— would any administration have hesitated onre to put those charges in the most distinct and open shape, had they not fell hs statesmen and as moralists, that it was one thing to separate, indirectly, but yet decisivclv to separate the subject of those charges from the English Throne and Na tion; and another to sc-,k a more formal s and complete degradation, by expositions which might pollute the stream of public morals, abate the general principle of re spect for exalted station, and call op all the malignant passions and prejudices to rally round a new standard of laetious -discontent. Having carried this principal of ex pediency to its utmost limit, (and there Could be no honorable limit beyond Mr. Wilbefforce’s proposition,) would it have been occurred by any one but the most quibbling casuist, that the rejection of this propos* ion would involve Ministers in tbe dilemma ofsuspi ndmg the inquiry altogether? Who It to be supposed that •the possible rejection of the advice of the >Jousi of Commons never entered into (■heir contemplation? 1 hey might hope i ulued to have said of the Queen’s -ndvis ♦ ;s, “oecnritati potiu guam poleiitiu coisii • i hantS’ but tlvy dciv wit was po.-.s hie that the same advisers mi In spt c date up on the principle that “an dace 3 Jnrinnq j ivnt ” They \ere prepared for this % -x' mity, and with a consisleiggy which imblcility only would have foregone, they called upon Parliament to go On with the proceedings. If the prosecution of these might be “derogatory” to the dignity of the Crown, they knew and f it, that it would be mows “derogatory” to shut their ears to the rumours of all Europe—false possibly, altogether or in degree, but yet proclaimed as notorious trie bs. Wre there no stronger evidence than the cir cumstantial scandal which has travelled across the Alps for the last four years,, it must be conceded that the admission of-the Queen to the first place of llritisb society, and disproof of such scandal, were incompatible. If the Inquiry might prime Vi: jurious to the best interests of tlu empiie,” would it have not been ten times mire injuri -us to have dropped that in quiry—and to have retracted the pivsump -tlons of guilt—to have given a colour to the infamous charges which sedition blurts ottt in our streets of conspiracies against unsullied purity—of power arraying itself against innocence, to blacken by its mal ice and overwhelm by its strength. The Supposition was jnonstreus; and could on ly nave proceeded from that blindness of party which mistook delicacy for fear, and prudence for concession. Without attempting to prejudice the question in that most serious stage of in vestigation to which it has at length arri ved; without being desirous to question the general application of that glorious principle of our laws, that every one is to be held innocent (ill the proofs of guilt arc established—it is our duty, however pain fills In insist that there is a broad line ot distinction! between a female labouring under a general suspicion of impropriety, and one who is privately charged with such impropriety, but whose habitual de meanor repels the assertion, it is in tins broad line of distinction tiiat the defene ofhis -lajesty’s Ministers for the exclusion of the Queen’s name from the Liturgy, & in other points of conduct preferable to the same principle, imlst Ultimately rest It is not on the final proof of guilt or in nocence —it is not on the probability the Cohesion, of the private evidence which .may have been offered to them—Ahatihey may found their claim to the good opin ion of their country. It is in the publicity of the accusations against the Queen- the stories that men of all ranks arid countries have heard and propagated—that they must find their justification for withhold ing those recognitions which would have proclaimed alt siicu assertions to be un qualified lies. We would ask, what is tin conduct in parallel casts of private lift? If a female is surround.. d with exception* able coinpunions-if lenti.** obtrude them selves upon the public gnat-—and if mal ice builds upon vh s her tale of infamy— do we not abate sqincllung of the open respect for particular station- do we noi withhold th<* sanction of former uua na-v —do wo not ciuim Uuu the calumnies shad be disproved or explained away, before the object of them ia admitted to the hon* ors of unimpeachable society ? The with holding these honeys is the assertion which decency makes of her own rights; a“d though the rule may sometimes lead to uncharitableness, it is far better than that the exception should tempt to crime. No saying of antiquity has acquired greater vogue among the moderns than that attributed to Cxsar—“ that his wife onghtSo he, not only pure, but even un suspected.” Few, perhaps, of the persons who quote this phrase, attend to the full force of the expression, and to the various cir cumstances which constitute its peculiar propriety. A few observations on this subject cannot, therefore, lie improper at a moment when so many people who have, all their lives long, quoted this say ingasa kind of proverb, are now inclined to make an idol of “ Gtc-ars Wife,” for no other reason, than because her purity is suspected Thai the purity of Gxsar’s wife ought to be above suepicionr, is, let us first ob server-true of every .man’s wife. Chasti ty is so peculiarly and essentially the foundation of all that is..valuable, in the fe male character, that, iu this' sense, the adage has met .universal assent —and very justly; for it inculcates that a woman, e v„i-n without being guilty of the last de pravity, nay, by light and indecent conduct forfeit that purity'of character which is eijSeniial in a wife; and it further teaches that if a woman givesw pernicious exam ple and occasions public scandal, she is, as far as regards her own husband, and soci-ly at large, nearly as guilty as if she really were what she gives the world rea sjii to suspect her to be. And this is (bunded in a deep knowl edge of human nature. Contemptu fima, comeinni virlutcs —The man, and still mote • the woman, who does not shrink from the appearance of crime, will .0011 cease to be veiy scrupulous about tile crime itself— Contempt of public opinion, and tarailiari ly with me lorms of vice, will by degrees harden, and at-last corrupt the heart. “Vice is a monster of so frightful mein, As to ire hated, needs but to be seen; Vet seen 100 oft, familiar with her face, iVetiisl endure,then pity, then embrace!" It is therefore, with strict justice, that the laws of social life look, in eases of tins nature, upon appearances, as realities — that juries find verdicts on mere circum stances; subh as a wif’s being lock’d up i-i a room with a stranger—that even the word demirep which’ now means a pros tiiuje, ism tact only a contraction of derni , reputation; that is, a woman who is con tent to have had a character. No wonder then, that by the universal consent 01 all men and of all delicate wo men, the words “character” and •‘repu tation” are synonimous with “virtue” and chastity:—and if ail this be true, as un doubtedly it is, of any man’s wife, how much more so must it be of Caesar’s? The station which Caesar held, & which ol course Ins wile in some degree shared, rendered her conduct peculiarly nnpor laiu. 'As the Sovereign ol a great ami generous nation, the public honor was in volved in Cscsar’s; and however little it might have concerned tils empire at large, whether Julia or Tulla, the' wives of.l Quaestor or a Cent, non, had degra • lied then-husbands in the-narrow co de of their own society, it would luwn- •• : aih.--rt.nt mutter, if all Italy were to ring with the dishonor of the Sovereign of die lust people of tne earth; ami it, after hav ing carried the glory of their arms from ►the distant shores of Asia ami Africa into dm very lb art of G.ml, they should find iliemselvesbecome, tiirmgh tae indiscre tion (to suv no more) of Cic.iai’s wife, the bye-word and laughing stucit of the nations they had redeemed, and of the nations they had conquered. From this, 11 follows, that even those levities in which a private woman might have indulged, are forbidden to-the «he of the Sovereign; and further, tiiat things w iich the wife ol the Sovereign might venture to do at home, assume a more criminal character whim exhibited abroad, and made die 111 icki-vyot foreigners. Again—every woman of feminine deli (}«cy shrinks t'-om imputation for her own sake: but how muon more ought this no ■ bio feeling to operate on Caesar’s wife, whose conduct, 11 oiii the eminence on which she is placed, must be observed by innumerable eyes, and canvassed by Count less tongues; and who* is not only the guardian of the honor of herself, of her 1 husband, and ofhis people, but is also, by the influence cfher high example, charged with a deeper responsibility to the whole 'if her own sex. 1 “ ’ ris from high life high characters art . drawn:" and what is true of virtues, is, in this respect, true of vices also; the effects llity make on the public are proportiona ble U> the heights from which dicy come. There is another allusion in this celebra ted adage, which probably Caesar inteml -1 od; which, assuredly, all mankind will nOw-a-days recognize. (Jxs ir luipt d to make his sovereignty hereditary; and, Vherever titles and property, and still more, where thrones are hereditary—in all noble families, and chiefly in all sove r- ign houses—it is of the greatest private and public importance, that the character of I lie wife should leave no doubt as to die legitimate succor. In private life, what injustice, what d'.s-. semtions, what litigation, what ruin, does not the doubt aslmWie legitimacy of chib dren create? In slates, what bloodshed, what confiscations, what wars, what rev. olmiohs, -what various and dreadful and unlimited inflictions? These, if the - ie succession be contested;— : but even wuore it may iiotbe Contested, what indignation, wnnt intrigues, what contempt of authori ty, what deterioration of principles, are hot certain to ensue? We need not dvvel on these topics, but it i# in tins sense, per haps, above ail otheis, that we are incli ned to insist that Oac-ar’s wife ought not to be suspected Nor has it impaired the currency and authority which this phrase has received in the whole civilized world, for eighteen . hundred years, that historians tell us that Cxsar'a example was not so correct us his precepts ; and that he seems to have had one rule for himself and another for his wife. Caiar’s gallantries are as well known, as those of Henry IV or Chat* le- 11 ; and yet no author that we have ever read, and no person whom we have ever hoard, have attempted to invalidate the truth and justice of his rule with re gard to his wife, hv any arguments drawn from his own. behaviour. Without enter ing, therefore 1 into any examination of the difference which nature and custom seem to have made in the feelings of man and • > woman on this pwt'icolar point, it U en otlgh (o say that such »difiere.ice hur been always admitted to exist; and- tha men are and have been in all ages and, countries,forgiven for an offence, the ver suspicionof which drives a «.>tiun out o society.. The grounds (we cannot call them the reasons) of this indulgence to man, arc perhaps to be found in some considera tions to which we have already alluded Chastity is not, in so peculiar a . degree., essentia! to male as to female character • the infidelity of the man (deep and de plorable as the ptfenos; must be in the eye of the moralist and ihe Christian.) does not produce such dde.terious effects on_ society 5 it introduces no bastards into the succession vs private families; and raises up f> pit tonflera to the throne oi nations. Fir be it from (is‘ to counten ance, to extennae, or to defend the laxity with which the male sex thus interprets the law in its own favor'} bnt *o it is, and as we are now looking at this question, as it involves the public interests, we must take, as we find it, the general feel, ing & practice of the world; and. accord i igly, i lus general feeling St practice, have prevented Cxsar’s apothegm from being turned round aga'mst himself; ami though the m isrondnet of Henry IV. orCharlcs II might have been very justly quoted as enhancing thb merit of good coiidnct in Mary of Medici*, and Catharine of Tortu ga], every body knows that a failure in these ladies would not have received any excuse from the impropriety of theirhus hands. Indeed, the law of England- falls into the same distinction ; for, though in-, fidelity be no legal offence whatsoever in the JCtsg of these realms, it is High Treason in the Qirrm and she would, by hw, suffer death for what, in other women, can only be punished by the frowns of so ciety. From these considerations it seems to ns to follow that the levity of the Queen’s conduct, rupposing even that there were nothing but levities to object to her, constitutes in her ciuse a most se rious offence, an 1 renders her unfit to stand at the head of the female society f ibis kingdom of which the Queen —still more than Ca*fcr’» wife—ought to be of unblemished and unsuspected purity. See'then what the Queen’s case is in its most favourable' vL w _ Not once, nor tseice, hut at tuhki'. several periods, her coiidnct has been publicly ques'iyied; t rice, it has been to a certain extent in vest'gated, and on both' occasions, s me circumstances of that conduct hav,- been censured as at. least indecorous; and one - the Sovereign himself, the good,-the gra cious, tlie indulgent and virtuous George 111. was obliged to reprimand' her for the conduct which had brought her purity in to suspicion. Again ; when the Princess of Wales lef Engfa: d, she was accompanied by se vet al respectable pe sons both sexes, British subjects ; tliey all, we believe, without any one except ton, hut that of the. too celebrated William Austin, have suc cessively ret ired from her service ; and their places have been supplied—by whom ? by footmen and couriers, taken out of livery to be adorned with the star f Saint Caroline, and promoted from be hind her chair 19 be seated at her side as the cainpanions of her amusement. Again—The Queen’s Ilauoveria>» —*■ English enemies which she talks abou . irio'ht excite false rumours or suspicions of In-r conduct, among those who were not witnesses of that conduct ; but could they have poisoned the minds and deceit ed the eyes of the peasantry of the Mi lanese, who saw the Queen every d»v, and who never, probably, had heard tbit she had any enemy > All these observations have proceeded on the supposition that the Queen is inno cent of the last offence, and we think w have shown that innocence of that kind is not enough, and that tire scandal which she has unfortunately occasioned, is of it self a moral and political offence suffici ent to justify her removal from that sta lion which contributes, in some degree, to tlnf ottencc itself. But,we beg leave not to be understood as asserting the wieen’s inherence, even in the meaning above alluded to. W. really know nothing ol the matter. We have seen, of course, none of the evi dence ; but from all we have heard fy-m Italy, we see reason to tremble at the 11a tore of the charges which may be pro duced, and to wonder at the folly and rashness which has involved the Queen in such an investigation. But, we repeat it, we do not think-that the fact of adultery is necessary to lie proved; indiscretions and levities and a flrud-repulatiou are in mir pinion quite enough to justify the meas ures which are said to be iu contempla tion ; ami if this be so, is it not still pus-, s hie.to save public morals and decency Inna the shock which an enquiry into all the supposed details of this afflicting case, is too likely to give ? 1 h.s would be our wish: but if the Queen stands on her right and her inno cence, and insists on a trial—o trial she must have! But surely such a trial need not go into all the uetails of her four years peregrinations; and, we should think, as much as jqstica would require, might be 1 produced without any very serious of fence to (Ulicacy—not more so, certainly, lha:i an oiUinary Grim. Con. trial. For instance, sijppi.se it were proved that an Indian lacquey, called Bergamo, entered the Queen's service as a livery servant, and that li ■ soon afterwards appeared in the quality of her Chamberlain, and be came the ultimate companion of her do mestic society; would not that be quite enough to found a bill of separation upon; ana such a fact is this can be inquired into—p.oveji or disproved—without any Ve.y indelicate disclosures. But even if this, or sorae such fact, should not he enough, tluge arc oiher circumstances, currently reported in Italy, which would he abundant proof before a Jury in an or dinary case, and which might be asserted or disproved without any gross indecen cy. SVe have known Judges, on the Bench tell Counsel in Criin. Con. ca.u-s, that they had gone far enough, and we have known Counsel sponunijnsly restrain in decences when they thought enough nad been proved. Why should this wise and decent principle not be extended in this case? W’e see but one reason' against such a course; and it is this, that the ig norant, and foolish and factious partisans ■if the Queen, (whom Hiey hate as Queen, though they extol her for the sake of mine-fief) mil, to serve their own purpos es, clamour fur what they call a lull and Ikir trial—iu other word! for in entire •I V ■' ■ ■ ' Ui'lMr ■ exposure} which we think can neither be necessary to the case, not, whether she be innocent, or whether she be guilty, ad vantageous to the cause of the Queen. Again and again we beg it so be reni.nn iered, thattlris investigation is of the see ing of the Queen herself and her advis es—on them now lies tire whole respons oiliiy; and unless all that we have heard ie disproved, or explained in away which re-do not now foresee, a most iuieaueui. HEsroNSimi-iTY it is!! ! Female Influence. It is well known that the Task, the most classical and most admired of all Cowper’s works, was written at the particular re quest of as- - male friend. Perhaps it is qol so generally known, that to the same source we are indebted for Milton’s sublime poem of Paradise Lost. Milton, when a student at Cambridge, was extremely handsome— One day in the summer, overcome with heat, and fatigued with waiting, he laid himself down at the foot of a tree and slept. During his sleep two ladies passed by ma carriage. The beauty of the young stu dent, attracted their attention ; they got out of their carriage, and after having'con templated his beauty some lime withim l his waking, the youngest lady , who was very handsome, took a pencil from hei 1 pocket and wrote some lines on a piece of paper, and tremblingly put them into bis hand. The ladies then returned to their carriage, anti passed on. Milton’s fellow students, who were seeking for him, ob served this silent scene at u distance, with out knowing it to be him who was sleep ing; on approaching and knowing their associate, they waked him, and told him what had. passed. Me opened the paper which was in ins read, to his great astonishment, these hues from Qua rina; Occhi Stella mortal! Minis)i i de niici muli, Ic chinsi m’ucedite, Apperii che (arete? Which may be thus translated—" Bea utiful eyes! mortal stars! authors of my misfortune ! if ye wound, being closed, what would ye do if open ?’’ This strange adventure awakened Mil ton’s sens'bility; and from that moment, full of the desire of finding the unknown fair, he some years afterwards travelled through Italy. His ideas (if her (says our author) worked incessantly ou his imagi nation, and to this incident is England chiefly indebted for Paradise Lost CRRONICLE. * .YYtiXJftTA, Tuesday Mohnino, SF.PT. 12, 1320 For the Chronicle. To Thos. Tv. Cobb, Esq. Sin, IT is with no considerable degree of reluctance that I address you in this 1 public mariner—in fact, it is much again*' l my 'inclination to d<r rt at «i» i more parti •uWj when tlie- subject is of a political nature; but the circumstances which call , me forth are such 1 cannot withstand, and I must -e’en do it “with what appetite I may.”—For I cannot look tamely on, and see you again a candidate for .Congress, and not use every exertion to thwart your views. I declare to yon, I have no per sonal prejudices to gratify—no interested natives in assailing you—for l am not \ our personal enemy—nor by declaring myself your political one, Can 1 serve myself or fiends. With your domestic character 1 uiye nothing to do; nor will I advance one 1 charge against yon in which your private feelings might be injured. My accusations are of a public nature, and as’such can be easily substantiated—and, those facts known,. 1 am fully persuaded tlie people ’ of Georgia are too enlightened to support a man whose political sentiments differ as i much as yonr’s do, or appear to do, from 1 a true Ifepublican form of government. The charges that I shall bring against yon, your supporters may alledge are bv this lime out of date ; but let nie remark 1 to you that no palliative, but a change ol principles, can avail you—and vim nothing but a revolution of your whole system of 1 politics can you hope to regain the height 1 from which you have fallen.' You have , fi y ed long enough in the world to know - that there is generally no medium in puli i deal judgment; and that it is allowable to • put the worst construction on the public . acts of men, and paint in its most hedious . colours the motives which have influenced . them. Hut.str, I shall depart from that stan dard, Sc view with as charitable an eye as 1 possible those parts of your conduct which , 1 shall -animadvert on.' Before I proceed further, let me ask you a few questions though somewhat foreign to the main sub . jeCt, 1. Have you not, at different times, in 1 speaking oj the military character of the i Estate, mentioned our voluiltee soemtions t contemptuous uml * ' nvuiti#)'• ; implying Ly your -words ana .nuer that toey -werlmiot such soldiers as could hope to , face an enemy with honor ? 2d. Have you nut explicitly said there suns 1 too much military ardor iu the Slate, on 1 pahAiiu 011 oun ns— but, 111 fortunately fas you observedJl/uit ardor was curried no fur -1 ther than parade grounds ? Lastly. —Have you not e.i ulliugiy boasted, in your oson elegant and forcible language, 1 “ that you could remain at Athens, and ■without an effoit be re-elected to Congress 1 That you had Georgia under your thumb, and, that ere long she should be under now ■ FEET”? 3 And now, Sir, to the point The open , a.id avowed stand which you have took 1 against the hero of Orleans, during tlie . kite discussions on the subject of tlie Semi, note tVdr, in the Hall of Congress, which, ihougli it forms a prominent feature in your political life, and is well known, yet your motive for so Using is a mystery to many—hut to those who have heard your private opinions on the subject it is none— it is the main' spring of your life ; it is the polar star ol your existence —an inordinate yearning after a time serving Popularity • 1 How, (you may ask) could your being , an enemy to the Protector of the frontier of Georgia, raise yon in the esteem of 1 your Constituents ? I will answer you—At the time of the conjunction of the Geoi - gia and Tennessee troops, it was whisper, ed, (but I cannot say how correctly) that lucre was an evident partiality ahuwn by tittu. Jackson to the troops or Ui» Ist.or state; and in a Few It created a dislike to the man, whom a few days before they cried up as a deity,—but by those who con sidered the subject properly, and admitted the report to be true, no blame could be, or was attached, to him. Those troops 'had followed him more than once to'the field of battle—they had been taught by him to compter or die—they v r ere the sol diers who had procured him the laurel crown—and they were the heroes by wnose valor he had subdued the. toes of his country. Imprest with these ideas in their favor, is it io be wondered at, that he should evince a small degree of parti ality to them ?—Certainly not. IS.it your conclusions were drawn from what would be its consequence on your o\vii mind--- you considered that it would render him unpopular with those Georgia’Troops un der his command; and who, drawn from the different parts of the would on their return home spread wide their disaf fection. Had this been the case, yonr cal culations would nave been just, lint were deceived —the oasis of four argu ment was wrong, and yonr deductions, in consequence, incorrect. Th r people of Georgia possessed more «ibeiality of sentiment- T/ieyi could not hale a man fora iiUfe allowable attach ment to troops under such circumstances —and that man, the one w.ljo li-.d healed the wounds of their bleeding frontier- — hud saved hundreds of families trom per ishing by the blood thirsty' tomahawk of their merciless foes —it was impossible —U was unnatural ! It was not therefore, the Spirit ofFatrio tism that made you rally on die side of his enemies.—lt was not the fear of the Con stitution being in danger that sp.riicd you , up to attack him—No, sir, it was neither. It was the love of popularity. —It was the wish of ingratiating yourself with the citi zens of Geoigia, and thereby securing to yourself a return to Congress And, to show more fully that this was the case, and that you could have no olher motive for your conduct, I leave only to remark, that before your starling for Congress, and I suppose, before yon had heard that Jack son was biased towards his Tennessee Troops, J’ou declared freq icntiy, mat he hud acted perCec Iy co. rect, aVI that he deserved the thanks of the Slate, for Ins great services. If such w.«» your opinion, what Sir,could have in ’ucedyou to alter it? It wo J(!d he needless to enter into a dis cussion of the principles on >vlhch you took your stand against ilie “ Man of Or leans.’ 1 Your arguments have been f liy refuted before; and his conduct has been successfully defended by abler ptpis than' mine.—lt is the motives of your conduc 1 am enquiring into.' On your return, find ing _your conduct had created a genera sensation of dislike, which, to tin former one on the subject of the Com pensation bill, precluded the idea of your returning, at least till the fermentation ot the public mind had subsided—you de clared you would decline a re election— why you have altered your mind is not worth an enquiry—hut I suppose, you thought your former conduct was like a “ tale of other times,” forgotten. But as, precursor to your offering yourself- a candidate, you considered something was necessary to bring vaur merits in full view, hu-t'rx, -.1.- viose of tbi! late session ; and as nothing better o fie led, you were induc ed to bring, forward tne long neglected Claims of Georgia on the General Govern ment, and move the appropriation of cer sums. &c. for the purpose of paying llu purchase of Indian Titles to lands belong ing to the State. This was, no douiy, til. most likely thing to bring you forward— hut why was the subject left till almost the last day of the setting ?—Was it no; that it might be fresh in the memory at the coming election, which made you de fer it ?—Alas, you are unfortunate in ail your ma tttnvres. The wreath with which you expected to encircle your brows, mu. like to have been snatched Irom you Your long anticipated harvest had like u> have been reaped by another band—for i was not’till Governor Clauk, who had, no doubt, wailed patiently for the motion, had forwarded his communication to the Fresident on the subject, that you were f weed, even at that late day, to bring it before the Mouse—and thereby saved yom distance by a few hours. That this wa:i the case, you cannot have the hardihood to deny—and that you were actuated by motives of political dishonesty, no one can have the least doubt. If you hud wished those claims to be satisfied, as a r of interest to the Stale of Georgia, you had merely time enough during this tong ses sibn'io bring them forward; and would have had ample room to have displayed your material powers—to what advantage those in the habit of reading your sjreeclis need not be told. Had not inis been the case, I believe even yonr best friends will allow you would let an opportu nity pass, so long, to the detriment of that talent you are so vain of; and which, on more than one occasion, you have taxed to so bad a purpose. 1 will not ai this time aiiirtiadverf any further ou your eventful Congressional career—it lias not been such as could meet the approbation ot your constituents. I would thereto]e ad vise you to withdraw your name—nor seek lor the honors of a worsted candidate—to lay aside those gaudy hopes you have fos tered, and seek in comparative obscurity, the only means you have of being remem bered as a political character without hate tmd disgust. Before 1 conclude 1 must repeat to you, that 1 am not y our personal enemy ; and it is only for the po. liiical honor of the State that 1 wish your seat to be filled by one who will, at least, possess more consistency of character than you have shown—and act from worthier motives than those I believe you have been’ inspired with. For I contend that the man who could wish to sink the high chi valerous character, and splendid talents of General Jackson —and who could condemn trim for the efforts he made to place our bleeding frontier in safely— merely ur gam himself popularity by Haltering the supposed illiberality of his constituents is not the man wiio can represent the high minded and independent Georgians in o ur National Legislature. __ _____ <*• Tennessee. —‘•Fending the discussion of the Loan Office or Bunk Bill, during the Legislature of Tennessee, u memorial w.f presented fiom a number of citizens oi Tennessee; among whwin was General A Minx w Jackson. The memorial was so pointed, by an allusion to the oaths of the members, as to offend a, majority of the legislature, which was sht wn,hy a >ote of the Senate A bill establishing a town 1 1>> the ntae of Juthm, wm ummuM by the petitioner?? il ° f J t O.S treatment this high-handed breacW ?***l nghtm petition and ! the legislature. U IXrr HiiiJ 11)6 above ‘ho Na ! ion:di,Sy fwe | opportunity to correct ff M Messrs. Gales & S e -n* an er *>« gislature of Teime, ced in the lion S( . ’ ulil ß which there was m. /fl'J 111 die progress* Mr*.'! 1 *** V was Ailed in S Se f n t ,e Mill «* “• mini nife; '[■ ber. stated that “thV ! , h * General Jackson (Wsm-l! r ,« lature of Tennessee *)., '1 power to perpetuate h 'll I town the bill froiid.jJl h orn .t. situation, never C J place of importance; and t ■ wished to reserve the n "■ so that it might be a hose advantage,,,,, I down to posterity, ll, en "■ who had rendered to i.i 8 , I importantk.-rviees-l.; S* Unit Jackson be stricken ■ dotal Fort be ,insert,-d -V llie vote of the house ,s i Urn b-II was sent to the its third reading there, dm* understanding why t , e ,■ burn made, reinstated Jadol a message from the liwis/B reason of the ah; *. ion, ml therein di J . bill, as amended, becam- I is the slate of the case, el gathered from a perusal of| ings ot the Tennessee legishl A/| Mrs. ALLS TON.—In the 1 ume, page 311, we copied fj pap, j lp | ludy, said to haie been yiv-1 under tile sentence of death I Accounts from that city nowa| no such confess,on ever vasal L-d'-ed, soon .-fertile pidvJ -tale we though' it untru-.froml staled by a mueli esteemed isl fortune it was to be a prisoner! Vdmiral W.ipi.n’s ship, rl m’. go. I believe) While On board, he frequent]! oHictrs spi ak of Mrs. a thiol toe admiral had given up his I that slie was extremely glad « man on board the ship, a wife, w ho whs ordered to r litß hat a female'dumestic who I her. was afraid to have the pjl the officer who had charge I was much joked with an r.cc- il Not being particularly iateJ case, he made no special erql certainly appears that the pil captured by 'he British, ami I ■ly was treated with great ■ sent away, after being si me til tlie Admiral’s ship. This all I the matter; but it is s’ttKcu J Hie story that the crew of tlul after being “ two or three ill rose upon the captain, &c. A| lie lady may have a refeiencl i lemau alluded to, through (I his paper. .Vile’s lIM Mr. Samuki Rkicili.xsich.l deman,.arrived at tins place! since. Wc understand lie is! Company in Switzerland, taa here with the intention of ul large tract of land in this 11 ie purpose offoiniingiiStfisA ,He contemplates making a I Winter’s Grant, on the A kail rib can ascertain the title to! As soon as lie can edict a si chase,.we understand he «■ from 1 oto lOuU fatrilies ! hrelliren, Jrkm SPI HIT 'OFMOBOCm We understand that dutil session of the Circuit Court il Coiistt, many of the peupll strong disposition ft) resist 1 rather the decrees 041o 41 die fl circumstances of the cus '-' a, | been related to us, are brunyl The Circuit Court fur AJ cnnnnenced its session at Rl that county on the day ot t;w lection. During the two rl Court sat but a small pari -I yielding to the pe-iplt the re| lime to conduct the eie-tuurJ day while the Court w-sui cecdings were internipted rums riot or afli , .iy,.m whiciial ble number was engaged. I In the course of the v’cekj found against the most ac V v Jl .of them were tifraighvd, tn'<>l guilty by'the jury, wh-nt j»il inclined to assess their u|ie s l pably below the magnitude at oiie of them not being my'^ 1 , His honor Jwige Sart-ihh c ' ll lines inadequate to the c , n ' Ht the prisoners to 30 days i "P r ; the goal of Fr,ml.lh' coun’y tence WkS ianuediately rain cution. . After the prisoners were large col led ion of people near the Judge’s quarters, P h ingu*ie.ermination to ,co m lent Outrage ; and by tlv 11 ' lilude and turbulent condu of the Judge or*' the log 3 ' ll^ agaol was supposed to e their vengeance. , . ver, w ithout moving from ■ ing position, sent in a nics inflammatory petition' 0 * C J linp.ur r»thirdemam|mg none... The Judge .mn-ej*; back the petition to y* e ' J presented it,‘and mf un " , shoutd not interfere "'*['. tliu court, intimating buna! for the fii?nt»* ol ’ . appeal to, would be twg mg the funciious °F r * n a continued until a ( diatierard without comm'* 1 fence. The covered tne aoor of A broken open during ' ufa •*" *SU « large. When ‘fi'* knowledge of ,1 | e f . write to be J® . I end wiM» Wl«b wbf