Newspaper Page Text
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gageroeltl itli tbethstled States, the Engl*!*
Cabinet reluctantly yielded, and iheu carat) the
moat odious feature in this transection, •that
which has sharpened the intellect of the opposi
tion. to discover dishonoi, in truth, and* want
of dignity, inn frank exposition -of 'tacts, »<»
crowning success. Mr. McLano and Mr. Van
Buren, under treuornl Jackson, succeeded mst
fecting an object of public solicitude, that Mr.
Adams, and Mr. Clay, and Mr. Gallatin, and
Mr. Dsiboui could not obtain. The country
Was humiliated by the preceding administration
without success; hence the charge against Mr.
Van Buren; hence, the overwhelming anxiety to
prove, that the success of the lute negotiation
has been ourchased by humiliation. The British
Cabinet desired not to make the arrangement,
it interfered with great local interests, and if
they could, without a manifest and unjust dis
tinction to out prejudice, they would have de
clined admitting the United Stales to (ho privi
leges granted to tho other maritime powers.—
Not satisfied with his condemnation of Mr. Van
Boren's instructions, the Senator from Kentucky
attempts to shew us, by referring to another let
ter of instinotions, how this affair should have
Irean conducted consistently with his ideas of
Oational honor snd dignity, ihe letter Ironi
which he has read, to the Senate, extracts, is, 1
think, signed H. Clay. Will the Senator tell us
who ia responsible for it 1 It lie is, then he ex
hibits himself in tho singular position of a map
triumphantly contrasting the work of hi* own
hand, with that, of a rivnl author. The Senator
knows that there were two other insiiuctions,
written by himself, ofu subsequent date, one to
Mr. Gallatin after Congroas failed to legislate,,
and another to Governor ‘Barbour, neither of
which is before us, and therefore, not to be con
trasted with Mr. Van Buren’s woik, lam con
tent to nbiJk by the result of a contrast of the.
instructions he has condemned, with those Iw
has quoted, I-et us see how (lie gentleman's!
tetter will stand the test of'examination. Mr.
■Gallatin, ho says, was not instructed to abandon
A right; wetvoio lobe at liberty ala more eon
veiniint season to resume il. Mr. Gallatin was
to give a sl.ong proof of our desire to conciliate
by a temporal y concession of what wo hud pre
viously claimed tlcoiighoiil the whole negoti i
tion. Was Mr. Gallatin instructed to say to the
British Government, this is a Umpunny ranees
stun f No, Sir, lie was authorized to waive the
claim ari l make an arrangement on the B ii ish
basis. Tut this into plain language, and wliat
tv as it; sit ip il of ils diplomatic drapery and vei ■
binge, and n is neither mo n nor less ihiin an a
bandonmonl of a pretension which, though we
had supported by argument, wo were resolved
not to enforce by power. Hir, lies covering up
of ii plain tinth I* (ho oommoii trick ol diploma
cy :it deceives no one, find had M s . Gallatin pre
hunted jhoso Corn iliatoiy concessions, they must
have been received as a viitual and total üban
donmunl of oar pretension. The honeyed words
ul tight, waived fioin a conciliatory spit it, and
with the hopeofcorres; Gilding friendly disposi
tions, would have berm received with
lurking in the olficial—artificial smile oi a
thorough-bred diplomatist. Tho Senator insist*,
iiowuver, it was a right and not a pretension.
If it was a light, why was il Waived or sniren
derod 7—For conciliation sake. Mhy, sii, we
wore the offended parly —England had taiinted
us. F.ngland had refused one*, twice, tin ice to
tiegoliale, and yet to conciliate England, we
were waiving a well giminded light, bor what
purpose were wo thus conciliatingJ lo place
the trade on its present fooling, tolhe great in
jn y of the navigation and eoiiimeicii ol the I m
ted Stales. —Hneh i* tint view now taken by sev
nral honorable Senators who have lavored ns
With ihoir opinion on tins subject. The present
Administration waived no light lor conciliation
hake ; sue rift' od no principle. It stood upon ilic
truth, and the truth only ; end whatever may he
the custom of others, and the ordinal y usage* of
diplomacy, the Adniinistiation was right. Na
lions fold themselves in the robes ol lalschood,
ami nvoll and strut in vum —to preserve un an
of ugnity and deco,urn. No nation ever was
just lo its own character, or prosoivml us digni
ty, that did not stand at nil times holme (he
wo-Id, in the sober and simple ga,h ol l.utli.—
Sh, the character of our diplomacy h,s under
gone am i ked change; ive are no longer pie
lendeis lo skill and a.lilice: all mu wiles are
facts, and reasons all our artifice, truth and jus
tice. The Honorable Senator tells in lh u this
illsliueliutl is false, or else il prove* Mr. \ . 11. lo
have been ciminally igiioiaui ol what it was his
duly to know.
1 low does he make this appear I lie alleges
that -Mi. V It. obliged the lain administration
well ticing thcjirsl lo advance the pretension il
fuhsoipumliy abandoned —and this lie declan s
as untrue, the pretension was set up before the
late ii-liiiinislratiuii Caine into povvei. Now, Mr,
(is I isail this j arngiaph, Mr. \. B. does not
se the late ailminhliulum with being the
* ima ilvatiee tin* pretension. '1 he Hi uatoi
*-c*'t”-*jle,:l ll,i« n u letter lo Mi. McEme,
Ajjl-.yi.-sonal knowledge is appealed to, .am*
. * have iindeistood the waiter as alluei
siuft ,!p, of general noloiiety, the wo.rls uie
Cti fry ,t i Jirst ildeaue.cti. ' have suhse
T’CHamloned. Call any mail mist ike the
meaning perfeedy m accordanee
.7 . h-.]*--■sOaiusioii was udvaneeil
f r .ie tact I lliepir?V . __ _ r 1
*• jf Me use of the famous UsfciUlietr.., *ur act ol
Congress. An act known to liave tieen penned
by Mi, A,lams, who had previously occupied
the gionnd covered by it, in his nislruolions lo
Mr. Kush. It was Mr. Adams who lirsl ad v am;,
old and abandoned this gunnel. Hie credit or
the odium, whichever term belongs in justice
to llm act, atluuhos to Mr. Adams, and so Mr.
Mel .mio-eou d only have, undeislood il, oid so
must the Senator from Kentucky, it ho exam
ines with a desire to understand it in the spun
•of the author. There are consider ations con
nected with Mr. V. (•!. jfl deemed it consistent
With Ins honor, that 1 could present to those that
hcai me, that would not lad to make a deep im
prvsstun upon their minds. But 1 ask i o rc
membraneu ut his forbearance, no recollection i
of his magnanimity, I appeal lo no one to imi
tfle Aiv mlhlnrss, and camlrty, uml l.imlm ss
in Ins derailment here, noi to judge him, a- In
judged ki.c cinch for fame and power, I vie
maud fur him, nothing but justice —b ush—liaisb i
justice,
REMARKS OF MR. WEBSTER,
os no, second nxv.
Mr. Wnßsihßsaid, m reply to some rcmoiks ■
of M., Fullsi rti, that it was, m Ins judgment, a
great mistake, to say, that what was now cad, 0 ‘
the American ••pretension,” oiigmatod with Mr. t
Adams,oillie: as Pi csidonl oi Secretary ol Stale.
By die Way, it is silignlni enough that ihe .-tun:-
rican side of tin. question, is called, in the in- i
street ions before ii.-, a pretension, 100 long i or
aisled in-; bill tho Uriush side of il is ,ale I a I
too long, and too tenaciously resisted by i
its. This cou teous mode of s, coking ol the t
claims of a foreign Govermnenl, ami this re- |
pruaebt ul mode ol speaking of the claims of out
own, iscc.laiuly somcvvlial novel in dquoinacy.
But, nhelher il be called respectfully, a claim,
or i opro.icbfuliy, a pretenswu, il did not origi.
naio with Mr. Adams. It had a much oinhei
origin. Tins “pretension,” now abandoned,
won so mucb scuru, oi lias claim, said, reproach
fully, to have been lust set up by the lale ad
ministration, originated with George Washing
ton. Ho put his own band to n. He insisted
un it; and lie would not treat with England, on
the sunjevt of the colonial trade, without con
sul eung it:
In ins instructions lo M , Morris, under bis
own hand, in October, 17J9, President Wash
ing ion says—
tUc.tt he strongly impressed on your mind,
that the prieilege of currying our productions. to ■
our vessels, to thrir islands. and bringing in rc
turn the productions of those islands to our own 1
po r ts amt markets, is recorded lure as of thi
highest importance; and you trill he careful nut '
to countenance any idea qfovrdienensi.ua with
** »** • treaty, el tcertain, ifpostmc, thtir views i
t
SBSSSSSSSS HBBjggSgMBggsggBi
'
on this subject; ran it would hot be expedient
TO COtIIWSCE BKCOCIATIO.SS WITHOUT PBEVIOUS
LT HXVINO good K FASO NS TO EXPECT A SATISFAC
TOBY TtRMtSATION or THEM.”
Ohsy.rve, Sir, that President Washington, in
thege instiuctious, ia not speaking of lire empty
and futile right ofnending our own vessels, with
uuteargouc, lo the Unli-li Westlndies; but he
■is speaking of the substantial right of carrying
our own products lo the islands, for sale and
consummation there. And whether these pro
ducts were shut out hy positive act of Pa'lia
nient, or by a tariff of duties, absolutely and ne
'coisarily jirohibitory, could make no ditreienee.
The object was to provide, by treaty, if it could
lie done, that our products should find their way,
effectually and profitably, into the markets <d
iho "British West Indies. This was General
Washington's object. This was the “ pretension' ’
whioii he set up.
Il is well known, Sir, that no aalisfictory nr
rangement Was made, in General Wa-lniiglon s
lime, reHjiocting our trade with ■ lie It iti-h \V csl
Indies. But 11 io breaking out of die I rein h Re
volution, and Ihe wars which il occasioned, were
onuses, winch of themselves, opened the po is
us iho West Indies. Duiing the lung continu
ance of those wars, our vessels, with , a goes ol
our own products, found their way into die B, it
hli West India Islands under a practical relaxa
tion of the Biitish Colonial System. While this
condition of things lasted, we did very well
without « paiticnla r treaty. But when the Eu
ropean wars, and our war, all ceased, then
Great Hiilain returned lo her former system;
then the Islands became shut against us, and
then it became necessary to treat on the subject.
And, Sir, wo proposed to treat; our ministers
were, successively, hist,tinted to treat, fiom
■ that time forward. And, Sir, I undertake lo
say, that noithir Mr. Madison, who was then
President, nor Ins successor, Mr. Monroe, gave
’ any authority or permission to any Ameiicaii
Minister in abandon this pretension, and give n
up, or oven In waive it, or postpone it, and make
a tie ,ty without providing for it. No such thing.
On tho contrary, it will appear, I think, if we
look through papers which have been sent te
the Menaln, that under Mr. Madison’s adminis
tration, <nir Minister in England was fully in
slinoted on this subject, and expected to press
it. Ami as lo Mr. Monroe, I have means ot
being informed, in a manner not liable to mis
lake, that be was, on this subject, always immo
vable. He vv until not negotiate vv ithoiit treating
un tins It alieli of the trade: nor did I ever un
deisland, that, in regard to this matter, there
was any difference of opinion whatever, among
llie gentlemen who composed Mr. Monroe's
enhineu Mr. Adams, us Secretary of Stale,
wiote the despatches and the instructions; but
iho policy was the policy of iho whole nilminis
irulmn, as far as I ever understood, Oertuin il
is, il was the si.-lt'inl and determined policy ol
Mr. Monioe himself. Indeed, Sir, so far is il
liom being line, that this pretension originated
with Mr. Adams, that il was in Ins adniiiiistia
lion that, tor the li. si limn, permission was given,
under viny peculiar circumstances, and vviih in
slrnclions to negotiate a treaty, waiving this part
of the question. This has been already alluded
in, and lolly explained, by the honorable mum
Inn from Kentucky.
So, then, Si- , this pntension, asserted in the
instructions to have linen Ii st set up hv the Inti
niliiiiiiistiaiion, is shown to have had President
\\ iishinglon for its author, and to have received
ihe countenance of every President who had oc
casion load on the subject, Com 17r!) down lc
Ihe time of the present administration.
But this is not all. Congress itself lias sane
tinned the same “pretension.” The act of tin
Ist March, m ikes it an express condition
n mi which, arid n on which alone, our ports
s iall be o, oiled to British vessels and cargoes
'(Om the West Indies, on the s one ilnlics as our
vessels uml ca goes; that our products should
he adutitle.il into those islanils, u il/wiil pitying
any other or higher duties limn shall he paid on
si mil a r productions ruining from elsnc/ii re. All
tins vvih he seen hy rolb o-ieo lo tbo ihu d section
of that act. Now, tom. inker. Sir. (hut this act
of Congress, passed in Ma ch, lS2d, two yea;>
before the commencement of Mr. Adams' ad
ministration. Tho act o.igmatiul in ihe Senate.
The honoiable Senaloi (Voin Maryland who has
spoken on this subject i<> d iy, (Mi. Suitii,)
was then a memhe- of the Sinai , and look pun
m the discussion of ibis veiy bill; and he sin
polled it and volod for it. Ii passed hoili Houses
vv it limit material opposition in either. Now,
Sir, how is it possible, after ; ofu r ng to tins law
ul isaa, to find any a, ulogy lb, ilm usseition
cniilainuil in these mst notions, that this claim is
u a idciiMon to si set up hy Mi. Adams’ adniiiiis.
trillion. lli»vv is it possible that this law could
have linen ova. looked, or not reiiiemlieicul? In
short, Hir, with any tolerable acquaintance with
the history of i|,e negotiations of the United
Status or their legislation, how arc wo to account
lor il Dial such an a sertnm as these insliucliuns
contain, should have found its way inlolliunit
Bui Ihe honoi aide member from Georgia ask'
why wo lay all this to I lit*, c.haigo ot tho Socic
lary, and m>t lo tho charge of Ilm President
The answer is, the President's conduct is mil
before us. We aie not, and cannot heroine hi.
' an V
eomlncl winch gave cause for accu
siilion. Bui Iho Soorolary is Indieo us. Not
brought before ns by any aid ofoins: ho is plac
od Indore ns hy the President's nonnnation,—
tin that iioininalion we cannot decline load.—
Wo nnisi oilhor eonli.m oi reject it. As to the
noimn licit tho Seen lary of Slate was lint the
instalment of the President, and so not respon
sible for 'hose insliiiclioiis, 1 reject, at once, all
such didonco, excuse, or :q ologv, or vvlialevei
olso it may ho called. If iho.o he any thing in a
public despatch derogatory to the honor ofifi,
country, as I think there is in this, it is oiionab
b r me, that I sue whose hand is to it. It’it
s nd, that the signer was only an instrument in
the hands ofolhuis. I reply, that I cannot con
cur in eonl'eriing a high public diplomatic tins'
on anyone who lias consented, iindei any ch
cnmslaiicos to he an Instrument, m such a case.
The honorable nioinbo. t om (icengia asks,
also, why we have slept on this subject, and
vv" v. at rids bile day. wo In leg forward com*
pi lints. Sir, nobody lias slept upon it. Hinco
tln-so iiisitnotions have been made public; there
Inis been no previous ojq oidunily lo discuss
them. Tlie lummable meuibci will recollect,
that the whole arrangement with England was
done and completed htftore ever these instiuc*
lions saw the light. The President opened the
trade by his proclamation, in October, I SUE Iml
these instructions wore Hot publicly sent to Con
gross till afterwards, that is, till January, 1 Hbl,
And ihov wore not then sent, with any view that
edhei House should act upon the Mi' ject, fin the
whole business was already settled. For one.
1 never saw the instructions, nor liemd them
read, till January, IHIII ; nor did I ever bear
them spoken of as containing these obnoxious
passages. Tins, then is the fust opportunity
for l onsidoiiiig these instruclii ns.
That they have been subjects of complaint out
doors since they were made j üblie, and of much
severs animadvcision, is certainly tree. But,
until now, there never has been an op; oilnmiv
naturally calling for their discussion hero. The
honorable gentleman may he assured that if
such occasion had presented itself, il would have
been embraced.
1 entirely forbear, Mr. President, freni going
into the mei its of the lale arrangement with
England, as a measure of commercial ;olicy.—
Another time will come, 1 tuist, more suitable
li't that discussion. For the present, 1 confine
myself strictlv to such parts of the instructions
as I think mainly objectionable, and rejirehen
stvp, w hatever may bo the diameter of die a-•
greeinent between us ami England, as mailer of
obey. And 1 repeat, sir, that I place Iho justi
fication of my v ote on the jutrty tone, and purti, '
detractor of iheae instructions. Let us ask, i'
-j. li considoiatiotis us tin.’so are lobe addressed
to a foreign -government, what is that /errign
(jeavrftmvit tv ripest in return ? Tho Mmisters
CljfOJlfCjfA
r of foreign CourtH will not bestow gratuitous fa
- vers, oor even gratuitous smiles, on American
* j.nrties. What, then, I repeat, is to (icthcrcturn’’
What is parti/ to do here, foi tliat foicign gov
n emment, winch has done, is expected to do, or
y is asked to do, something for partyherel What
■- is to he tire consideration paid dor this foreign
e favor 7 Sir, must not every man see, that any
g mixture of such causes, or motives, in our for
i eign intercourse, is as full afdanger, as it is of
- dishonor.
Note. —The circumstances Hid not occur to
- Mr. Webster’s recollection at the moment he
was speaking, hut the truth is, that Mr. Van Hu
ll ren was himself a member of the Senate, at the
, very lime of the passing of this law, and Mr.
-I Mcl.ane was, at the same time, a member of
I the i louse of Representatives, So that Mr. Van
Huron did, himself, certainly concur in “setting
this pretension,” two years before Mr. Ad
-1 rrms became President.
s j ( To he < 'onlenur.il.)
j|_ AUGUSTA:
u i: i > v i :si> a V7ri:n it ua « vT.%isas.
%i Be jutl % and fear not
C O MM U.Mt'AT KJ>,
I WASHINGTON’# UIRTII-DAY.
The Committee of Arrangements for the Ce
il lebration of the 2'dd of February, being the Cen-
I tennial Anniversary oflhe Hirlh-day of the illus-
J tr ious Washington, announce to the public that a
s Procession will bo formed,in frontoflho U.Slalcs
ir Hotel, at half past 10 o’clock, A. M. under the
° command ofCapt. A. Gumming, as Marshal of
" the rlay, anil will proceed from thence to the
„ Presbyterian Church, where, after the usual ro
il hgious exorcises, the Farewell Address will he
e read by Hr. 1,. I>. Ford, and un Oialien delivor
ed by Augustus H, Lonosi meet, Esq.
u As usual, the Pews on each side of the centre
i- aisle, will be reserved for the Military, and the
1 Gallery for the iS7. Cecilia Society, who have
,f kindly consented to aid in the Celebration.
, The order of procession will he as follows;
'■ Volunteer Corps,
General Officers and Staff,
u Officers es the (J. States Army,
g Orator and Reader,
Reverend Clergy,
,[ Magistracy of the City and County,
i Citizens.
1 A Fcdoral Salute will he fired at sun-rise
-I, 1
noon, and sun-set,
,1 U-J Revolutionary Soldiers, and lire Magistra
i- cy oflhe City and County are respectfully in
h vited to join the procession.
I
’J If El* IIIINE \ TATJON.
In the House of Roprcscnlatives, ofCongress,
on '.he Ist inst.—the hill for the apportionment ol
e ropiesent.ttion being under consideration—the
i( 'tat oof 48,000 was struck out, and that of-14,01)11
'l adopted, by a vote of 118 to 'JO. This, should if
finally he adopted by both llousas, will give
ii Georgia vine representatives, with a fraction ol
lilt 811, and increase the whole number of rep
esenlativcs, to 25!).
UNITED .STATUS hank.
s We recommend to the attention of the rea
r dor, the aide remarks of “ A Citizen,” in relu
d tion to the Lulled States Hank. They are from
* a mind well skilled in the subject, and no less
H distinguished for its integrity and fearless indc
ii pendune.e, than its general intelligence—and,
from tho great importance of the subject, at the
1 resmi lime, and the capability of tbe writer to
. <k> it justice, will bo found worthy of a careful
s mrusal—as well the present, as the succeeding
> numbers.—“ A Subscriber,” who propounded
some queries to us, a few days ago, (which will
s he answered as catly as other duties will permit)
i will find much in them of the information he culls
for.
* pith,ic documents.
i 'Vo tender our thanks to Gen. Newnan, Col.
, LaMar, and Mr. Wii.de, of our delegation in
i Congress, lor their kind and polite attention, in
j forwarding to ns, various valuable public doeu
s par ticularly the pamphlets containing the
mformation called for by the Resolutions of Mr.
Kenton, in ,elution to the United Stales Hunk;
which contain much matter for comment, u u d
i tttlorination will be
‘..Ljllfispffte.t; on our return from a temporary ah
sonco from the city, to prepare, among other bu
siness, for the publication ol our fuitbeoming
daily paper. Tho extent of other matter pre
pared for to day, does not permit of our enter
ing u; on the subject at the present lime. We
will barely remark, however, that the ex
hibit of the foreign and domestic stockholders,
and the number cf shares held by each, shews
t eii a single one of the former, oi at least a
single firm (Messrs. Haiu.no, Brothers, & Co.
of London,) holds more shares (04(15! or
.«J()-Ut,500 !I) than all the citizens of seventeen of
•ho Stales of the Union 1! 1 What think you of
this. ] etqile of Georgia, and of the U. States 7
And the number of shares altogether, hold hv
foreigners —apparently all English, with very
few exceptions—is 84,055! amounting la eight
million four hundred anil fire thousand sere hun
dred dollars II while iho President of the Hank,
N. Hiinu.u, holds only 10 shares, or $1000; and,
of the 21! Directors, two own no shares—two,
hut 2 shares each—nvo, but 3 shares each—five,
but 5 shares each—and two, butlO shares each
a decided majority of tho Hoard, 13 to 10, capa
ble of controlling the immense and dangerous
powers of this institution, thus owning onlv 55
shares! And, as one foreign stockholder holds
almost twice as much stock as the whole Hoard
of Directors President and all, might
not that one, to say nothing of all (ho rest, sodis
tribute his stock among fictitious holders, resi
dent in the city of Philadelphia, who would be
eligible as Directors, as to get almost the whole
control of the institution, and financial concerns
of the country, government and all, into his own
bauds, ami thus have power to Completely over
throw the government, in u lime of war 7 Will
the people permit the country it its liberties thus
lobe sold to, and placed under tho control of,
foreigneis 7 It is lime they look to it, at once,
for if they do not, it will soon be too Lite.
UNITED STATES BANK—NO. 1.
Tbe reasons urged by the advocates of the U.
S. Bank, for tho renewal of its Charter, are
■ three, and only three, on which they rely with
any degiee of confidence—which are,
First—That lire U. Si. Bank has equalized Lx
change, between the several States.
Si* end—That it has established, and is nc
i ccssary to maintain, a sound Currency; and
Third—That it is necessary to the financial
J -operations of the Government, for the collection
of its revenue, and the disbursements of its
r funds—which it is said to do without-charge, al
t lowance, or compensation.
11 If, for these reasons, Congress be called upon
y to proscribe the rights of more than twelve rail
,f lions of lire citizens, to grant a monopoly of ex
clusive jiriv-ilegofl to 3,GGB individuals in the U.
0 S. and 474 foreigners—lf, for those reasons,
* the rights of the States are again to bo usurped,
„ and circumscribed, for twenty years—ls, for
•. these reasons, a Charter, worth in the market,
’* twenty millions of dollars, is to be granted to
these individuals, by which they will he enabled,
|. in twenty years, to tax the other citizens of the
United States to the amount of fifty millions of
dollars,besides all the immeasc &. extravagant ex
* penses of their business—l say, and ! think there
is no individual iu this country hut will agree
- with me, that if all these tilings must be done,
_ for these three reasons, they ought at least to he
so well founded, in truth and in fret, as not to
admit of doubt, or question ; and, whilst 1 deny
tbe constitutional power of Congress, or of any
i- other tribunal, thus to trample on the rights of
i- the Slates and of the people, for tbe sake of
i- truth, and to meet the question on their strongest
a grounds, I deny that these masons aro founded,
s in fact. I deny them, one and all—and, unlike
u those who assert their truth, and give no evi
f dence to support it, I will prove them false. In
B doing so, 1 appeal to every individual, before
. whom these remarks may appear, and who lias
e bad transactions wilb tbe Bank and its Branches,
•- to bear testimony to the facts I shall offer—and
to correct them, if unfounded,
e First—Has the U. S. Hank equalized exchange
b between tbe leveial stales?
e It is a principle, self-evident and universal,
that lie who buys more than he sells—or ho who'
consumes more than ho earns—must possess the
capital to pay the dill'emiico, or ids credit will
depreciate and finally he lost—and this principle
is applicable to any number of individuals, whe
ther composing a County, a State, or a Nation.
And the rate of discount on the Exchange, in such
a State, on those from which it receives its sup
plies, is the measure of the excess. Thus, if
, the Stute of Georgia imports a million of dollars
worth more than she exports in produce, this a
, mount must be paid iu specie or its substitute;
|. and in proportion as this substitute is less valua
ble than specie, will the rate of Exchange rise,
and the credit oflhe State depreciate.
If the U. S. Hank, or any other power, under-
s > takes, in such an event, to equalize, the Exchange
in regard la the Slate, there is but one means of
e doing it—which is, to advance the deficit in spe
-11 cic, or something equally acceptable to the cre
-11 ditors, which, by cancelling the debts to the fo
fi rcignois (as regards the State),relieves the pros
>* sure, and redeems the credit.—Has the U. S.
’■ Hank done this, in any instance 7 On tho con
trary, when the Branch was (list established at
Savannah, the produce of the State was im
. mouse iu amount, and exchange was In favor of
. the State—The Ranch entered into a liberal
competition with the State Hanks, and, as its
„ loans were made at 0 instead of 7 per cent, its
. accommodations were extensive to individuals.
Hut, when produce declined from 33 cents to 14
„ cents—when many were actually ruined by this
„ reverse—when the State (or Us citizens) was
1 unable to moot its-engagements—when its crcd
, it depreciated, because the State Banks refused
] to pay specie, or resorted to such subteifugosas
1 ' v °r° equivalent to a refusal (ami if they had
) not, tho ruin would have been much more ex
-3 tensive) —when the creditors of tho State were
most importunate, and exchange at 4 to 7 per
cent, against it—Did the U. S. Bank advance
tho balance of trade, and equalize Exchange?
• .Vo. But she actually demanded and required
" payment from those she had been glad to loan to,
1 in more prosperous times, and reduced her dis
■ counted paper more (ban a million in amount—
-3 Meanwhile she refused all aid whatever Pro
• peity, which had declined in value very consid
’ erahly, fiom other causes, was depressed still
1 STCTm uy Emj Rr.uich—and saciilices were re
quired by it, which were unrcusonablc and in
tolerable.
But the Exchange is not equalized between
the several Stales—-and, therefore, it is impossi
ble that the U. S. Bank is entitled to tho merit
claimed for it.
Exchange is only equal, when a dollar, in one
State, may bo exchanged for another dollar, in
any other State, free of expense or allowance.
II this may not be done, the exchange is not
equal. If a dollar in New Orleans, will procure
but 0!) cents in Now York, or in any oilier place
how can-exchange betiVccn those places be said
to be equal, any more than O'J cents may bo
said to he a dollar, or that things which arc
different may bo said to bo equal? Go to the
Branch oflhe Bank, in any State, and ask to buy
a chock on another, and you will he charged a
half per cent premium—that is, they will give
you 99) Cents in the other place (if it be conve
nient for them to do so, otherwise they will not)
for a dollar! Is this equal?
Hut tho U. S. Bank did not eve r reduce the
premium to this low rate, as it may be-consider
ed. They formerly charged much more. It
was the individual Brokers, (that undeservedly
odious, and much abused class of individuals)
who did it; and, as they progressed, the U. S.
Hank has been compelled to reduce also—or to
give up that business. Yet the Bank lays pie
tonsions to tho credit which is due, and justly
duo, to the Brokers, who, without any exclusive
privileges—without the credit, or the authority,to
issue and circulate their notes—without a depo
sit, fiom the Government, ofseven millions of
dollars, free of interest—and without the advan
tages of collecting thirty millions of dollars a
year of its revenues, by which the State Banks
might bo kept mulct tribute to them —hare re
duced the rate of exchange, though it is not
equalized I
Mr. McDuffie, in his famous report—which,
for glaring inconsistency, and downright misrep
resentation, is equaled by none I have ever seen
—has attempted to excuse the Batik, by the
suggestion, that exchange may he said to bo
( equal, when it costs no more than the transpor
tation of specie between ilia two [daces would
do.—Such an argument needs no refutation.
But, if it were so, dues not any State Hank
which redeems its notes in specie, merit as much
as tho L’. S. Bank does, for this result? For,
an'indrviducl can get the specie for Bank
notes, what difference dees it make to him*
whether they bo U. S. Bank notes, or notes of u
State Hank? He could have the specie trans
ported from one, as cheaply as from the other,
though lie would find, when he arrived with
hiss;eoie, that ezch ingc was not equal, by the
full amtunt of tho insurance, and the expense of
its trauspoitation. But, moreover, the U. S.
Bank is not bound by its Charter, by law, or by
anything else, to equalize exchange, nor even
to reduce the rate of it; and if it were now
equalized, it might not, At surely would not, keep
it so, any lunger than its interest induced it to do
so. Thu Brunches aro not bound to check from
one to another, and they frequently suspend bu
siness of that kind, for months together—and
are in nowise more to be relied on, for snob ex
change, than any of the State Hanks—and not
half so much as the individual Brokers. It is
evident, than, that the U, S. Bank has not
equalized exchange between the Stales —and, in
fact, that it is entitled to no merit for the present
reduced rate. And I shall hereafter prove it
equally certain, that it has no better claim to the
oilier pretensions sot forth by its advocates.
A CITIZEN.
FOR THE AUGUSTA CIIRONIfTLE,
“Fh il Fancy ; or is it Fact,” — Curran.
Mr. Editor:—lt was with unfeigned fe-1-
ings of surprise and admiration, that I noticed
the unexpected, yet piudent change in the po
litics of John Quincy Adams. lie lias castoff
the exuvue of his former inconsistent doctrines,
and mantled himself in anti tariffisin .* He has
come forward, and asserted, openly and freely,
doctrines and opinions, diamati ically opposite to
those which he formerly advocated so warmly.
He has appeared before the people of America
as one, who is conscious of having committed
a grievous wrong. What cause can he assigned
for the joy that danced in the countenance, and
the gladness that beamed in the eye, of every
Southron, when the tidings of this metamor
phose of Mr. Adams’s oppressive doctrines,
reached the Suulhern confines of the American
Republic ? It was because they were happy to
learn, that John Quincy Adams had perceived
hiserror; and because they supposed, in him,
they had found a staunch fiiond, and an able
advocate of the holy cause, in which they were
engaged. John Qu.ncv Adams is no longer a
tariff man. Yes, he has proved himself to he
not only a friend to the .South, hut a friend to
jusjice, and humanity. Hut still, we have other
formidable opponents, against whom wo must
appear ill open combat. Wo still have to con
tend with the giant of the West, Henry Clay.
In this individual, wo find a noble specimen of
all that is unjust. In him, we see the fabricator
of the deceitfully called “’American System I”
and the man who is endeavouring to pave tho
way to the Presidency, with injured humanity
and open oppression ! This is the individual
who raised his voice in our national halls, for the
purpose of benelitting one part of the Union,
and blasting the other. Georgians, regard him
as a monster I as one who is ready and w iling
to deprive you of your dearest rights and privi
leges. Hut there is another formidable oppo
nent, Daniel Webster. A man, great in abil
ity, talents, and acquirements; but one on whom
tbe sunshine of truth, in relation to the Tariff,
has never played.f Vet, he is a man, who pos
sesses more principle than Henry Clay. Ho is
a man too apt and willing to ho misguided by the
false creations of a sickly brain. One that Iras
to little advantage and [impose ascended
“ The sleep, where Fame’s proud temple shines a fir 1”
But, I trust, the time is not far distant, when
tlie simple and plain truth, that the Tariff is
“ ttnjust and unconstitutional,” shall bo made
manifest to every American; and such talented
men as Henry Clay, and Daniel Webster,
shall be found among the warmest advocates of
“Free Trade and State Rights.” But I inn a
fluid the former will never he made to acknow
ledge, although lie may bo made to believe,
that he is iu error. As lludibrus has very justly
observed,
“ A man convinced against his wilt,
Will lie of the same opinion slid.”
It is well known that Henry Clay made a mo
tion iu Congress, to modify the Tariff; but, in
such a manner us would throw the duties which
that system holds out, entirely upon the South.
Generous modification I Can there be a spark
of justice in your unfeeling soul I Politician of
the West I I conjure you to step and ponder,
before you you proceed farther in your unhal
lowed undertaking. Beware, lest you urge the
South to measures that would be dangerous in
their tendency, and destructive in their end, to
the harmony of this happy Republic I Do you
suppose that tbe Soulb will submit, tamely and
tacitly, to this open,this barefaced oppression 7
No, it will not !
If ever ibis unjust, ungenerous, anil oppres
sive modification of the Tariff, should lake place,
there is not one true Southron, tjrat will submit
to it. Tbe whole Southern States will rise, and
with “ Herculean effort, strangle this serpent,
the Tariff, ore it wind its ci milling coils around
their wearied limbs.” And, if Soulh-Carolina,
? State which has been so zealous in the cause
of “ Free Trade and Slate Rights,’ should raise
the banner of Nullification, there would bo
countless legions of Southrons, who would ral.
ly aioond her standard 7 j
DIKAIOSUNAE.
• Tins lias since been posi ivciy denied.
t Mr. \v. mil perhaps the Jirsl mid ablest advocate of
Anti-Ttirill doctciucs, in lids country ; tlm’ now, « dcler
mined opponent. r.d. Chronicle.
r —— —■- 1 •>
Is ATE FROM ENGLAND.
By tho new packet ship North America, Cajd.
Macy, at New-York, which left Liverpool on
the Ist of January,
The proposed dis rming.— Repeated asser
tions have lately appeared in the Paris papers, of
a general desire in Europe, to disarm, and have i
the military establishments of ail nations sinuil
tunonusly placed upon the peace establishment. 1
The London Courier lately contradicted the ru
poit, in the following explicit manner :
“ VV e dely any man breathing, Minister or not
Minister, to prove that at the time when wo pub
lish d the statement which, contrary to our ex
pectation, has excited so much sensation in Pa
ris, any formal proposal had been made to the
French Government for a general disarming,
either by Austria or Prussia; or that any hint or
intimation for a general dn-a tning,either by Aus
tria or Prussia ; or that any hint or intimation of
any kind had been given by Russia on the sub
ject.”
The statement thus contradicted, was origin
ally put forth in the Journal du Paris, a paper al
legod to he in the confidence of the French Min.
istry. Thus, says Lc Temps, a paper supposed
t > know what passes iu the French Cabinet—“in
France, authority is given for the statement,tint
there was a proposal to disarm. England cant
os it to be said, that there has been no formal
proposal uuon the subject.” Le Temps pro
ceeds to say “ The Minister of foreign Afiiiits
ought to know what he has to look to. Thy
following are the facts :
“It is certain that in the month of Septem
ber, after the taking of Warsaw, and the ar.
rangementor apparent an angement of the Bel
gian question, M. Perrier, in a conversation with
M. Appony and the Prussian Minister, insinua
ted the necessity of disarming, and hinted at
the happy results which that measure might pro
duce, by restoring confidence, and satisfying the
war party in France.
“ The two Ambassadors, without making a I
formal, verbal engagement, replied that The i
Courts would see with pleasure a disarmin'* mu
tually consented to, and that they believed that
the basis of a peace-fooling might be easily a
greed upon.
“Some time afterwards, they announced
that they had received full powers from their
Courts; but that they would be more renular
and mere in accordance with the princiiles
which had hitherto actuated llie Cabinets to
treat in common, and to await full powers from
Russia.
“ By this, the two Powers, Austria and Prus
sia, avoided an immediate decision, and after
wards would not separate themselves ftom R us .
sia, nor from the triple alliance which still forms
the basis, whatever may be said to the contrary
of European policy.
To this explanation the Courier replies in half
a column, from which we qifute the annexed pa
ragraph : 1
“ \Ve do not agree with ciur Russian Cotem
porary regarding the adjournment of the dis
iirminent as temporary, ft is sine die, and is
likely to remain i for the impossibility which pre
vents Russia from disarming will exist as lon« us
her present policy is suffered to remain. She
cannot disarm, because it is necessary to inain
hy force what she has gained by force and fraud,
bhe cannot disarm without abandonin', the am
bitious views which she entertains, anj grantin''
freedom to the Poles, ° B
The papers contain a list of the names of 25
. sons of noblemen entitled by courtesy to the
next title below the degree of their father’s
rank, who are favorable to reform, and might be
created Peers, without permanently augment
ing the number; and of fifteen others, who might
likewise be so created, whoso political senti
ments are unknown or are hostile to the Bill.
Dnrliamcut in Dublin. —The feverish state of ij
Ireland is indeed increasing. The Dublin Times
says:
Mr. O’Conaoll has cut the Gordian knot, ami
has superseded the functions of King, Lords,and $
Commons. This audacious usurper—the Crom
well ol his day, witlr all hypocrisy, but without
his courage—has had the unparalleled effrontery
to issue his “ writ ,” and has actually convoked I
an assembly of the Peers and Commons of Par
liament, to meet in Dublin on the Dili of Janua
ry next, to take into t'leir consideration the hi"h
and miglny atlairs which appertain to his king I
uom ol Ireland—and this is upon pain of his
mighty displeasure II ! Never was “ call of the
house ’ threatened to ho enforced with more
unrelenting penalties; for, should any member
refuse to comply with his high behest, ho it.
known to the offenders in this behalf, that the
Irish Autocrat will issue his edict to prevent the I
return to parliament during his life of the afore
siud refractory member,nor shall he ever thence
forward he considered worthy offilling any place I
ol honor or distinction in the stroke of the Irish
Dictator. Tremble, therefore, ye Irish sena
tors—ye who vaunt yourselves upon your lofty
Independence—tremble, and lake hoed how I
you disobey the mandate of your lord and mar*
ter ! I I I |
COTTON—Wa have had a fra demand lor ft
Uganda siuce our hirit report, and the sales will ||
reach o-O'J bales, at from 8 a 94 cents, and one
fine lot iin apt re bales at 9J cents. Sales gen- 9
erally from 8J a o[. Prime Cotton is getting
quite scarce, and is more sought after. By the
ship Oglethorpe, at this port, we have Liverpool
accounts to the 23th of Dec., which represent
teat market as firm, with rather an improved
demand. Yesterday, after these advices wore
received, there was rattier more enquiry for Cot
tons, but we heard of no advance—wo quote 8
a 94, and upwaids for choice.
RICE—The demand lor this article has been ti
quite moderate at from 2 a 2), principally at 2j M
a 2|. We quote 2a2 |, and for prime s>3.
CORN—Last cargo sales at 50 cents—retail
ing at 58 a 62 cents,
FREIGHTS—To Liverpool, -Jd, to Havre, ~|
; to New-\ork, j! cent, and ijil ( on deck ; to
Boston, ijeent; to Providence, ij cent.
Georgian.
'I he Cotton Market at Liverpool, on the 31st, n
had undergone no change from our last accounts.
The prices remained at a6J for Uplands.
Tim sales for the week amounted to 111,720 bags.
'File stock on hand is said to ho 40,000 bags less
than the quantity on hand same time last year.
Char lesion Mercury.
Liverpool, Dec. 31.
The market is firm for Cotton, dales to-day
2,000. The accounts of Cholera arc alarming.
American, all kinds. {*
Cotton—The stock in the
ports on the 31sl Dec,
1831, was 179323 32f»218balrs
Import during 1831, 007000 905000
780J28 1,225218 I,
The present estimated
stock in the ports, 140000 275009
The expoits have been, 25000 60000
Leaving for consumption, 621328 870216
Or per week, 11746 16735
Lust year, 10606 15967 , I
Increased weekly con
sumption, 1510 7GB —i
[ As the returns from London and Glasgow
j have not yet been received, the above slate
nient will not be quite correct, but wo think it
wi I prove neni ly so. The stock in Liverpool, 33
taken separately, is declared to be 212,350 bales,
of which 136,790 are American, consisting of
7940 Sea Island, 14,750 Now Orleans. 34,920 *
Alabama and Tennessee, and 78,180 Uplands. jmi
It will ho observed that the stock in the ports is M
loss than it was last year by 45,000 hales, 40,000 53s
ol which are American, the stock of other kinds m
remaining nearly as before: showing an increase
in the consumption of 40,000 hales, and of Ame
rican about 70,000. The stock of Colton in the
interior is supposed to bo rather more than it was ;
at the close of last year. Quotations then for
j fair Uplands were 6 36d a 64d, and now S(J,
making present prices, with the increased duty,
I fully Id per lb. lower than in December last.—
In the export of Cotton for 1831, as compared
with 1830, there has been an increase of about
46,000 bales.
During the whole of the year shipments of
Cotton have resulted unsatisfactorily; prices
gradually gave way until the beginning ofOclo
ber, when there was an advance of |to 3-8 d
per lb.; that advance, however, has not been
fully maintained. During the last few weeks,
there has been a decided improvement in trade ,
at Manchester; spinneis and manufacture!s ate
getting bettor prices, and stocks of goods and t .
yard are much reduced ; Yarns have advanced
nearly Id per lb., and there is a very general I
feeling that prices are low enough to be safe.- ■ j