Newspaper Page Text
VK ” AFtHJiiTA, (« X.) Sil l SihAV, ,l| |,V V, |N!»8. VOI.rtll; U5...V0. 8T .
Sia&'.JSßir- **'WI*KK ]»OBLAAE n..-.i
i-v Vs'." l v m.-er-c'.
' , ~•■ enekiy, « U I
■ , ...i.;,,!;,...! ve-'.hdj ly.'w..
—■"* -•■-■’. :: ;i'V.r .Vcb
■ HM 111 "; "’■ - ■ rl'rt ),•■■..■ ('!•■ llMtllldT •!.
**•*'.
mm - v“;!.
MH
fej® "' =■■ ■:=-
. or . h o,
■Ho':- statek
S&KBm 4/s-inittruUrrt, and (Ivard-.ans
■■ XK«KwK!*.I.yA.
BBK t-»nr.lia:>s »rc required. by m-A, to
■■RK'. I I ,v in ha: meidK between '
V • 1 a ll.r-rr
•* ri 1-1* wait's imu*l !>'-* 1,1 a l Hll,lu
lS3mmZ' i*| jjj r v ifavs previon- :o ilictUy 0f...»k.
HHH; I,■„ -I acuitur* ofau t*uuo, wu*i I*
Hv"' :> ! JlfwTl be made 10 the. < 'curt o.
■■K.s M'l.N J ., l IJJ.J.|JI
S’A S _
K;..* ..< iV, • riA u
~
■„ r«KM KSFO.VDENTS.
■HBHe ,;,inig iirl:>:leuT !>;, J'-M i. I. I-' k, on
i, t i to
■Kj„. .Ml .It .1 Soi.ii'iy, is tieeessmi!y de
with seveial other eommuniea
“-/'K anl of mom —having been i ncriv.nl
present it in j !:ire of other matter.
H GOMIIG &»•
nH (> v;n, 111 the li.also ol Ili'pre c cnla-
••nil nil. to adjourn un the slh ol
HHis.i'jri.-io.I, yeas9o, nays9B.
Hj lllb CUOLEKA.
r irii::v of this disease continue much
-■ as he eto line .ej oi led. it was ex tend -
urirlj, in Canada, hut was somewhat
ill Unei.ee and Montreal.
lutiutrn op jci.v.
ag.nn n.lived at lire Anniversary of
Hi;. mid the t’ieedoin of mankind ; A
H9H is (mi,an un. alive oi an. g, severe, mid
.I.in p ,-,i n!., mus. .lad so ones - lid si nig-
“-'urped /so mid ami., l/ninied
1 \l o; lli/ , as II is, ol' oin most c, di d
fflHonii .. I, bullion, let il |noi|i| i n
Vr,®11...T uji.ise lose ol liberty, g nieions self-
HlNi, ami tea. ie-s i oust alien of I) i alloy mid
I, ii.;,-s of all eon-,,' ,UellCes, aiuno
.;d n \\ t.nlsy of our i< meuth atiue.
i.i.lk, of I*. 11. KeH'.M, E-a;. n n
il 11.1 e.'.s.aiy for him to derlinc deliveiiig
y < >.alien, tiereoiciii.g lo the nj -
al nflhe f'.nniniiier, of Ai^a alignments ;
1 w ill (.onsmyuenlly he delivered l.y la.
ik. hs|. who aoeoj led the rt])|ioinlmeiil at
} sin) And the Dechirotion ol io-
Bt-lid.nme u dl be road hy J. \V. DaVils, Lis.).
I «i« not acijiijinled with the O.der of the
|B at* |.ro» hied hy die (,'uum.itUe of' >imnge
bat ; resume that a Mililaiy and Civil
n will ho formed ns usual, at the Ifni•
H’ Hole,, al id 01 1J o'rloek, and that the
H'"’" niil he dclivu.ed at the Pi eshyle)i,.n
■‘M'M s i H.'.vno\ r:\.r,iiv
1 - defer our remarks in oontji,uni ion of this
t’?;® 1 "' 1 lo "^■’>. ’o make .oom for oilier mailer,
B»" "r must ollie; wise have been exclti-
B^B —I, “'lurid Coinmemie.ilion r.f Philo tjeor.
mid the jiungenl exposiiion of “Georgia,’’
the oj.-inions of ‘ ‘Og lelhoi j e," ;i.s ex-
on |iuhhe«tion res; acting the deeisien
Siiiireme Conn, with iJio«o set forth in Ins
°"e, in opposition to Nullification,
difndiy deve.lo|nng the striking inennsisten
I between them. We desire no hetlci exi o
-11 'tf'bn doctrines of nullification, than the
BB® er ’ "’birli dccidetHy i eihles, if anything can
|H H the slavish notions erf neeessarv sulimis
■B 1 ' 1,1 Usurped audio, ily, oi a resort to bloodshed
lr| h), o, secession; an lif it does not refute
gumcms against mi'ddicaliun, “ why then—
lias lost its use—english hyi no longer s
■' a,lin g-“nd hi, may triomyh at oneo, over die
» u -«*«nd lurn/df. ,1s tieorgm, in resisting,
B llu 'bficalion, Die unconstitutional laws and
iesot Congress, in relation lo the li.diuiir,
'he decision founded on thorn, in contliel
• any o/ the just authority of the Lienera
or in u state oftlevolniion, or Se
ion . And wily should Cuiolinn he so, ii
an equally unconstitutional law, am
unconstitutional decision, which wil
■ ' Je made hy the game Court, on u simi
hour the decision of her State C\url
11 'be Collector,under the a/t of Nullification
' in a situation precisely similar to that r>
'"'sidun.tries, by a refirtal to obey the laws o
■“ B i» ,e m which he resides t Will “Ogle
I ( tell us that the P.esideiit, like nnolhe.
ai | ll^sius >^' , °lnwell l or Ponaparte, f.aji, should
wi i, i ali out an armed forte no surround oni
( '‘ ll " rp s, and Courts of Justice, to eomp.e
?islalors,and Judges, and Juries, to nnikt
1 J t s, and decisions, and vcidicis, only, ai
please him and Congress, arid when they
111 .T' * IV u P on them and turn them out, oi
I' laem to the sword ? Or, as “the must obvi
" IJ3 , geqdc, and efl'ectual plan," “immediately
th a " ,h<J I’ or, “>” * tc - 7 AllJ where c
diiTerence between blockading u ftrirt, to nre
. 'b® operation of laws, decisions,&verdicts
Vdnialely passed ami executed nd bui round
*! I,! t-fgislaluresand Courlsin which they ai<
. e ’ ,fl l jreve nt them, or i*it to the sword those
° I ’*‘*be 'hem 7lp eiihoi asc, it is a usurpa
n nT i ower. and lawless invasion of the Stale
and w r ould be resisted by C; tolina, in the same
way as it will he by Geo-giu, if the Prmiient
sends an armed (bice here, to interfere with the
operation of our laws, and the decisions mid pun- j
, isbmeiits made and inilicted under them. |
“ Oglethorpe” will perceive that “Georgia"
has anticipated his advice, “to ’onk for his opini j
nns in his writings;" yet he has still others, not •
expressed in his writings, which would dispel
I the mystery that hangs over those expressed.— 1
i Ifihe public feel an interest in ins opinions, it is
evident he can have none so interesting and itn-j
. portent to them, as those he has doubtless so m-1
; cd, as to the constitutionality and expediency of
| the Tariff, and what course the Statu should pur- j
. sne, in the ; resent crisis— submit, or scccdc, since
1 lie would ant have her nullify. Iffio desires lo
j enlighten and instruct the public, it would seem
that these are the particular tojtics, of all others,
, which he would discuss; and for ourselves,!
fstiice lie opposes our remedy, we again respect- j
fully suggest to him the propriety of proposing j
■ his own (if he thinks any one expedient, and if
! not, to say so,) and after a careful and impailia!
I examination of it, we will assuredly adopt il, if j
■ w'e think it a better; for vve care not what is the 1
, remedy, or by whom proposed, so that it is the ,
most safe, just, reasonable, mild, arid efficient, I
under the existing circumstances, in attaining i
[ lire common object of redress.
How fat “ Oglethorpe's" allusion to the Sn- j
■ prenie Court and its authority, “accords with his
fintncr argument against that tribunal,” wo
think will be seen mure clearly in the quotations
and comparisons made by our correspondent, ’
"Georgia,” than those made by himself. In
the other inatter'ofour query,as to the propriety !
of the word “ entrusted” or “ delegated,” in-'
stead of "icnounced," we perceive that we
mistook the tenor of the sentence in which it
was made, for want of looking to the connection
I I between the first and second pint of it—the lat- j
ter acknowledging tho “entrusted” or “ dele-1
gated” rights held by the General Government, j
which did not occur to us at the time: as il stiuck i
us, erroneously, in reading the former, that the I
r«»« legated rights wore considered as renounced,
This is a small matter, indeed, for the notice of.
one who says ho “does not consider it neccssa- |
ry to reply to the argument of cither tho editorial
1 article or the communication.” What he may
■ "consider necessary” is by no means a.ptra- f
I mount consideration with us, or what opinion ho
may please to express of our humble labors, as it
so happens, that we do not write with particular j
C reference to his opinions or considerations. He |
( is not" The Staff.,' in our estimation, nor the.
jieuple And though “when reasonings present.
j themselves (in lus articles,) which seem to re- j
II quire onr . tlcnil'j'i, it will not he withheld j” |
i yet when, in rciilih/, we ;i ms nonesuch present
j themselves, we shall not " aonsidor it neccssa- j
I ij ’ In make such an announcement, lest others .
should su pose we ilo not think so; but, be
lieving that the | oldie can judge ns correctly of
I the mailer ns oin.selves, wn sh il have sufficient
confidence m i u opinion to feel satisfied, vv lien
we a c silent, that they have p'-nefrailion enough
to see tho cause of it, quite as '.veil as we.
C!i\jititfiTov ciTVfi iKdrrr.
Ou, exceedingly kind "friend,” the Editor of
' ; this paper, observes, ui his rema.ks on a scurri
lotus unti-nnllification letter, from some itenerant
1 j seanda-monger, dated, "Washington, Geo.
! June 16,” reiterating, among others, the old
falsehood, that the “Committee could procure on*
. Jy twelve subscribers to tlm Dinner,” in Augus
ta—" Some of his cuts at the movements of our
f.ienJ of the Chronicle, were altogether in id.
missahle, fiom llteir personality. * * "Hence,
onr omission of that part of our correspondent s
I fitter, containing the severest of personal re
flections." Then comes the Letter, which con
tains the following, in relation toonrselvus. “Uut
sj one paper in this State has come out in favor of
■, 1 Nullifitaliun ; and it is generally believed here,
- that tire Editor was proselyted at the expense
of a dinner parly font Gov’t Hamii.t on, about
■ the lime of the meeting of the State flights and
F ee trade Convention, injOliailesion. \oum„y
n easily suppose his influence and standing in ihe
s community, have not been increased hy his con
i, version. We ought not, however, lo estimate
i J too low, the motive, for which the Lditor ol the
)• j Chronicle yielded his principles. The value of a
e 1 commodity is generally etih meed by ifs rarity,
n Then comes “the hint ma’uvo'ent,” in an omi
i- I nmis line aw the fullowinft remarks
d of* “our woitliy «*> 11 1 well bolovud cousin,
e j Editor: “ We are cnmi'oll°d to omit, a low pas
-Isaacs, that most ingeniously seiiHinizo the vani
a* fy asc.ihod lo '.lie Editor of the.* ( hrovidc. W &
c do so in a motivo of personal kindness, [heaven
bloss dice, ilkju sjeuih; i.mofwml!] Inviii", so far
d ! we have known ih«* Editor, no reason to treat
f, j him ha fhly. [sweet spi.it of lender mercy and
:l fo.hearance 1 ue oue our life, to then!] nr to
il (incsticm.lhe honesty of his pinposti"—[Honor
i and all I]
ii Most generous, disinterested, magnanimous,
il merciful "friendl” llowmuch weowetoihce!
II not only for thy unexampled “ peteonal kind
i ness,” in withholding the “few passages
t, which would have annihilated us, outright, but
i, Ibr publishing so much of the preceding, as lo
>f ,r ivc us a gentle foretaste - of the horrible doom
if from which thou hast condescended to snatch
r- us, “hko a brand from the burning.” —Cut,
!i monitions slander 1 horrible thought! AV ouui
I, you b.-linvo ii? A lenelic, slanderous monsier,
ir at our elbow, vv Inspers like an arch fiend, that
el thy “friendship” r? mistoimeivcd, and Unit
m thou no more deservedsf our gratitude, for omil
ls ting the ‘few t ussr.ges," after publishing the
y nature of them, what | recedes then, and who
ir they attack, than the vilest assassin of character,
i- who circulates slanders he does not believe,
)’ and cries, at every poisbnous,viper breath, “ hu:
is dont believe it, it cannot he; he is my dear
3- ‘ friend,’ am! 1 would not ha. ; it injure him for
s, .he world. And, bad as it is, I cannot question
1- »the honesty of ItiiTpurpose,’ however base the
e act'” —Wiameful slanderer! get out] Believe
,e trim not, it is imposMel-” But,” says he,
a- again (the importunate assailant of thy gentuv
s, generous, nneyualcil friendship•) wry.
ho is your 1 friend,’ and doubts not 1 the hones- t
ty ol your purpose,’ and consequently believes ' t
n,t the slander—why did ho allude to it al all, s
I or publish any part of it, since the part suppress- ' f
I oil, if not piopcr to he seen, was not pioper lo s
, allude to, at all, much less so p .intedly, us ‘ tho j -
j severest of personal inflections j’ and since, if I
. one part was seemingly f.ise, that diswedited 1 v
tho whole ; and the whole should have been con- j v
I signed, with the part suppressed, to merited ob-j a
livion? And beside, what xeorse could ho say, ji
• that you had ‘yielded your principles’ fiom (
some sellidr motive?”—What a question I (
What reasoning! How could wo have known v
. how much wo owe lo our gentle, generous, dis- „
interested “friend,” had tie not thus developed ,
it, and shewn us that our v\ hole life, honor, and r
character were in his hands, and spared only
■ lhio‘ tho intorcossiun of his unpai rallelud " per- ‘
) sonal kindne-ss!” Wonderful forbearance! Un y
I precedunteii friendship! Inexpressible inodes■ ,
; ty! —Most ntrhle, and magnanimous of men! vve .
owe time every l ling, and more, too 1 How ~
shall vve ever repay u'( And,withal under all this ,
five bushel bag of obligation, we have another j
j f.tvor to ask. Do thou, “honest, honest, Poole” 1 1
| thou very Duck-pond of “friendship” and mud- \ •
| puddle of “personal kindnessE’-do thou tell that i
| miserable varlct of a correspondent of thine, .
j that in all he has been pleased to say, dero
gntoiy of us, from beginning to end, published ,
and unpublished, lie is an unprincipled i.iak 1 I
FOR TUB AL'fiL'hTA CIIUONK’LK. I
Ills an old maxim, that “a fool may somo
' times ask questions, which it will take a wise : |
man hours lo answer.” v ! >
| Even a simpleton may dis, uto the most 1 j
' self-evident truths, yet to prove them, often c
re piircs more time and k.bor, than most men 1 ,
can command. There is a chance, 100, that af
for they are mathematically proven, the -weak , g
; head, from a dullness of comprehension, ar oh- ' „
j stinacy ol a mulish miml, may, i ight el the clinch-; ,
; ing of the nail, ask tho same question over again (
—disdaining the pearls cast before him. i [
! Now, vve believe most, sincerely,that neither i,
tlia Editor of the Courier, or his Correspondent, j,
believe, that tile Slates are stiipt of all polilical! s
! rights, anil tint wo live under n consolidated ,
government. They know ihat such iiile que«-! j
lions have been a thousand limns answeied—||
most conclusively answered. Yet, for the cf-' |
feet such assertions have on tho minds of tho | (
ignorant, they trinmphanily exclaim—" Where i (
' ate tho rights of the States I —Show them to ns I,
j —we see none If they cannot see any, they |,
are poor purblind creatures, and nothing can re- 1 1
! move the scales f.om their eyes, lull a little com- 1 ,
# J I
mon sense, and honesty of jn Igmnnt. W’e have j
j no! space to notice every clanije in the Uonsiitn.
lion which plainly secures the lighlsol ihe Stnlts.
j If, however, all oilier clauses and cirendistances
■. wore wauling, to prove the rights and sove
! reignty of the States, Sir. S! a,lts,in’s Letter lo
•’ Mr. Stephenson, with Aiticlc 10, of Amend
■ riicnls lo the ConstiMilion, would ho sufficient
, I for our | urpose. 'Ehe Article, reads thus.; •■The ;
! powers not delegated In the United ,Slates hy
1 llte C.institnliuu, mrr proliihi’ed hy il to the
[ Slates, are reserved lo the Stales i cs, ecfivoly, ,
lor to the people.” Mr. Me lisun expressly do- 1
p dares, that the U. S. Gnvoinincnl possesses no
| general powers; hot rhal tlicy are all specified
, and limited And, for fear that povvois not dol- ;
legated, might he assumed, the article first quo- |
I ted was adopted. With these restrictions, what.
.'was the use to particularize all the rights re-1
j served to the creators, the. States jf They are
reserved en mass. All are retained which are
not delegated to the creature, lheGen'l Govern- j
ment, or general agency of the Slates. Because,
. God has given man reason, and free agency, in
I the mattersoflifo, does il follow thereby, that be j
j has delegated all his sovereignty and control
I over the creatures of Ins own foi myig ? Besides, j
•' who is to judge of man's violation of the Con- j'
slitulion, or the laws God lias given him, but j
ho who creeled and gave him existence I Anj
unlimited exorcise of power, over the creating | 1
Slates, by the suho 'dinalo creature., the General j 1
Government, is as absurd as would he the claim j 1
of man, to exercise unlimited authority over the | ’
government of God. Hence, Ihe ahsmdity of '
the idea, of a Stale s rebelling against the Gen'l 1
, Government! Such a supt-osition is exceeding- 1
, Ij ridiculous! The creator can ncAor rebel I
against tho creature. God can never rebel a
gainst man, All admit that the Stales were re
j cognized by the B itish Government, at the end 1
, of the Revolutionary war, to he free, sovereign, 1
and hide; undent Stales. They vveie so pro
elaimod by the Deelaialion of Indepondonce.—
‘lhis being adi'.itod, where is anv evidence of,
, their having, at any lime, yi. hied their rove- j'
reh'iity I No such tiling is to he found in the I
[ Consul ulion. Had this groat nltiilmle of State j
I autjjo.ity, which wasih.ee tunes recognized,tin- '
, d«, the most solemn circumstances,been surren
dered unreservedly toa consolidated govairiinieut,
tlieie would he found somo mention of il in the
Constitution. The word sovereignly does no!
. i occur on its pages. It neither declares the ;
’ | General Gove; nnicnt to be sovereign over the i
. j Slates, nor that tho Stales have paited withflimr •
l! sovereignty. All the powers granted, actor
limited and specified |.ur ( uses; and lo adopt
, | these, it ie pri.ed the sanclipn of all the Stall g. '
Vet, we have the monstrous doctiinc preached
i to us, that a bare majority nr Congress, can vote
jl away tho authority of an instillment, v.hith it
required all tho States to form. The States j.rn
[ vided that a majoiily of three fourths, shunld be
t competent to make amen Iments or alterations.
W e contend, that such majority of three-fourths
ofihc St lies, is the only authority under Heaven,
, which cun amend, or alter the Constitution of 1
the Union. In other words, this mode prescri
bed by the creative power, is the only one to al 1
’ ter or amend the great law prescribed for the i
creature. Ilcncc, rm-olts the right to veto an un
constitutional law of Congress, which gives a i
, right lo the States aggrieved, hy the veto, lo ap
peal to the creating power, for a decision, by a i
, majority of tvvo-lhirds.
To give the Constimiioo a general and unlirni- I
ted construction, destroys the necessity of all its '
f specific and Uml'ed gr»u:<* o! no via an ) man'.i
the rosorvalory meaning of the 10th Amendment 1 1
tho most Complelo nonsense. Indeed, under |i
such circumstances, the Constitution might have
been comprehended in one sentence, and all i
specialities dispensed with It might just have said
** A majority in Congress shall have power to |
legislate on all subjects,necessary for the genural
welfare. I his would have comprehended the ,
whole doctrine claimed by tho consolidalionist, |
and rendu e I any Fruitier words unmean
ing and unnecessary. This is, in effect, thp j
Consti.utiuii at the present day. VVhenover ,
Georgia conies in contact vvilh the IJ. S. Go
vernment, on the Indian question, we hear a
great deal about Slate sovoicignty : but, when
nullification is spoken of, Elate sovereignly is
ridiculed.
T he A: licle Oth, of the Constitution, declares
“ This Constitution, and the laws of the United
.Status, which shall ho rnudu in pursuance there
01, shall he lliotiiiprcmo law of the land.” But,
suppose a certain law is not made “in pursu
ance thereof,” it follows, of course, that it shall
not ho “ tho supremo law of the land.” And,
,‘lliu powers not delegated to the United States
hy the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to tho
Stales, ate reserved to the Slates, respectively,
(individually,) who will he competent to
annul and disobey the said unconstitutional law ?
Il tins power was not deductible from tho
above articles, il is again found in Ai licle 9ihof
the amendments, viz : “'l’ho enumeration, in
the Constitution, offer aia rights, shall not ho
construed lo deny, or disparage others lolained
hy the people.” Now, if the people of the
"Stales VLspr.eticdy,” were ever sovereign and
independent, sod there is no mention in the
constitution, or declaration, that such sovereign
ty h is been surrendered, the “ ecilain enume
rated .iglns” in the Constitution, cannot be con
st; ued lo the denial or disparagement of the
sovereignly of the "Slates, respectively,” (sep
arately, individually) If they aiesu const.tied,
by a lawless nujo.ily in tin; Congress of the L.
Elates, and they adopt laws, not “in pursuance
of the Copstilntion,” it results, that they ure not
“the supreme laws of the land, and that the ni
sei veil rights of the people, and of tho Elutes
respectively, (separately) entitle them to the
ptinlegu of disobeying such laws, until un ap
peal is made lo the creating power. If tins doe
trine docs net result from a jiarefnl perusal of
the constitution, we will yield all claims to
common understanding. Most of thu amend
ments adopted, look to the protection of Slate
rights. Besides, there are vuiions clauses, in
the dill'.-rent articles of the Constitution, which
’ (
guarantee) the same thing.
The nro-l abhorrent doctrine over broached
in tins country, op. osori to all idea of liberty, is j
the one tint a in .jnriiy of the members in Con-1
gres-q shall I. ,ve power "to do what is rcquiiod I
to ho done hy lli ee fun. tics of the Stales—that l
their wall, n 7c. is votens, is to ho the sup emu 1
I a .v ol the land, and implicitly obeyed by all (bo
Elites. The Constitution declares, tint all,
amendments shall bo made by a Convention, |
culled hy two thirds of the Stales—and that as- j
ter the amendments are {adopted, throe-fourths
j of the Slates sh.ll he required lo concur in them t
hofo.o they are valid. See Article iilh V. S.
. .... |
Constilalina. Do the said majo-ily wish a doubt-.
ful law passed, instead of seeking an amend
i incut In the way piovided for, they go right oni
1 and pass the law, and thus usurp a puever atnl
j authority which the Constitution declares, can,
only he exercised under nn express grant,from at
least thee fourths of the Elates. Thus Ihe mew
, bois of sevea large States, might form a majo.i
'(yin Congress, anil the outrage ho presented, of
1 seven Elates governing, hy absolute usurped an- 1
lliority, 17 States, while it requires 18 Slates lo
alter the Constitution. Yet, in a ease of this
sort, according to tho opinion of the majority
consti idntioaist, the 17 States have no reserved ,
! lights left, which would enable them to nullify j
the nnla.vfiil aets of the m.ijo by, from 7of the
Elates, but would have to yield submissive obe
dience, or secede from the Union! If this due
trine is not one of the most absolute despotism,
we hive no common sense. One Emperor, or
oni King, is always better, than a h imbed
tyuinls. Os all unfeeling, irresponsible, cold |
blooded and despotic tyrants, a majority who
wove, n without any authority save their own
will, are the worst beneath Heaven. Like Urn
Uis, we could slab a single Ceesar, but, he must
be more than a Hercules, who could by the bn -
niiiL’, s..iil inspiring ovc of liberty, strike off the
JOU heads of a Hydra—each head a tyrant.
It may ho observed that the rights of the States
are two (bid. Ist. those enumerated in the
Const itn'ion. 9d. Those out of the. Constitu
te,n. The fbllnwing aie some of tho prmcipa
rights, out of ihe constitution, many of which
cannot he extneised save hy a fiec, indepen
dent, ami soveieign Elate.
1-1. To protect ihe liberty, property, and per
sons of bs citizens.
U<l. To veto an unconstitutinn il law of Con
gress. Tliis results final the articles of ilm Con.
s ibillion above quoted, and fiom the uneeiie.l
sovereignty of each Elate,
"J. Jurisdiction over all the soil, lives, per
sons, and pinp/i. ty, of their citizens, within their
chartered limits.
4 h. The right to protect and encourage do
mestic manufactures.
s.|j. To endow and encourage institutions ol
learning.
4ll). To protect, cficouragc, and prosecute,
WOiks of Internal Improvement.
slh. To prevent the quartering ofU. 8. troops
within thoir borders, in time of peace, without
their consent.
C;h. Establish and charter Banks, and private
companies for particular purposes, and to grant
all acts of incorporation.
7th. To regulate exclusively, their slave pro
perty.
6ih. To repel invasion, from whatever quarter
made.
9lh. To arm, train, arid command their own
Militia, and direct their movements within thei
own limits.
JOth. To establish quarentiuc Jaws— -and to
logulate tlieentrance and departure of all ves
sels, to ami fom ihuir own ports.
Hth. To tax Ibielgnors emigrating to llieir
shores.
12th. To punish (reason, insurrection, or re
bellion, against the Slate.
18th. To levy tuxes on their own c'lizPni*, or
on their properly, and on whatever Uuseription
they please.
14th. To make loans, and regulate the rate of
interest within their limits, and establish laws
against usury,
151 i To govern all Indian trib'ds residing
within their limits.
Kith. To refuse sending representatives to
Congress.
ITth. To lax U. States bank stock ami oilier
U. >S. ineori orations.
There are a great many other rights which
might bo enumerated. Many of those named
above, are insuperable fiom tho attributes ol
sovereignty, and nan only bo exercised by a
Sovereign Elate. Independent, of those, there
are certain oilier inalienable lights, winch can
never he delegated without degradation one
slavery—stub as the inherent rights of man.
Ist. The abridgement in any manlier of na
tural personal liberty, and tjio j ursuil of bap
I inoss.
2d. Freedom of conscience.
Bd. Freeiluin of tho Truss, freedom of the
hand, ami freedom of s; curb—the benefit ol
ILibous Cor, us, and the lei t) by jn y.
Had they been delegated by the people oflb.i
Elates,at the lime the Constitution was adopted,
that inslimnent would only have been binding
on tho generation lliat adoj ted il, and the
succeeding generation would have been bom
i with the inalienable rights just enumerated, and
literefo.e not hound to adhere to it. Each gen
eration have a tight In govern themselves. They
cannot delegate inalienable right for a sueeec
ding generation. If the living observe rights of
any sort, deleg ited hy the dead, it is simply be
cause they believe the delegated authority ism
venienl or expedient. They sro not bound to
aillieio toil, simply because llte dead agreed to
|do so. Governments are formed for the living,
and not for the dead; and every generation lias
the inalienable tight, of adopting ami amending
limb own laws fur their own government.
THILO-GEOIIGIA.
FOR niK AI'CSUHTA riIHONH’I E.
•''OOLR'ITIOItPU" VN-‘OUfXTIIORPG.”
On reading the two articles of “Oglethorpe,”
'in the Constitutionalist, we have discovered a
|ve y wide decrepancy between the opinions
' expressed in them, in his first, on the opinion
of iliu Si irmno Court ag dust Georgia, be
'clearly niiinlrins (hit Geo gin is a tovc
-1 reign Elate—that she has a right lo disobey an I
j resist all treaties or I iwsgh.it are unrotislilnlion
j al —and lli it all treaties, which are not authori
zed hy the Constitution, are void. And, allho’
(i ro gia is dueilodly in a mum.by, us to tin
j opinion of the Supreme Court, yet, he claims
| fir her, a tight to const,tie 1 1 1 it opinion, and the
conslilnliunality of lire laws Upon which il was
' founded. He says, jo giber winds, Gcor
1 gin ni iy nullify, and disregard the opinion of tho
I Supremo Court; hot that E. Ca.olioa must not
I judge of tho const itniiomi'ily of a law, nor nullify
' any law, hut obey the same Court as the “ ulti
mate tiibnn.il.” If she exorcise such aright,
tlie oilier Elates, being the majmilv, wijl have
' the r ghl to coerce her. In short, Ins two essays
• nullify ouch other, and ifover published together,
I the one will destroy the other. How is such
incongruity to bo accounted for, if wo do nut
| suppose more or less personal prejudice, influen
ced his arguments in his last article. To show
how inctoisisliml Ije has been with himself, we
have annexed tint following examples, which
i might he greatly extended if our limits would
' permit.
I " Ogh thorpe' n gilt asl “ Oigh llinrpr' a gains'
.Vtillific.i i it. Ihe ipinion nf the
S’l/nrmc Court.
“ I’ve'v Elate enter- 'Oglethorpe' proves
ing the Union, ib lega- the entire, unabiiilgnd
led a portion of its ori- sovereignly oiiheSlales
ginul Sirie.rci.gn power, —lst. Ily the D. ehira
j and ihmnhy Mibj-elej lion of Independence.
1 itself to the Legislation 21. By the Articles of
of the Gen’l Gove.n- Confederation. 3d. By
ment, to the extent of the Constitution of tho
ifiid power ceded." U. States.—Tint fust
declared the colonies
lo “ he free nod inde
pendent A .ales.” Tho
21 h u.l—" Each Elate
retained us sovereign
ty, freed..;)), and mdo-
I o/)denca.” The 3d
declares, “ The, pow
ers in id. legated to the
IJ. Elates by lint Con
st ilnl ion, nor p olnhited
bv ii, to ihe Elutes, are
reserved to the Slates
respectively, or to tho j
poo, I".” 110 comments
on this latter guaranty
of sovereignly, as fol
lows. —“Nor will jibe
improper to remark,
that ‘‘the people," lo
whom, in this disjunc
tive, these powers were
reserved, aro not the
people of tile U. Elates
generally ; but the peo
ple of each Elate, Sipn
lately.”
Oglejhorpc “main- "The reserved pow
fains ilgit a Elate has ers of Georgia [and if
the natural right [tet of Imr, of any other
suppose no sovereign ur State,] belong lo the
reserved right ] in the Elate, or tho people of
last resort, to secede the Stale; any intor-
IVom any government, ference with llieir ex
which it considers'gull- orci»e,by snolJberState,
iy of unconstitutional or hy lire U. Elates, is
oppression. The Sula foreign interference.’
lifers contend that any “ Let us now inquire
number of States, ex- what is implied by the
ceedmgonefourth,have simple assumption and
virtually ihe corisinu- recognition of sovo
lioital right lo repeal reignty. Those who
every act of Congress assume it, claim tlxe
‘which tney *’ believe right to govern wilbiu
lo bo unconslilul.on- their own boundaries,
al. The dilferenca accuiding to their own
between the two is pleasure—those who
ton pal, able fm argu- recognize it, disclaim
ment.” the right to interfere in
the government nf tho
country, whoso eove-1
roignty in recognized'
The abstract right or
wrong, of what is dona
within the limits of a
sovereignty, is not a
subject of practical con
sideration, fur thus#
whom the sovereignty
is acknowledged.”—*
“ When, therefore, the
colony of Georgia [with
others] was declared
(in 177(5) a fiee, and
i iiihpi ndentState, those
who recognized her as
such, admitted that
they had no right to in
terfere with the exer
cise us got eminent,
within those limits, if
they did not admit this,
they admitted notlitl.g;
since the country so
described, there was
no province on earth to
which the recognition
could apply.” “ With
what arguments can
llm Court counteract
this historical deduction
of sovereignty ?”
[This sovereighty
Was recognized h*
each State toward*
the other, and being so
admitted, and never
parted with, or in tin*
smallest degree abrid
ged, they, with this
sovereignly, must re
cognize the right of
each to protect its citi
zens from the opera
tion of an unconstitu
tional law, and that
without secession fioii)
the original compact, j
‘Oglethorpe’ regards “ Having thus seen,
the doctrine of nulhli- says he, that the soy#-
cation us “baseless in feignly of Georgia,
theory, and most dun- [and us the other Slatcf
geronsly delusive in of course] is sustained,
practice.’’ "Tims far it by the Hoelaraliojj of
is apparent ill it a full Independence, the Ar
cxecise of the right of tides of Confederation,
each parly,to judge for the Constitution of the
Itself, lu-iilisin neither U S. and even by tin*
nioru nor less, than a acknowledged claim of
decision hy so co. Let the It.itish Ciown, to
us see, whether the ex- which it is abridged
ercise of an oipial light that she has succeeded;
of interpretation, u- Id u* enquire whethoy
mongull tlie pin lies to there is any process,
the federal compact, by which the legislatiet
would not load to a or treaty making now.
similar result.” "Since ors of the Federal Go
both parties, according vurmneijt, can have
lolholiindainonlalpiin altered her political
ciple assumed, would character. The Le
possess an equal right gislalive may ho spec,
i to judge of ‘llio mode dily despatched.—On
and mutism oof redress' I.v those laws of tbi
' iMo one might select U. H. made in runsn
t its own means of resis- ance op the cunstiiu
ling, (he oilier its own tion, are pECLAnEUTO
moans of enforcing u re the supreme law*
aw, whoso consiitnli- of the land I” [Here
Duality was disputed.” is nullification “in I hi'
In the other column, nry'J Again, he says,
he has said one sovo 11 I’hu same principle in
i eifin Slate cannot applicable to every
“interfere" w ith anotli similar case-- the point
er in tier jm isdietiun, is 100 plain for dispute
i or rights. The gene- lion. Has the trealy
ral Government can- making power greater
not, us it has no pow- latitude, in this respect
nr, neither can the ina- than the Legislature I
joriiy consliuing stales, [No, and as that lull*
have any light to “in- tilde vyas nullified by
tcrfr.re, any more than Georgia, whom ‘Ogle
(i,cal BiUiiin would, lliorpo’ defends, lie is
because, they recog- hero the Itiend, both of
nized llio sovereignly “ theoretical and j>rao
of ouch other, ns much deal nullification."]
as lit eat b.itam did. Agjin, ho says; "In
He further says, "par- the lecords ol the nu
lies in this position, tion, there is not ai)
are evidently arrayed engagement niore sol
against each other,with emu, positive, and ex.
the unqualified license plicit, than that which
of mutual hostility II is contained in the He-
If both parties have claralion of Indepeu
free choice of the‘mode donee. Can a treaty
and measure of re- [touch less law] ta
il r css.' a tales in the compatible with tjio vr».
niinorilv, without doubt lidity ol that enoaoe
may nullify thu law, me»t be BiNniNoTTieu
vvliose constitutionality lies are the Supreme
thev deny,and as clear- laws of the land ; hut
ly, "yules in the major- what Treaties 1 [t chat
iiy, all [sovereigns 100, laws/] “Afi treaties
we hope he means] may [and laws] to bo mad#
i endeavour to enforce under the authority of
lilt, hy whatever means the U. States 1 What
i are considei.td most ex- is the authority of th#
pedient!” United States?—'lh«
“ TheNiillificrscon- just power of the H.
f tend, that if a law war# Stales —that delegated
’ ‘ nullified, a presumption to them hy the Consli
i would be created a- lotion— not an E»tb*
I gainst its cimstiintion- constitutional row
• ;ulily; and llial the ina- eh, whose acts the.
• 1 joriiy would bo bound, citizens would not bk
ilif it did not yield by re- bounutooßEV, ok the
' pooling it, to call a con- Court have any bioh-e
volition of the Stales, to sustain. [What
■ and solicit a formal more do the Kulhberfc
I grant of (lie power, to contend fur, than that
■ pass such a law, in or- ajl laws not authorized
iljor that the question hy the constitution,nr#
i may bo tested. Tins not binding on tbs
I i notion is utterly mi- citizens of a sovereign
' founded. In the first State? If ‘Oglethorpe’
|pi ice. if the majority of is not a milliner her#
I Slates believe* a law “in theory" we do not
,| 0 be constitutional, understand the tomb
.and persist iu main- andhisdcfendingGoor.
tuining it to he so ; (he gia in an act of Nulhfi
contnuy opinion of the cation proves him to ho
minority cannot cioale one, more pr less,in the
a presumption of its “ dangerous proc.tice .”]
unconslilutionalily; un- Heagaingoesonlosay,
less we adopt the very “If the claims of Geor
eElraordinary supposi- gia [and wo say of
tion, that a smaller other States] cannot
number is more likely ho vindicated hy the
to be right than a groa- Declarafionol {ndepen
tor! I ’’ donee, the articles of
[According to this rea- confederation, the con
‘ soiling, none cun ever slitution ol the United
be right-but the ina- Stales, thev ry quota
joriiy, and even lions and admissions of
' should sovereigns in the bench itself; why
thu minority be right, then Bpeccb baa lost ns
they have no power, use—english hast no
and the sovereignty longer a meaning; Vnd
which was guaranteed the Court [ici/h a Vug
by esph.of them, is not less majority] may in
worth a fig, and they umpli at once, oyer lb#
are to be • ‘interfered” language & the laws,
with and made staves [and the constitution, f
of, after all. That, Again; "tlsewber#
is; what Great Bti- is it urged , that Geor
tain cannot do, or gia has long been silent
any other Sovereign [lie tries to make Her
Power, on earth, right- so still, with regaid I#
fully, can be done, hy another and a wo.s#
i a majority in Congress, act of usurpation]W
over the minority of der those acts of u r-
Sovereigns.] pation of which »h«
l Again. Ugleihorpe* now complauia» ao#
j ICpruunHten/tor&pßf*)