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IH. -;w"v’ '•;;' '. tr .v.-, Um'immtwr o.
Wmi 10 -f, .'L'vi'cfkiy* written on them, oi
Hv.' » flirt risk of all remit
■Rpr ur ? , ', 1| ll / )V V:iii-—tin* person retail-
R. •“““' u ;, u a obtainm* ftosn me 1 o-t
--lißn-: if P- ,: ' l,^ ) ! 1 , .„ kiiowk«!uen'r.-ni <*f the
:‘. r ';‘.- H ; H postpaid, ..r (‘ ••v
rsif bd static
11. ~ Ai* Mrotori. and aunrdir.n,.
>m lie i. ; i-™ «-
m ••“ 1 .; :l a three m she afternoon, at .
■vSv-r, I
Brim TV ‘i-previm.. to thedoyoftota.
■ j he muac to the t’-ourt Ot I
» •’■■' V l'Vvi ut JiEUliUis-J, mus. j
B/fni'uitMoW b _ I
i'
B, -.»> iV, * i-c;rtvcl
ccs | .. it,'- i. mill fists not- ’* j
Bruj; « holer a*
B -I, „n ti,el3ihiiwt„77.iewcasos, i
H-on the I9t!», 50 new casts, ISdcaths j
Bih, 08 new casus, 13 deaths—amt,
M jo nuW casus, 18deaths.
Kliihia, on the 17th, 00 new casco,
B ( . n iho lath, 74 new cases, 19 deaths
K.|, .Ut now cased, 11 deaths—on the
B ’ case 9, 18 deaths—and, on the 2lst
■,,, it loath..
tub cutiPSi
and prospects id the crops,
jltli .ri'!ljuul the State, so far an tv.
Horhcaid, are exceedingly had—worse,
Btlna diry have been known btdore
Hears,'if over. What withtha drought,
H'.. and then the wet—and now the
Hs.-m..- [. arts of this section, and proba-
H ilia sl ite of hull) the corn and cotton
Hcd'y alarm mg- I’ l the i;oniitinaof < o-
Kes, Oglethorpe, Cl ok, Idncoln,
1 P unhhii. which we l.avn pitsiiod
H> various directions, wo have seen
Hau.'M', or should scarcely he able to
Hl.i'itt there and elsswliere, and we,
H doubt nut that they n.o hcliovodi by
K 3- ,! not prepared lo jiidp*o lor them ■
•be gready exaggerated. Kunieroiia
U la.lh of corn mid cotton, in the ronn
e n.lined, have been abandoned alto
imei*as; and one getttleniun infoiined
a fn«mi of his expected to make not
i 3UU .barrels of coin, at faitlmst, froin
uni acres planted. During the severe
viiidi preceded the late ruins, the rust
uni cn die cotton, find apreud consider,
re the rains came, which chocked it for
nd it was then thought, removed it al
but it has since taken a new start, and
aennially, with more or less force and
The riant, mostly, and particularly that
eaily, is very stunted, discolored, and
and looks, in many parts, more liko a
nwhalcsuine,worthless weed, than the
Colton Plant, not reaching to the knee
(there it has usually grown breast high,
i, many of the plntiierg I have talked
hevo limy will not make a support; and
3, from peiserial observation, and fre
nversations on the subject, I should
>y no meahi uhpTCl.'dhle, that nut more
iialt the qu miity of the usual crop will
i “nd perhaps, not that. Under the
Hand oppressive taxes imposed on them,
lets generally have found It difficult
already, to nmh? even a living; and if
v<i 3 'ill. to use as much, or neaily, (for
y Use, fiom necessity, almost as little as
We,) of cottons, woollens, iron, sugar,
.inn) pay the same excessive duties
, with Uri | la ]f t|, e usual means of paying
b we uniat necessarily look for most
lidiing, alarming, and distressing limes,
ar.
tlul you notice, in the Chronicle of the
•'no comments of the Georgia Courier,
ret to see it, since, with nearly all whoso
unions J vulmo, that paper in destitute of
niiuonceor character; and, long before
S'ii treated it with the silent cotitoia .t it
my best friends remonstrated Hiiiiinnt
ln il “ny regard to what it says, either of
ut ,n y opinions, or those of any one else.
Itl i , ics and character are odious among
h'v. “tnl am seldom spoken of, but with
ail, l contempt.
'« v n.LE, August 2 %d, 1832.
I,HiE J'<*i\CiSTUKET?S
SPEECH,
'“ C ,t ' c ' l "innil Hesulutionf, Jhip-. 18.1832
(Concluded from our lust.)
• idea, however, Mr. Chairman that I
10 ciiizen supposed, or that nnlli
uneil out into practice, would lead
~i 1 ,ssu es. 1 cannot believe that the
B*a. 0 f* rnment WouM make war Ul
i ,‘ ls secession, for things done
L „ lIS k(!^o,e " It would be a curious
1 rn oiorial law, hut not a cause of
iwon'r ' 1 n ° ' ,lea ,!wt tlle g eil eral govern
tc>' . ; U : m ! 1110 bind a State to the Union
Uh (> ’ " l,v ° that long before the Slate
and the Genera! Government
Kiss, .!! 01 " 1 dv ‘ war ( ,f the latter
lin l j k °' ‘txvvhy ih o factories
t n . ll,lh9ir i!,au ‘ ,nc ' i “"un the politic
lost, the f-. tC ..: Vo :awc ropeak-d
as useless, the nullilipation laws repealed, a coin
promise efioefed, and the Union preserved. If
South Carolina proceeds with proper skill, (ami
she has the talent to do so) this will probably be
the history of nullification. An enor in her le
gislation, or a daring as-umi lion of power by
the President, or the frenzied legislation of dis
appointed avarice in Cnrg ess, may make se
cession necessary, and then she will be precisely
where some of our wise ones would place this
Stale at once. They admit that Georgia has
been abused, that th« Constitution of the United
States has been violated, and hy wajr of redres
sing these grievances, they would surrender all
the blessings of the Union. Their doctrine is,
that whenever a State becomes satisfied that
the Federal Constitution has been violated,
she must desert the Union. Sir, nothing can
bo presented to my mind which appears more
1 preposterous. In the short space of forty five
| years, Congress has ; assed nearly, or ouilc that
many unconstitutional laws; and that very Su
preme Court, which you are all denouncing tor
j ratifying eveiy thing that Congress does, lias
1 declared them to be so. In all these cases, the
1 advocates of secession would have had the Union
I dissolved. In some of these, every State in the
I Union must concur with the .Supreme Court, and
|here all the States must retire. In argument
I upon this subject, the other day, I was furnished
j by my adversary with a case peculiarly apposite
| to rny purpose then, and now. "Is it not absurd"
said ho "fur a Btute to claim the privileges of
the Union, an J yatraf use obedience to her laws?
Suppose three persons form a partnership, would
i you justify one of them in taking his share of
the profits, and refusing lo bear it.a po.tiun of
j the burdens and losses of the firml" 1 replied—
I “Make the cases really analog .us, and nothing
j could ptovu my position cleat et than your case.
Three poisons cuter into articles of copartner
ship upon terms of equal labor, profit and loss,
it is a highly advantageous business lo all. Two
of them declare that the third shall boar a double
portion ot ttio burdens, and that they will have
a double portion olTbe profits—What ought the
lluid to do? lie tiro from the firm to his great
injury, or refuse obedience to the requisitions?*'
Secession answers—‘'retire;” these resolutions
answer,‘‘submit and beg;” and Nullification
atiH’vors, “refuse obedience,” "But the two are
a majority, and will agree among themselves,
that he must submit.” Then, lot him retire.
‘‘Bui they are the stronger —will be incensed at
the lu.is of.n> good a business,and will use force.”
Then, if he can find no dauntless spirits lo help
I,im in bis extremity, let him perish. But let no
man invoke the name of Washington, and abuse
him. l.et no man in like circumstances with
himself, make common cause with his oppres
sors.
1 have hiitud from great names, another sub
siiuiiu for nullification offered, which is, if pos
>iblf, woise titan secession or submission. Ilia
lo Call a general convention oi all the States,
and to.settle the question by an amendment of
tiie constitution. No doubt sir, the Tanli'Stateß
would come most dice fully at our Lidding,
and perhaps all the o'.lieis. And when they met,
they would say to the rfimllicrn Delegation,
‘'gentlemen, wo have conn: hither by your spe
cial invitation lo amend the constilunun. Wo
are glad lo find you have discovered, ihal it is
the constitution iffeelf, which annoys you, and
nut the violation of its spirit. But, to silence all
ca\ ils, and restore peace and good order; now
that we are all together met, and three fourths
of the States happen lobe against yuu ; we will
just insert the little clause, that ‘‘Coiigiess shall
have power to protect in any way, domestic
manufactures,” {knowing that our kind friends
the Yankees see as far into tilings as most peo
ple, I should apprehend a check mate m this
way.
Another plan is to cal! a convention of the
Southern States. I oppose this, not upon the
ground assumed by the uulliliers of Carolina, that
it would be central y to art. 1. sec. XO.* ot the
constitution ; though ii the Stales are to be bound
by what their delegates might agree upon, (ami
otherwise iievould ue iiilc)ihu argument is unan
swerable, by any one who feels bound to resist
.’ by constitutional means, encroachments upon
tin? constitution. Il it can be thus done, most
e,r=ciually atit’ speedily, veiy well. But Ido
not held .him Who is slabbed through the Consti
tution, bound to gb rou..J k i“ Ot'ier to
the llnuat. Hard would be the fate l>t honest
dealers, if they were bound to look to tbe terms
of their contracts for iliuir remedies. My objec
tions are, that such u convention cannot be got
up, Geoigia and Alabama are all tout would p.o
bubly meet. o shall be called upon lo taite
sides for or against Carolina, hofoie it can le
! convened. We have had a more imposing con
i' ventiou at Philadelphia, which ended is nodi
. iug. Congiess would do no mote tor tucb a
i convention than it would for a single State; it
1 could only present the alternative ot disunion or
f abrogation ot the tariff al last. It would toiin
the nucleus of a great Southern Republic, m
? cose oi’ a disunion, which Ido not desiie. I:
i would end in disunion inevitably; for there could
be no compromise of matteia, no mutual ecu
cessions, no return of the convention to delibe
rate upon any fair proposition ot Congress; un<l
discoid would arise between ils membeis upon
such a proposition if it could deliberate.
. Another plan is for the Stale lo propose torm
lo Congress. It is possible, now that things art
r assuming a dangerous aspect at the South, that
ibis plan may form the basis of an ultimate ad
j juslinenl of our differences. Though Us value
depends upon what.l cannot know viz: the tei rnf
* which a.e to be offered. Vet I have no douhl
that il is belter than either of the three last,
which have been considered. Nullification laws
* may be so framed as to meet the objects of this
plan in all respects. The objection is, that il n
'i threaten nullification, it will be 100 tardy ; il n
" threaten disunion, it is too rash.
I Having now given you my views, and hastily
! r compared them with the views of others; in
IS dulge mo if you please sir, in alow remaiks up
Tio giate ilall, without the convent o Cmyrcss, <*n-
J ter wvV.WBt * CW‘ *■•«“ l “ cr
I
■i ,u ■ «•* <— ■■■
on the resolutions which have been offered—l
moan the tfcst, for I presume it will be unneces
sary to say anything nfthe last.
I oppose them in mass sir. Because it seems
to me, u vein of inconsistency reus through the
whole of them. They admit the unconstitu
tionally ol the American System, and yet pro
pose no remedy. They denounce the Athens
■resolution, and yet propose the same thing in
i principle, if the sixth resolution be not a mere
i feint. They disupptove the Athens resolution,
i pronounce it "exceedingly dangerous,” and yet
• reserve the tight of conformity lo it. They speak
I tbe language both of submission and resistance.
They are mild to the oppressor, and harsh to
; the oppressed. They admit a grievance, and
proscribe our countrymen and friends and towns
i men, because they have mistaken the mode of
1 redressing it. Sir, after all our vaporing, coin
-1 plaining and threatening, a”d doing, what will
• the people of the North think of us, when these
resolutions go forth, under the sanction of such
names as will accompany it? What will they
i think of a piolest against the constitutionality o 1
i the Tarift, coupled with a piolest against nulli- j
i filiation—if their eycsshuiild happen lobe closed
: to the fact, that a protest against nullification is
I entitled to but very little respect, w hen coming
1 from Georgia? When I consider the solemn and !
I impressive preamble, in connexion with the res-1
elutions which it introduces; it seems lo me,
liko the dirge of Boiithein honor—the requiem
f of nur hopes—the death moan of tbe retiring 1
1 spirit of tbe Revolution. I do believe sir, that if j
Washington were in life, ho would frown upon
t those resolutions. Did you loam fiom Washing-'
r ton, sir, when the stamp act was repealed, the
lesson of contentment, which your fust rcsolu-{
tion teaches. Did you learn fiom him to coin-1
promit your principles, for favors? That act was
repealed to allow Mr. Townsend an experiment j
upon American stupidity—Ho said ho could tax !
ihe colonies, and they would not find it out. Ac (
cordingly, he imposed a duty upon tea, glass, |
paper, and painters colours; five articles, (not j
three times five bundled, as our northern bieih
oren give it to us) but the colonics would not
submit to it. They met, remonstrated, and i
formed schemes of resistance—and the duties
upon all but lea wore removed. Did Washing
ton then tell his country men "now ho content,
groat favors have been done you, take great j
consolation to yourselves, and put down any of
your follow citizens who would act differently?”
Bir, in all the great book of Washington's canons,
where do you learn patient submission to
lawless taxation. To mu, it is marvellous, that i
our northern brethren should so soon have lost
, tbo admonitions of the revolution—that they
should not have remembered the danger of dc- i
laying redress until popular r;go is enkindled. I
J object to the Resolutions in detail.
The first avows that the, late Tariff law is a
( decided amelioration ol llio system. This posi-1
lion has received the sanction am) support of
• our learned Senator, (Mr. Forsyth,) who ro-as
( soils its truth; and h iving thus clothed it with
the attribute "of omnipotence,” he deduces
j from it a homily of consolations, altogether
1 j soothing to the fevered splits of tbe South. Hu '
'' gives us lo understand, (what Ihud not before ;
( conjectured,) that it was an achievement of
1 Southern firmness, talent and adroitness; and
j, carrying us, with his own peculiar interest, thro’ 1
I! the several campaigns, fiom TO to ’32, he brings
|us at length to the field of our triumph. And j
j here he entertains us with a lively description of
5 ■ the final struggle. He tells us, what to the las
*. tidious might seem to tarnish our laurels, that
1-
j we are indebted chiefly to the S >u!b for the op-
T pressive system. That the North and East pro
-31 ferred Commerce to Manufactures; and for a ;
season, furnished us with some of the ablest ar-!
• guments and essays, which have been produced
against the Tariff. Boston immortalized herself, '
3 and .Mr. Webster himself, upon our side of the 1
3 question. At length, however, the comhatanta |
1 were fairly arranged under their respective ban
-3 j nets —(lain not using his language, sir.) The
• i South advanced with a fi. m and fearless step, •
I 1
and den ended a surrender. Tbe North and
East maintained tbeir posts for a while, but were *
1 soon driven from tbeir position. They then
I fastened on the (roteeted articles, and bore they !
I I were dislodged. They then look shelter in the
3 ravines, raorasses, and societ xvinJuigs of the 1
system —and bore they suffered reiterated do-1
3 jJoats; until at last they surrendered the rich'
T trophy, upon the acquisition of which, the gen
-3 llernan pow felicitates us. Hu tells us, that (he '
‘ bill ol ’32, is hotter, in it--, present shape, than it
1 was in any of its other forms. That it reduces
the duties about $8,000,OCB; 3,000,000 of which
3 come off the protected articles; and that about
“ SIOO,OOO fiom the article of plains, was an of
fining of good will alone, to the South. He as-;
signs tire approaching Presidential Election, as a t
a reason why wo should not expect more at this ;
I time. “Mr. Clay is the father ot.lhu System, and j
r his interests arc identified with it. A yielding
II of the one would so far allect the oilier. As
“ soon as tbo election is over, bis friends w ill think
[t and act mo;o impartially, and will, no doubt, be j
more accessible lo reason and justice. He
1 promises some thing too, trotn a change which
I lias taken place in Boulbom tactics. "The mem- j
rt gars from tbo South have heretofore, been in
II tbo habit of circulating tbeir speeches exclusive, j
ly among their own citizens. The Noith,
113 and West, do the same. Hence the people Imvd
li been kept perpetually in a flame ol hostility to ,
11 each other. A large body of tfm people of the :
1 Tariff States are not as decidedly tariff, as,
33 tilt ir Representatives ; and have only lo be en ,
IS lightened to change, in a measure, tbe cliarac
’* ter of tbeir Rcprem.illation, ifie b'.iutiiein
l > delegates have seen their error in this regard, j
s and are beginning to correct it, by sending then
• 8 lights among them.” From these cor.sidera
31 lions,but most of all, "from the virtue of tbe peo- j
" pie, an enlightened press, and the omnipotence
of truth,” the gentleman consoles hmistdl wub
y hope of better tunes ; and recommend.-; per
-1 severance, temperance, patience, moderation,
and proscription, as the best means of ensuring
iho promised blessings. Sir, I behave in ti e
,l ’ „utua of the people, when there sis ns Clays to
i
be served before it can act freely. No parties
to distract, no demagogues to delude, no strong
private interests to bias, I believe too, in tbe
omnipotence of truth; because, in every depart
mont of moral science, except politics, it has
triuinp led h) ite own intrinsic energies; and in
that, it has over vanquished, by the aid of Him,
" who keepeth truth forever.” Every clause
m our admirable Constitution, is but a tro, hy
thus won from the strong, who gloried in their
strength while they oppressed the weak. Hence,
when I con record it for th: eyes of the tcorld,
that I beliere the ’tariff laws to he unconstitu
tional, and can coll ih o world to witness that 1
have peaceably submitted t 0 its ravages for six
teen years : I ,am then, prepared lo meet its ad
vocates in tbe fluid, if they prefer (his lo my re
lief tiustiug to Him, whoso record is, "that,
the race is not to the swift, not the buttle to the
strong."
'further than this, I cannot go with our en
lightened Senator. I u itlressed the contests in
which he, and bis compeers in arms, won ihelr
laurels; but it is impossible fur mo to ascribe
i tbeir success to tbe power of reason or the force
;of truth. I saw the champions of the South de
i j toatod again unit again, when they wore de
,: fending axiomatic troths. Isuw them driven by
; the noise ol a lett r hum positions, which would
, have been impregnable to a nobler enemy. I
i witnessed su.b defeats, until the Union lost its
beauty in my eyes, uiui civil war lost its defoitu
! ity- 1 saw llieiu repeatedly victorious, when
i tUuir opponents from igooiauoo or forgolfuluessi
j stood but hall exposed lo the force of truth; and
as often as they triumphed, 1 saw a corps arise
, from tbeir ambush, in the galleries oflbe Capi
| tol, and rushing u, llio succour of tbo udversaiy,
f.inve our representatives Hum tbo vantage
1 ground which llioy had gained. There is in
I 'bis highly complimented bill, alasting token of 1
! 0,1(1 of those defects—a sad memorial of the im- 1
I pot.nce of ir ut li, when opposed to the combined
j forces of interest and avarice. Mr. Hayne—l
think it was—when the present duty on flannel, |
was proposed in the S mate; rose and said, that,
from invoices, or prices cm rent, which ho held
lin his hand, it was obviuus that a duty of six- |
teen cents upon tho square yard of flannel, would
amount to a prohibition of the article : and, “I
ask,” said he, " the advocates of this system,
whether they really moan to push it to this ox-'
tent? Flannel is an article in great use at the i
Boutli; and it we must pay an exorbitant price
for it, I ask, in the name of justice, whether fifty 1
per centum ad valorem will not he enough ! 1
j propose, therefore, to strike out sixteen cents
tbe square yard, & insert fifty cents ad valorem.” j
■ Here, sir, was the eloquence of truth, recoin- ’
; mended by those qualities, which ought to have !
j prevailed, with even avarice itself-—and it had 1
j for a moment its proper effect. The smalt boon ‘
, was granted which he asked—When immedi- '
| a tidy a commotion was seen in the gallcty of
; me Senate ; se/eral .persons descended—vvliia
peic.l to the Senators— One of whom, who had
just voted for the amendment, immediately mo- 1
ved a reconsideration of tho vote—alleging
i that lie had just been informed, that flannel could
I not be manufactured in this country, without a .
j higher protective duty than fifty per cent, or
. something to ihis effect. His motion provailed—
the 10 cents was restored; and wu now are to
'pay from fifty to two hundred per cent higher
I than is necessary, for this article of daily use, as
| a premium so our opprussois, for destroying t o
beau ifiil arrangement of powers, which our fa
thers made in the council-chamber of the na
tion.
Another case of the kind, with your permis |
sion, sir. Ii was proposed lo abolish the duty on
| plated wire : nouuo in tbe oapitol knowing, per- j
I Imps, dial them was a manufactory of this article |
in the Union. It was abolished —As gnyn as,
| the news could reach Connecticut, and a letter
ibo returned, a member from that Statu wan in
j formed that ilioro were among his constituents,
,inamff'ivluivfsof tint article ; and lie moved to (
( iiave tho duty upon it restored—and it was done j
' accordingly. Thus, every man in the Union j
I who needs this article, must be taxed to support ,
a little dtiviliug factory, in some obscure corner |
lof Connecticut. Lot me add a word lo wbat
; our Senator himself tells us of Mr. Adams’ Con
, duct in this matter. He was not as we are now
! told, he was declared lo be—an old woman, who
I did not know ins own mind two days together.
Ho knew I'isown mind very well, and it would
have led biiu to trerke some small concessions,
; foi the preservation of tho Union. But wbuii ho
unfolded bis scheme of retrenchment, be was
overawed hy bis constituents, and be bad not
the firmness to do public justice, ut tho expense
of i nvatu interest. Hence, after presenting
ins bill, no commenced cutting it to pieces in all
jits details ; presenting no other apology for his
instability, than a largo Laiiidlo ot'lotleia, which
i no kept contiuual'y before him, and to which ho
(paid as blind an obedience, as would a factor to
t{,o orders ofbis principal. Now, sir, vvirii these
lac'.,:, a.id many others usu like kind, before me,
so oiled by die testimony of those who were
;!1 tpe hottest of the battle, it will nut be -oiisid
-1 e , o .i surprising, that 1 cannot find in the om
nipolonce of t.utb, those consolations, upon
, |,pji out learned Senator rupqses with ao much
security.
j Nor am I more encouraged by the change
,! ,f Humbert! tactics. Southern speeches have
,! never been indebted for tbeir circulation, ex
, I ehisively to Southern bauds. They have always
j; 1.,j., 1 1 tbeir way through the Washington City
, ~, to ovi ry oai lof the Union. 1 have nevoi
I I! J 1
1;,,, ■ -.-ii the friend of Manufactures, who could
' ii-.t find them, wbien he Wished to ridicule them.
I I id.rt, sir, iho gentleman himself, has out
i from under tno this ground of hope, by telling
Jus that we once had u strong interest*!!! oar 1 1-
1. or u t the North, wilt. Mr. Webster at its head
[f the light which he tells us tliey shod over
Their land, baa become extinguished—dos
i jjernte is the Imp© that rests upon the South
ern speeches, to revive them.
Nor cat) I see b.-ighte.’ prospects behind the
President! ejection—-* np'y because such elec
■ i P ..us vvrd aiways be b; ;-<re us, and because lour
> lliave pat'-a i" swsy. system crrr.tm'n
s cod, without the least amelioration of our con-
S Virion at their termination,
s. No Mr. Chairman,you arn indebted to fMlifica
-1 tion (or all that you have gained: and 1 could
a produce an hundred letters, written from the
i scuno ot action, anil an bund.ed confessions
, dropt by our adversaries, lopsove it. TheTreas
j ury bill pretends not to conceal it. If, thcro
( * lire ' 3’ 0U t ’ a, t 'and its fiuits in one breath, and
r denounce it and its supporters in tbe next; 1
, | clieeilully surrender to you the exclusive honor
, of your generosity. In what 1 have said, 1 would
.; not be undeietuod as intending to depreciate the
I services ot our honorable Representative,
- iu the conflicts. Doubtless “ sctcu of theeletcn
he paid. But while hu was endeavoring to
-1 wrest fiom my principles the honor of the trophy
i j ho prizes so highly, I could not help turn
i, ing back my thoughts lo thu incidents of the
j contest, to sec how far they confirmed his views.
. j And, sir, were I to speak from the hasty rccol- !
i lections of the moment,! should say—tlnu while
r our VV ddes and Mi Unifies, CJlay tons and Haynes, ■
) were fighting shoulder to shoulder, in the hottest
j ol the buttle, reckless <,f furinor differences—
-1 om honorable (senator, like the renowned hero,
-1 whoso words I have just quoted, was seeking
y honor in a cheaper way. Ido remember, that
1 towards the close of the battle, (1 believe at the
I very close, lor it 1 mistake not, the gentleman
s discharged the last shot that was fired hy the
- bouth,) lie made a proclamation to the enemy;
i but 1 undcistood him (hen to use language very
1 diffcient from that v\ Inch he now holds. 1 tlioT
I ho told the foe, ho wodld taka what was won;
i j because it was better than nothing ; hut that his
j people would not ho satisfied wuh il. True, he
does not say now that we must ho satisfied, hut
he makes dissatisfaction extremely perilous, if it
I not ol the most harmless ami patient cliarac
I tor.l grant ho wc\ er,that he may have done much,
, very much, that I did not observe. All I contend
for is, that Bonth Carolina have the honor ol
( what has boon gained. I will not, however,
I avail myself of the concession, which the gen
i ilemau makes, by enhancing its value. -I will
not stake my computation of its value against
| his; because, 1 have not yet possessed myself ot
the data, necessary ton computation which may
be relied on. But 1 know Mr. Wilde lo be al
; all limes, as patient of laborious calculations, as |
the gentleman, and upon this head he has given (
, creditable proof of his research; and he confi (
j dently assorts, that the duties are not reduced (
( morn than $3,000,000. Many olher gentlemen
maintain ilm reduction is still less. And, sir, I
think I might venture the assertion,upon nothing
J but the comparison of Mr. McLanc’s bill, with
That which was adopted, that Mr. Wilde is cor
rect. Tho Secretary of the Treasury, hy bis
own estimate in his bill, only made the ieduc
tion $4,177,000; and no one, it seems to mo, can
compare it with the bill that passed, and believe
that there is a differonco between them of $3,- ,
000,000, or tho half of it. Thu coocession made
to us on plains, if mo chant’s conusant of ihoso ,
1 matters are lo he n lied un, is a mere nothing,—
That ai tide, unless il boos a most inferior qua) ,
ity, cannot bo purchased abroad at 05 cents.— (
I The friends of the Tarifl" doubtless saw iliut i 1 j
good plains could he excluded, the Nuitliernsat (
tinets could successfully compete with inferior
plains, in our marki t -'•limue Vanaos ijuedunu
ferentes.” W'e might affuid to giye om gain on
plains, for our loss on flannel.. Not concurring
waili our Senator, thoiolore, 1 cannot adopt lb
fi;st resolution.
Upon lire second, I have only to say, that it in- 1
culoates the doctrine of submission, and there
fore I oppose il for reasons already urged. Ii
1 declares that some of the remedies proposed, 1
| are worse than the lutilf; ami all the remedies
| I
! which I have heard promised, may be reduced
[ lo three ; submission, secession and nullification
l-rwhieh of the two make up the objectionable
remedies, il is easy to perceive. My opinion is,tire
ta, ill is worse than any of them.
Thu thud is highly objectionable, because il
j places the candidates fin Congress, and for the
i Legislature, upon the same fooling. Sir, it is
Ipeifectly right for those who oppose nullifiea-
I tion, lo exclude from the Legislature, those who
hold that doctrine, because that hotly may be
called lo act upon the turilf at thu next Session.
But why exclude itulliiierß fiom Congrtss?
Is there any danger of their bringing that body
over lo llierr sentiments? W hat can they do there?
Speaking font a sense of wrongs which they
actually t ■!, they may perimps extort from the
fears of or oppressors, what we may not expect
fiom lb r justice. They may do us some ser
vice as signs of the spoil of Georgia; but further
than this, they are of no more rtse upon the great
question, than so many mutes. Rut your mark
I upon them, and men of wax will answer your
, purpose juntas well; and I understand,almost all
i agree, Dial thu constitution has been invaded.
, And wnh this declaration upon your lips, ai c you
, / in ato acrid men vho w ril advocate submission?
. ! And r an it be possible that yuu hope for anything
fiom reason, when your representative bears
. upon the face ofbis credentials, an authority to
our oppressors to hear bun oi not, ns they please,
Hir, ir is not easy for rnc lo tell how 1 fell when 1
i heard our .Senator advocating ihia resolution,
i and expounding the wisdom of it. His whole
exposition amounted lo this; “ you should ex
i dude them upon principle." What principle
: »ir? Merely because they disagica with you
• about tbe mode of redress? A few weeks sgo,
t at a Public Meeting, whore was collected the
, greatest fmee of moral nnd physical power that
, ( u |„iosl ever saw collected in Georgia; and
1 when the feelings and prejudices of the meeting
■ were sitting strongly against that gentleman and
I yj r , W'uyrie,lor their vote on the Uriffbill 0tT832.
r 1 saw one of bis colleagues whom he- now pro
■ scribes, rise before the multitude, and al thu
hazard, of his own popularity, most ably, cio
r piently and triumphantly vindicate those gen
■ tie men for tbs cuuise which tliey had pu'sucd.
lie turned the tide of popular fueling complete
;y, and elicited a public recantation fi.mi those
who had been unfavorable to tin hi. While the
"entlerrtan was speaking therefore, 1 was foie
ed lo a comparison, the advantage oi which was
altogether oo ‘.tip side of his advocate-bat 1)
.X-J,
will pursue the subject no farther. Before! take
my scat however, permit mo to say,that though
I beliovo nullification to be the legitimate remo
-1 rs - v for of the constitution, lam not
for enforcing it rashly or imprudently. 1 am not
for enforcing that, or any other remedy, unless
the people can be united upon it. !am for ary
remedy which will unite them. The object of
tho Athens resolution was to produce union anil
concert, and I can see nothing in it half so dan
gerous, as these resolutions. But if we cannot
contend against a common enemy, without em
broiling ourselves with ouch other, I would in
finitely prefer submission to resistance. But sir,
believe me, it is no time for round denunciations.
It is no time for us to be applying the term*
traitor, rebel, demagogue, ami
rope-deserving malefactor to each other. A
spirit ol rosisiancu is abroad, which may be con
| trolled, but cannot he subdued. It has tco
; much to plead in its behalf, to submit with pa-
I tiunco to any thing which breathes ihe language
:of dictation, mockery or insult. Wu arc divid
ed upon a question upon which the destiny of tbs
Republic is staked. The parties on each side
believe that the hopes of the republic and the
prosperity ot the houth, depend upon tho triumph
of their principles. Much zeal is therefore to
ho expected, and much joy as victoiy seems to
•Udine to either side. But, by all tho horrors of
the French Revolution, 1 warn my countrymen
agaius! upon assaults upon tho character and
motives ol those who differ with them in senti
ment. Let us lay these lessons of history close to
our hearts at this portentous crisis—"those who
m civil commotions, have been the first to cal-j
lor ropes and hidlcrs, have usually been the first
to Buffer from them"—'"the inventor of the guil
lotine is said to have been its first victim." Civ a
win hut ween well organized republics, remote
from each oilier, I doubt not will ho civil war of
the mildest character over known; hut civil
war among our own citizens, will be as it lias
over been, with unheard of circumstances of
horror, added lo it. Wlnlo before you, Mr.
Chairman, permit mo to avail mysolf of this op
porluniiy of correcting some enoia which are
abroad, in relation lo my principles and my oon
duct.
It lias been said, that I wai lately opposed to
nullification. lam at this moment sir, opposed
to Georgia nullification. I beliovo thy decision
of the Supreme Court to bo constitutional, and
light; and eu behoving, I fearlessly declare in all
places, that I think it should bo submitted to.—
.My first impressions were against South Caro
lina Nullification, because my first impressions
were, that the taiitf laws were coiisiiiuiional,
but! am wholly unconscious of ever lining de
clared those impressions to man. To many,
(hose opinions scorn irreconcilable; and hence
I suppose Iho error which I would now correct.
I have been charged with making a nullification
speech at Athens,—Not so. I simply advocated
the c ourse which bus been pursued here. Tlt.it
of submitting resolutions already framed, rather
than going through the forms of appointing a
committee to draft resolutions. It has been said
that I spoke at tho Lexington dinner—Not so.
1 did nut even give a Sentiment ul that dinner—
nor should 1 have been there, had not business of
importance,detained mo in that part of the coun
try. Thus much for the sake of truth. Wcie
all the charges true however, 1 should not blush
lo own them.
It may he follow-cilizeni, that T am yr.l in
error-—ls so, I will most cheerfully retract it
when convinced of it. It may he that I would
stake too much for the honor and privileges of
llio .South. If so, I [dead the example of our fore
fathers as an apology. It may ho that my no
tions of liberty, are 100 refined; niM I know that
I could live with loss than I have, and that 1 have
more than the subject of any oilier government
on earth, if ibcn, I uin asked, " why lam not
content With thelibnily which 1 have," 1 answer
—because it was not the hbeily 1 was born to.
I was never taught to measure my rights by lb-?
sufferings of other nations. Twunt, iir--not the
liberty of speaking in the councilsof ihenaiions
hut lliu liberty of being beard, also. Not tho
liberty of asking redress of grievances—but tho
liberty which exempts me from insult, mockery,
and derision, when I respectfully BOlrfiit it.—
Not the liberty of tilling my own soil—butof using
its fruits as iny own. Not the liberty of selling
my own—but of selling it where 1 please. Not
die liberty of buying—but of buying from whom
I please. Not the liberty which clothes the Nortlx
in purple, and the South in rags—hut the liberty
which spreads health, and cheerfulness, and
equality, through the whole republic. In a word
the i ißr-BTV which enables me to walk abroad
with the port, and nicii), and majesty Oi an A
merican citizen; and not the liberty which o.n.
tails upon me, the falltoriiig stop and coweiWig
look, of a mere suppliant for mcicy.
Thi : j e are my sentiments; and, if Richmond
exile me so, thorn, I know that I shall no: havo
to quit mv native land, to find a county which
Will lecnive and welcome mo, with tro other
passport to her heart and affections, than these
very Sentiments.
riiuATA*
111 the fust part of Judge LoKr.sr Hint's speech,
published in oor last; the following errors occur
ted.
The "saint of Liberty who has been so impor
tunulely invoked— read inopportunely invoked
(4th paiugraph.)
Left the Government in debt about twenty
seven million of dollars, and anils interests could
be “secured'' read "subserved," (Crli paragraph.)
The South was by no means satisfied vvirh
this “little" — tend this "bill."
Take to yourself the mere honorable title-*
read more honorable, (last sentence.)
This thus admitted read ‘.his they ad galled,,
(next to last paragraph)
There aresevoral iitUral errois wh Jo not
change the »eu»a, and which lb* r< sutler wild