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J'rtn A/osre't ,\Vw Irish Mdsdiet,
A I,ONE IN CROWDS TO WANDER OX.
Alone in crowds to wander on,
And fed that all the chaim ii> gone,
Which voice* dear and ores beloved
Bhed round u« once where'er we roved;
TKia, this the doom rnuat lw
Os all who've loved and lived (o *co
The low bright thing* they thought would stay
For aver near them, die away.
Though fairer fortm around u* throng,
Thair emilcs to other* all belong,
And what that light which dwell* alone
Round thrive the fond heart call* it* own.
Where, whore the *unny brow '
The long known voice—where arc they now 1
Thu* s*k I still, nor ask In vain,—
The ailence answer* all too plain.
6h, what i* Policy’* magic worth,
If all her art cannot call forth
One bits* like those we fell of old,
From lip*-now mute ami eye* now cold !
JVo, no, —her spell is vain,—
As soon could she bring back again
Thow eyes themselves from out the grave,
As wake again one bli«* they gave.
SPEECH OF MR. WOOD,
of m’intosh,
In the Senate of Georgia, on Friday,
14lh November, in reply hi Mr, Dan -
tan of Greene, on the Citation of Ihe
United States Supreme Court.
Mr. WOOD said—lt would be pre
sumptuous in me, Mr. President, it plain
and unpretending fanner, to attempt to
reply fully to the lengthy arguments of I
the gentleman from Greene, but ns he
hat; railed upon those who think ditt'er
ently with him to come forward, I should
be wanting in my duty to my consti
tuents and the world, if I hesitated to
express my sentiments. I give the gen
tleman credit for possessing ;! command
ing eloquence, but in this he is (he more
likely to mislead. Great exertions arc
making against os, and these exertions
prove that they are the last throes of an
expiring party; who are endeavoring to ,
promulgate doctrines which will destroy
this great confederacy, and overwhelm |
tie in ruin. I had hoped, sir, that the po- ]
pular voice which has resounded with t
such unanimity from the polls to this ;
chamber, would have been evidence t
sufficient to show that the people' of
Georgia were averse to the doctrines pro
fessed by that gentleman and his par
ty. The people have manifested their
disapprobation, but they have failed to
convince. The vox vopu/i vox Dei, is
not one of the principles advocated by
that gentleman. It would be impossible
for me to go through the special plead
ing which the honorable Senator bus
raked up to show tluit the present issue is
a party question, and not one of princi
ple. the doctrine of State Rights and
State interposition, according to him is
the cure for every thing, the salve for
every sore. Well if it be so, lam sorry
our ‘medical men in the lower country
did not apply it as a specific against
the Cholera. But why are we quar
relling about words ? The gentleman
has introduced three resolutions to
counteract those proposed by the ma
jority, and yet he professes their object
to be the same, for maintaining the digni
ty of the State, and for protecting our
own citizens in the due execution of our
own laws. Then why not meet in har
mony together, and settle upon (I esc
principles? Why should party feelings
divide us, if our object be one and the i
same. 1 had hoped that the sweet dews
of Heaven would ere this, have calmed
the minority and tranqtiili/.cd their spir
its. The uuestion of Stale sovereignty
is one that has frequently been argued iii
this House—so frequently that 1 should
be tiresome if 1 were to trouble the Sen
ate with any enumeration. The gentle
man says he has always been an advocate
of the State Rights doctrine —Isay that
my whole life testifies that 1 have been
the advocate of cur happy and glorious
\mion. If the gentleman be sincere with
respect to the course that ought to be
pursued by the State of Georgia, was it
not incumbent upon him to have shown
that the Slate possesses an original cri
minal jurisdiction. It never was con
tended that the people of (he several
States gave up their criminal jurisdiction
to the Genera! Government, for by a re
ference to the constitution it will bo seen
that it was only given up in certain cases.
By the Bth section of the first Article of
the Constitution of the United States,
Congress ahall have power to provide—
-Ist. “ For the punishment of persons
counterfeiting the securities and. current
coin of the United Slates.
2d. To define and punish Piracies and
Felonies committed on the high seas, &c.
3d. To exercise exclusive Legislation
over a certain district (10 miles square
for a seat of Government) and overall
places purchased by consent of (be Le
fislnture of the State in which the same
e, for the erection of Forts, Magazines,
Arsenals, Dock-yards and other needful
buildings.”
Here is an express and specific delega
tion of criminal jurisdiction, in every
other respect, it is exclusively confined
to the States, and they have the right to
exercise it, nor has the General Govern
ment ever claimed it. To prove this,
should have been the course of the hon
orable Senator, which he might have done
without travelling into, and wandering
about the Indian country. Then again
the gentleman has brought in his twelve
treaties, like the twelve tribe* of Israel.
I wish the doctrine lie advocates was as
good as that we derived from those tribes,
nut a more destructive and pernicious
doctrine could not be introduced among
the American people. Besides, the ar
guments of the gentleman do not apply
to the case before us. If the gentleman
wants to prove Bk doctrine of State
Rights, let him go into the original of
the sovereignty of the States. These
gentlemen contend that they are the ex
clusive advocates of the rights of the
States, and that we are for pulling them
down. Now that the States are free,
sovereign and independent, to a certain
extent, I contend, and am as strong an
advocate as any mau in the United Slates,
but I contend also, that we have volun
tarily surrendered up a part of our so
vereignty for particular purposes —that
the sovereignty of the states is not as
complete now as it was before the adop
tion of the constitution, and that all the
sovereignty not so surrendered (o the U
nited Slates, or rather (he General Gov
ernment, is reserved to the people. The
gentleman rajs we have an unbounded
sovereignty, I say we have a contracted
sovereignty. On this question lam
sorry to disagree with a great many whb
call the people of (he country the sover
eigns, instead of which I maintain that
the people arc the source of ah power,
and that the Government which they
have originated, is the medium or ful
crum on which that sovereignly is exerci
sed. Allow me to explain more clearly.
Our condition, or state of Society is such,
spread ns it is, over an immense extent ol
territory, (hat the exercise of sovereign
power in prenriu persona would be im
practicable in any other way than by
delegated authority, and thus it is that
the people become ihe source of all pow
er, and the government they constitute,
represents their sovereignty for the • ime
that it exists. Moreover that the people
have it in their power to create a smaller
or greater sovereignty as they please. If
then it can be made to appear (hat (he
Stales have surrendered a part of their
1 sovereignty to the General Government,
1 for tiu* good of the whole, how can we
| contend that what we have given up, we
have retained? This appears to me a
palpable absurdity. The gentleman re
ferred to (he Virginia and Kentucky Re
solutions, which Have nothing at all to do
with the question. He then slipped over
them and mounted his ark upon Mount
j Arrnrat, and (hen returned to his twelve
j treaties, all of which things are foreign to
the question at issue. The gentlemen
has called upon us to come out; well
then, I will tell him that I believe a State
lias a right to protect her reserved rights,
hut I deny even upon the Virginia and
Kentucky resolutions, the right of a Stale
to interpose on all occasions whenever she
pleases. This doctrine 1 must unequivo
cally dissent from. The first Kentucky
resolution says, “ That as in all cases o)
compact, among parties having no com
mon Judge, each parly has an equal
right to judge for itself, as well of infrac
tions, ns of the mode and measure of re
dress,” This is the great principle up
on which these gentlemen have bottomed
their whole system, (hat the States are to
he the sole judges, the parties being equal.
I maintain, sir, that it would be a reflec
tion to this honorable Senate to put forth
a declaration asserting that the Slate of
Georgia had an equal sovereignty with
the General Government of the United
States. It no where exists, we must ad
vert to where the attributes of it exist.
Where are they ? They are those which
the State surrendered to the General Go
vernment by the compact, and if they
have given them up, how can they be re
tained ?
The gentleman represents the advo
cates of the Union as the advocates of
consolidation, and hold this upas a scare
crow to terrify the people; but 1 tell
them that our doctrine is the only thing
that can steer between the Seylla and
UharVbdls of the day—between disunion
on the one hand, and consolidation on the
other, and that will hand down our insti
tutions unimpaired, and in all their pris
tine glory to our posterity. Well, sir, if
there is no complete sovereignty in the
States, it cannot rest with us, and we
have only sovereignty for particular pur
poses, the remainder being vested in the
General Government. This sovereignty
is also placed in the hands of the latter
for particular purposes, and not for their
own use; why? Because it is the govern
ment of the people, to he exercised and
administered for the people’s benefit.—
That each State should not be a sove
reign in itself; it was agreed that each re
sign and give up a certain portion. "It
is obviously impracticable,” in the Fe
deral Government of these States, to se
cure all rights of independent sovereign
ty to each, and yet provide for the inte
rest and safety of all. Individuals en
tering into society must give up a shared
liberty to preserve the rest.” Now, ifir,
among these rights given up, that of cri
minal jurisdiction in the States was not
one of them, but on the contrary, it was
retained by the State of Georgia, and
tints it is that the majority call the at
tempt to interfere therein, an “abuse of
(he Supreme Court of the United States.”
It is one of those residuary rights retain
ed by us, which that judiciary ought not
to encroach upon. As to other rights,
such as those embraced in the principles
of gentlemen on the other side, we have
given them up, and we cannot lake them
back. If so, why do we contend that we
arc sovereigns dr jure hut dr facto f It
is impossible that two sovereigns can ex
ist together. This would lead to end
less confusion.
But let us go a little further into these
resolutions. The great object of them
was to arrest the Federal usurpation ot
that day, which, in the opinion of their
framers, Was making encroachments not
authorized by the constitution. As the
honorable Senator has made so much al
lusion to the state of parties at that time,
I may be excused for doing the same. In
the "formation of the constitution, there
was a party disposed to give strong pow
ers to the General Government. There
was another whose object was to control
those powers within narrower limits, by
reserving as much as possible to the
States. The former party was so great
that they were inclined to bestow upon
the Federal Government powers little
short of monarchical, ana this party
brought in the elder Adams as the suc
cessor of Washington. During that ad
j ministration, the Alien and Sedition
laws, which gave rise to these resolutions,
were passed. lam not denying but that
the party which adopted these last were
right, I have no doubt that were, but does
it follow thence that the others were
totally wrong in their intentions? Ihe
State of Virginia came out first, and was
followed bv Kentucky in the ensuing
year, in promulgating the Democratic
' doctrine, and it is upon these principles
. that gentlemen have drawn their conclu
sions. They have formed the pivot upon
■ j which they have turned their doctrine of
I I State sovereignty, and the right of State
, interposition upon all occasions. Now
i let us see what those principles are.
They avow a strong attachment to the
, Union, but declare it as their opinion
that certain acts wore unconstitutional,
I but do they take any action ? No sir.
jThcy merely desire the Governor to
transmit a copy of the resolutions to the
■other Slates, and to the Senators and
: Representatives of their own State in
Congress. Permit me to give the fol
lowing extracts from the Kentucky Re
■ solutions. The 9th declares, “ (hat the
.-‘sates recurring to their natural rights,
in cases not made Federal, will concur in
declaring three acts (the Alien ami Sc
i dition laws) of no force, and will each j
unite with the Commonwealth, in request
ing their repeal cl the next session of
, Congress."'
Again in 1799, “That, although this
commonwealth, as a parly ol the Federal
Compact, will bow to“th'e Lawn of the
. Union, yet it does at the same time dc
, dure, that it will not now, or ever here
!' .ifler, cease to oppose, in n constitutional
i manner, every attempt, from what quar
• ter soever ofVercd, to violate that com
pact, and finally in order that no pretext
t or argument may be drawn from a sup
posed acquiescence on the part of this
, commonwealth in the constitutionality of
‘ these laws, and he thereby used us prece
■ dents for similar violations of the Federal
■ Compact, this Common wealth docs now
f enter her solemn protest.”
• They say nothing about, [forcibly]*
r limiting the powers of (he General Guv
, eminent. I have referred to these with
ea view to call the attention of honorable
e gentlemen to this fact, that there never
i was any intention on the part of Virginia
- or Kentucky, that a State should singly
- according to her own judgment in the
> matter, make use of State interposition,
r but that she transmitted (hose resolutions
( to the several Stales for the purpose of
■ inducin'' a majority of them to join in
j procuring a repeal of the obnoxious mea
i sun s. The plural word c»-States is an
I additional, and to me, a satisfactory proof
• of (his. That lam right in this view of
, the case is evident from the declaration
II made by Mr. Madison himself, which
• ought to be convincing, unless it be, that
■ the old and Ihe imbecile ovc ever to be dis
regarded. I wish therefore to impress it
upon the minds of this honorably body,
that it was by a joint action of the several
Stales of the Union that the result was to
be produced, and that it was never inten
ded that a tingle State should decide upon
the rights of (he General Government.
'l'his, sir, is so obvious that it seems to me
it would be idle to dwell upon it longer.
i I merely point it out for the considera
. of the honorable gentleman, so that he
may take and sponge out those resolu
tions on our Statute book, agreeing with
the State of South Carolina. Whatever
I may think of the resolutions of 1798, I
i am called upon by my God and my conn
try to do my duty, and under the solemn
. oath I have taken, 1 will do it to the best
i of my judgment. Coining then to the
main point which has produced this dis
cussion, namely—the report ottered b>
• the minority in lieu of that ollered by (he
majority, I will say that the gentleman
who has sustained it has not justified its
■ doctrine by the constitution of the United
, Slates. We both admit that all rights
I not surrendered to the General Govern
ment are reserved to the Slates, and 1 say
j 1 that what we have given up we cannot
j take back. Therefore I cannot concur
, iu the gentleman’s doctrine, since to me
. he seems to hold the converse of this. A
few words more. The gentleman has
|- referred to a good deal of Slate history,
. I mean (hat of our own Stale, Sir, I have
. had difficulties enough in this chamber,
because I took the liberty to represent to
, my country the speck which was about
to obscure her glory, f saw it, though I
have no pretensions to any spirit of
prophecy, mid I rejoice that L have it to
say, that I endeavored to warn my coun
trymen from the brink to which they
were running. Look to our sister Slate
across the Savannah river—look to her
present convulsed condition. Can her
single star he aught in comparison with
the Hag waving with twenty-four bright
stars—the flag which lias spread over the
wide world, and limited triumphantly on
the broad expanse of ocean fro..i clime to
clime, throughout the whole habitable
globe? Shall we exchange a puny star,
which has nothing in it but the name, for
| the real substance in our possession?
What has nullification done r It has
, produced another revolution among us,
which I deeply deplore—it has routed
out that love of our country which was
|- the pride of our former years, and which
, held us together a band of freemen. It
has come in the form of a serpent to be
t guile our lovely eve, the union. Shall
that serpent mislead us to betray our
country? Shall it be suffered to march
, stealthily along till it betray us? For
| one, sir, 1 cannot, I will not submit to its
, serpentine course. There is another set
( of politicians who got (heir fame in
Washington city called Whigs, who are
to he found here also, and who teach that
“the laws of nature and of nations” are
the only things that blind us to our coun
try. Sir, lam sorry, truly sorry to find
1. that rational beings should be misled by
such visionary notions, and prefer that
' which is unsubstantial to that which is
substantial. Sir, nullification lias in it
what Medea used when she threw her
brother’s limbs into the Caldron, it is
’ unnatural, unholy, repulsive. I would
pauso for a moment, and ask the honora
‘ ble gentleman from Greene to reflect un
” on the consequences of the course lie is
; pursuing. Are we not a great and happy
people? Is there any nation in Europe
in which the rights of man are protected
■ as they are here ? I know what his an
swer would be, and 1 do then urge upon
1 that gentleman to reflect ere he proceeds
e further. Are there any substantial evils
r to complain of? None. Then do not
■ let us tollow the example of the Lillipu
‘ Bans and their neighbors, who waged an
1 exterminating war upon each other, be
cause neither would break their eggs at
1 the same end as the other. I fear, how
■' ever, that it is useless to talk, and that
s these are mere paper bullets. I would,
e sir, that in the spirit of peace and harmo
e ny we could pour oil on the troubled wa
a ters, and sacrifice our little differences
i for the good of our country, for as sure us
c 1 now live, am I certain that the coutra
s ry course will bring us into difficulties
- and perhaps involve us in ruin. Let me
i draw vour attention again to the other
f ‘
L , •In furnishing Stenographic reports of the de
f bates during the present session, one main object
was, to set forth the very words of the speakers.
‘ We have placed the word “ forcibly ” in brackets,
? as it was not used at the time, bnt afterwards in
' serlcd. It may have been omitted by a mere lap
, *ui Unfit*.
si«ii‘. of the Savannah river. What has
your doctrine done tliere i It lias armed
brother against brother,father against son,
and son against father, and even intru
ded itself into the most secret recesses ol
social life. i
What sir, shall the twelve thousand
bayonets collected and placed in (he ca
pitalof Charleston, tempt us to follow
that example r The gentleman shakes
| his head at this, but the fact is undenia
! blc. That the doctrine of nullification,
|is a peaceful doctrine, I cannot admit,
and 1 therefore earnestly entreat gentle
men to bury this heresy in the bottom of
the sea, or any where so that it may ne
ver be heard of again. I would that even
the gentleman from Greene could see the
subject as I do; and we should soon be
acting together for the peace and welfare
of our common country.
Mr. President, it becomes me to apo
logize to the Senate for these excursory,
though brief observations, the duty 1 owe
to my country, and my ardent devotion
to the Union is my host excuse. I trust
sir, the report and resolution, reported
by the majority of the committee will be
adopted.
From the .V. V. Courier & Enquirer, 21«< inst.
FROM ENGLAND.
We published yesterday the intelligence
from England received at Boston by the
ship Liverpool, which sailed on the 92d
ult. Some further extracts from English
papers received by this arrival, have since
appeared, but we do not find among them
any of interest, except the letter we give
below from Sir Robert Peel to the elect
ors of the borough he represents in Par
liament. In this he details the course of
policy that the administration, of which
he is the head, proposes to fallow. The
great difficulty lie will have to encounter,
is evidently the question of the revenues
of the established church in Ireland; and
had his predecessors settled this question,
the path of a conservative ministry would
now have been comparatively smooth.
Rumor assigns the vacant posts in the
Cabinet to different individuals, but, on
this head there is nothing especial. The
most important appointment spoken of is
that of the Earl of Aberdeen to the Co
lonial Department.
The accounts from Paris arc to the 19th
December, at which time nothing had
been done in the Chamber of Deputies in
relation to the appropriation for the in
demnity to this country.
From the London Courier , Dec. 16.
Sir Robert Peel lakes up the rostrum,
so pompously prescribed by Lord Brough
am in the House of Lords, that Church
property is inalienable from any other
than strictly ecclesiastical purposes ; and
that all he will consent to—for he has the
merit of being distinct and explicit—is
to improve the distribution of the reve
nues of the Church, so that its influence
may be extended, and the interests of the
Established Religion promoted. These
are desirable objects, certainly; & in En
gland they would if accompanied by a
fair commutation of tithes, to which Sir
Robert has always been a friend, be
quite satisfactory. But in so far as re
gards Ireland,to which Sir Robert also ap
plies them, they are totally and even ridi
culously ineffective. Abetter distribu
tion of the Chnrch revenue in that country
as well as here, is no doubt required;
but much more than this is required be
fore the Church of that country can be
considered any thing else than a nuisance
—a fruitless source of civil commotion
and bloodshed.
SIR ROBERT PEEL'S ADDRESS
To the Electors of the Horoiigh of Tamworth.
• ••»•’»»
1 have the firmest conviction, that that
confidence cannot be secured by any o
tlier course than that of a frank and ex
plicit declaration of principle; that vague
and unmeaning professions of popular o
pinions may quiet distrust for a time—
may influence this or that election ; but
that such professions must ultimately &
signally fail, if, being made, thev are not
adhered to, or if they are inconsistent
with the honor and character of those
who make them.
Now 1 say at once (hat I will not ac
cept power on the condition of declaring
myself an apostate from the principles on
which 1 have heretofore acted. At the
same time, I never will admif'that I have
been, either before or after the Reform
Bill, (he defender of abuses or the ene
my of judicious reforms. I appeal, with
confidence, in denial ofthe charge, to the
active part I took in the great question
of the Currency—in (he consolidation
and amendment of the Criminal Law—
in the revisal of the whole system of
Trial by Jury— to the opinions I have
professed and uniformly acted on with
regard to other branches of (he jurispru
dence of the country;—l appeal to this
as a proof that I have not been disposed
to acquiesce in acknowledged evils,cither
from the mere superstitious reverence for
ancient usages, or from the dread of la
bor or responsibility in the application of
a remedy.
But the Reform Bill, it is said, consti
tutes a new era ; and it is the duty of a
Minister to declare explicitly, first, whe
ther he will maintain the Bill itself: and
secondly, whether lie will act upon the
spirit in which it was conceived.
With respect to the Reform Rill it
self, 1 will repeat now the declaration
which 1 made when I entered the House
of Commons as a member of the Reform
ed Parliament, —that I consider the Re
form Bill a final and irrevocable settle
ment of a great constitutional question,
a settlement which no friend to the peace
and welfare of this country would attempt
to disturb, either by direct or by insidi
ous means.
Then as to the spirit of the Reform
Bill, and the willingness to adopt and en
force it as a rule of Government. If by
adopting the spirit of the Reform Bill it
be meant I hat we are to live in a perpe
tual vortex of agitation, that public men
can only support themselves in public
estimation by adopting every popular im
pression of the day; by promising the
instant redress of anything which anv
body may call an abuse; by abandoning
altogether that great aid ot Government
more powerful than either law or reason,
the respect for ancient rights&tlie defer
ence to prescriptive authority—if this be
the spirit of the Reform Bill, I will not
undertake to adopt it. But if the spirit
of the Reform Bill implies merely a care -
ful review of institutions, civil and ec
clesiastical, undertaken in a friendly
temper, combining with the firm main- j 1
lainanre of established rights, the correc
tion of proved abuses, and the redress of
real grievances,—in that case I can, for
myself and colleagues, undertake to act
in'such a spirit, and with such intentions,
i Such declarations of general princi
ples, are, I am aware, necessarily vague;
but in order to be more explicit, I will
endeavor to apply them practically, to
some of those questions which have of
late attracted the greatest share of public
interest and attention.
I take, first, the Inquiry into Munici
pal Corporations.
It is not my intention to advise the
Crown to interrupt the progress of that
inquiry, or to transfer the conduct of it
from (nose to whom it was committed by
the late Government. For myselt I
gave the best proof that I was not un
friend! v to the principle of inquiry, by
consenting to be amemberof that Com
mittee of the House of Commons, on
which it was originally devolved.
No report has yet been made by the
Commissioners to whom the inquiry was
afterwards referred, and until thatreport
be made, I cannot be expected to give,
on the part of the Government, any other
pledge than that (hey will bestow on the
suggestions it may contain, and the evi
• dence on which they may be founded,
a full and unprejudiced consideration.
■ I will, in the next place, address my
; self to the questions in which those of
1 our fellow-countrymen who dissent from
i the doctrines of Inc Established Church
: take an especial interest.
i Instead of making new professions, I
• will refer to the course which I took upon
■ those subjects, when out of power.
In the first place, I supported the mea
s sures brought forward by Lord Althorn,
i the object of which was to exempt all
! classes from the payment of Church rates,
, applying, in lieu thereof, out of a branch
i of the revenue, a certain sum for the
building and repair of churches. 1 nc
, ver expressed, nor did I entertain, (lie
1 slightest objection to the principle of a
bill, of which Lord John Russell was the
i author, intended to relieve the conscien
i (ions scruples of Dissenters, in respect to
; the ceremony of marriage. I give no
i opinion now on the particular measures
themselves. They were proposed by
Ministers in whom the Dissenters had
i confidence; they were intended to give
relief, and it is sufficient for my present
purpose to state, that 1 supported the
■ principle of them.
I opposed, and I am bound to state,
that my opinions in that respect have un
dergone no change, the admission of Dis
. senters as a claim of right into the Uni
versifies; but I expressly declared that
if regulations enforced by public authori
ties superintending the professions of law
and medicine, and the studies connected
i with them, but the eflect of conferring ad
vantages of the nature of civil privileges
on outclass of the King’s subjects, from
which another class was excluded, those
regulations ought to undergo modifica
tions, with the view of placing all the
King’s subjects, whatever their religious
creed, upon a footing of perfect equality
in respect to any civil privilege.
I appeal to the course which I pursued
on those several questions when office
must have been out of contemplation .•
and 1 ask with confidence docs that course
• imply that I was actuated by any illiber
; al or intolerant spirit towards the dis
, seating body, or by an unwillingness to
, consider fairly the redress of any real
, grievances.
In the examination of other questions
which excited public feeling, I will not
omit the Pension List. I resisted, and
with the opinions I entertain I should a
gain resist, a retrospective inquiry into
pensions granted by the Crown at a time
when the discretion of the Crown was
neither fettered by law nor by the ex
pression of any opinion on the part of the
House of Commons. But I voted for the
resolution moved bv Lord Althorp, that
Pensions on the Civil List ought for the
future to be confined to such persons on
ly ns have just claims to the Royal bene
ficence, or are entitled to consideration
on account cither of their personal service
to the Crown, or of the performance of
duties to the public, or of their scientific
or literary eminence. On the Resolution
which I thus supported as a private Mem
ber of Parliament, I shall scrupulously
act as a Minister of the Crown, and shall
advise the grant of no pension which is
notin conformity with the spirit and in
tention of the vote to which I was a party.
Then, as to the great question ofChurch
Reform. On that head I have no new
professions to make. I cannot give ray
consent to the alienation of the Church
property in any part of the United King
dom from strictly ecclesiastical purposes.
But I repeat now the opinions that I
have already expressed in Parliament in
regard to the Church Establishment in
Ireland;—that if, by an improved distri
bution of the revenues of the Church, its
just influence can be extended, and the
true interests of the established Religion
promoted, all other considerations should
he made subordinate to the advancement
ot objects of such paramount importance.
As to Church property in this country,
no person has expressed a more earnest
wish than I have done, that the question
of tithes, complicated and difficult as I
acknowledge it to be, should, if possible,
bo satisfactorily settled by the means of
a_ commutation, founded upon just prin -
ciples, and proposed after mature con
sideration.
M ith regard to the alteration in the
laws which govern our Ecclesiastical
Establishment I have had no recent op
portunity of giving that grave considera
tion to a subject of the deepest interest,
which could alone justify me in making
any public declaration of opinion. It is a
subject which must undergo the fullest
deliberation, and into that deliberation
the government will enter with the sin
corest desire remove every abuse that
can impair the efficiency ofthe establish
ment, to extend the sphere of its useful
ness, and to strengthen and confirm its
just claims upon the respect and ailec
tions of the people.
It is unnecessary for my purpose to
enter into further details. I have said
enough with respect to general princi- !
pies, and their practical application to j
public measures, to indicate the spirit i
in which the King’s government is pre- 1
pared to act.—. Our object will be the J
maintainance of peace; the scrupulous f
and honorable fulfilment, without refer- j
ence to their original policy, of all existing t
engagements with Foreign Powers, the c
J support of public credit; the enforcement J c
of strict economy;—and the just and im
partial consideration of what is due to all
interests, agricultural, manufacturing and
commercial.
Whatever may be the issue of the un
dertaking in which I am engaged, 1 feel
assured that you will mark, by a renewal
of your confidence, your approbation of
the course I have pursued in accepting
I enter upon the arduous duties
assigned to me with the deepest sense of
the responsibility they involve, with
great distrust of my own qualifications
for their adequate discharge, but at the
same time with a resolution to persevere,
which nothing could inspire but the
strong impulse of public duty, the con
scientiousness of upright motives, and the
firm belief that the people of this country
will so far maintain the Prerogative of
the King as to give to the rrruisters of his
choice, not an implicit confidence, but a
fair trial.
I am Gentlemen,
With affectionate regard,
Most faithfully yours,
(Signed) ROBERT PEEL.
The Standard of the 20th contains the
following:—“ The appointments to day
are—
Lord Maryborough, Postmaster Gener
al; —Lord Lowther, Treasurer of the
Navy, and Vice President of the Board
of Trade.
CONGRESSIONAL.
Ix Sexate, Jan. 21.
Cherokee Petition. —Mr. Frelinghuyscn pre
sented the petition of John lioss, principal
Chief of the Cherokee tribe of Indians, praying
that the United States would putehasc their lands,
and cede them to the State of Georgia, &e.
Mr. Frelinghuyscn said, that the memorialists
stated, that the controversy which existed be
tween the Cherokees and the Slate of Georgia,
had readied a crisis which required, as thcy'ap
prehended, the interposition of the Government
of the United States. They proposed that that
part of the territory which they occupy should
lie purchased by the United States and ceded to
the Stale of Georgia. And that, as to the resi
due of the Territory, they wished it to he con
firmed to the Cherokees in fee simple. That,
under this state of things, the Cherokees would
submit themselves to the laws of Georgia, provid
ed they had conceded to them those equal civil
and political rights, which were conferred on other
citizens of Georgia.
This portion of the nation, lie was instructed
to say, comprehended 15,000 persons, and only
about 100 differed from them, for they had come
to the deliberate determination, in Council, not
to remove west of the Mississippi. The whole
subject had been completely and thoroughly sub ■
milted to their decision, during the last recess of
Congress; and they had with mostsingular una
nimity, mado up their minds on the subject.—
They, therefore, proposed to become citizens of
Georgia, under suitable grunts ; and they now
submitted to Congress the propriety of the Ge
neral Government, bound to them by so many
treaties, to protect them in their rights : that it
would so far interfere, by aomc suitable arrange
ment with the State of Georgia, as to secure them
those humble privileges. He apprehended that
this memorial deserved to lie well considered
and regarded by all parties to this unhappy con
troversy, as a just, temperate, and proper disposi
tion of the whole subject. It surely could not he
required by the authorities of Georgia, that any
portion of that population over which they exer
cised jurisdiction in the State, should, whether
willing or unwilling, remove to any other part of
the country or world.
He apprehended that Congress might legislate
or recommend to the Executive, to negociate on
the basis of this memorial, those Cherokees being
willing to acknowledge the authorities of Geor
gia, provided they should he received as citizens.
And, to satisfy Congress that they wish to exact
no unreasonable terms, they proposed, in their
memorial presented at the last session, and in
which was incorporated their present application,
to make a cession of all that portion of the terri
tory which was now in their possession to the
U. States, and receive as a compensation for it
the extinguishment of the Indian title over that
part of the country which was not so absolutely
necessary to the happiness and enjoyment of the
Cherokee people; and that, for the residue of the
title, the Cherokee occupants should be continu
ed in it.
The application thus made, to become citizens
of Georgia, he thought, was a reasonable request,
or ought to lie esteemed so. The papers con
nected with this subject were very numerous, but
he felt it his duty, for it was due to this people,
to make this important matter. Without detain
ing the Senate further, lie would move that the
memorial, without reading, he referred, with the
accompanying documents, to the Committee on
Indian Affairs, and be printed.
The motion was agreed to.
TiicnsDAT, Jan. 22.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN rose and observed
that, as some misapprehension seemed to exist
in relation to the memorial presented by him yes
terday from the Cherokee Delegation, he had
been requested to explain it. It was stated that
the Cherokees proposed to cede to the U. States
for the State of Georgia, all their lands within
the limits of that State. This was not the case.
They proposed to cede all their lands except those
occupied by the trilic, and on the confirmation to
them of the lands in their possession, they were
willing to remain ns citizens of Georgia, provided
they could be assured of the enjoyment of equal
rights with the other portions of the people.
House of Repuesextativeb, Jan. 19.
Mr. Edward Everett said, that ho had been
requested by a delegation from the Cherokee
tribe of Indians, to present a memorial, with cer
tain resolutions, entered into, at a Couneil of the
tribe, held at Running Waters, on the 27th Nov.
last. The original memorial, with the signatures
of the parties was presented to the other House,
the present, being an authenticated copy of it, he
ought to state, that it was signed by 57 persons,
that the signatures of 20 of them were in their
own hand writing, whilst those of the rest, were
affixed in the usual manner. The memorial
was the unaided composition of Mr. John Uidge,
and with the resolutions entered into by the Coun
cil, which he presented, he would briefly state
their contents. The Council express the convic
tion of their undoubted right to the soil which
they occupy, and the deep sense which they en
tertain of the injury that they will incur in
removing from it. The condition of the tribe,
was well known to be improving, and their im
provements were so strongly going on, as to
awaken in their favor, the sympathy of every
friend of humanity. They admit, however, that
under the circumstances in which they find them
selves that thev deem it impossible to reinstate
themselves in their condition as a nation, or to
continue their further progress in the acts of civil
ized life in their native country. Thus circum
stanced they feel hound to turn their eyes towards
the West; to that land’which has already been oc
cupied by some of their tribe, and to enable them
to do this, they desire aid and protection from the
government of the United States, in order to ac
complish their removal thither.
• The memorialists entertain the opinion, that
in order to obtain that assistance, further legisla
tion is necessary ; that it is necessary, not only
to legislate for the purpose of giving them this
aid in their removal, but to grant them compensa
tion in some degree, commensurate to the great
sacrifices which they make in abandoning with
their valuable improveme nts, the soil of their fa
thers. They deem it necessary, also, for the
purpose of having that security, to which they
should look up as a guarantee to them, of the
new home to v hich they go. It might be objec
ted, that these subjects, as he, Mr, 8., had told ,
them, came within the treaty making power. |
They think otherwise, and in the present state of ,
the tribe, and of the nation generally, as set forth
in the memorial, &e. In a word, they prefer to
throw themselves upon the wisdom, upon the
clemency, and upon the liberality of both Houses o
of Congress. He. Mr. E., regretted to say that ii
- there were two parties, who were at variance
| with each other, in,the tribe, as to the policy of
| this removal, aud he only desired that the mem
orial should he referred to the committee on Indian
Affairs, who, being fairly constituted so as to
j consist of members who represented the conflict
j * n g opinions on the subject of the Indians, Would
I lie able to present a rcjioit in which full justice
f would lie done to all. The views of that com
, tmttee had been hitherto acceptable to that coins
; mlttec ’ an, l if they coukl now be enabled to
f ,nlt,ot 'he way or to recommend such measures
s cause the tribe to be reconciled to each other,
and to remove into the now territory west of the
j j ississippi with any thing like ease and comfort,
- t 0 fhosc who , '“'i hi the, to so greatly suffered, he
> 1“ C * a . rpcon »memlation Would be Railed
> 11 ‘h’hght, am' W such measures the committee,
. h . c was surc ’ ' vould h® SUl, taincd by the House ami
the country.
’ He, Mr. E. believed that if was impossible for the
, r Cherokees, with any thing like comfort to them
( selves, to stay where they are; that the longer
, they remained, the more they would suffer, and
, that at no time could they make better terms for
themselves with the Government, than thev could
now do. All classes of (lie Government ho be
lieved, being willing to contribute their aid in such
measures, as would sooth :tml soften their pains,
mid in this hope, he felt it his duly to present their
memorial and resolutions from the tribe, leaving it
j to the House to adopt such measures as would
have this dice*, and being very sure that, what
ever was done in their favor, the country would
be still greatly indebted to them.
The memorial and resolutions were then re-'
E ferred to the committee on Indian Affairs and or-'
j dored to be printed.
In the Senate, yesterday, 21stinst. a bill for the
relief of Capt. Herricks of New Orleans, coining
up for consideration, Mr. Benton arose and said
that in reference to this hill he was deeply af
* footed at the melancholy information he had just
received, and which he would communicate to
I the Senate : it was that the unhappy gentleman
’> whom this hill regarded, overcome by despair, and
fearing that his claim would not he allowed, had
s last night put an end to his existence by cutting
his throat! (A strong sensation was produced
, in the Senate hy this statement, a feeling of hor
" roi ran through the House,) Mr. King, Mr. Por
.* ter, Mr. Hendricks, concurred in licaring testimony
J to the justice of his claims and to his meritorious
‘ services, and confirmed the information given by
5 Mr. Benton, that, in the sickness of heart produc
ed hy hope deferred, the unfortunate gentleman
had comittcd suicide. On motion of Mr. Shcp
> ley the Senate adjourned.
1 In the House of Representatives, a motion was
’ submitted by Mr. J; Q. Adams, to have inserted
in the Journal, the name of the Chairman of tho
r Committee on Foreign Affairs, that Committee
having, it appeared from tho debate, elected, (hy
a vote of four out of nine members of which it
consists,) Mr. C. Carahrcling, member from New
3 York, to preside as their chairman, thus displae
* ing Mi. E. Everett, from that honorable post, cou
-3 trary. ns was urged in the Debate, to the usage of
' the House. Mr. E. being, after the resignation
1 of Mr. Wayne, the late chairman, ex officio, as
next to him on the list appointed hy the Speaker,
“ at the commencement of the session, chairman of
the committee. After a lengthened debate thcrc
' on, in which much personality was indulged in
between Mr. Patton and Mr. Jarvis,* Mr. Lane fi
) nally moving to lay the motion on the table.
* [Prior to the adjournment of the House, Mr.
1 Mercer intimated that a satisfactory explanation
J of the words used in the debate had taken place
1 between Mr, J. and Mr. P.]
The cold weather has sharpened our friend Ma
-3 jor Noah’s wit. It was always keen enough;
r but now, it cuts like a razor. Judge from tho
- following strokes of it:
r Prom the ,Y. V. Evening Star.
f IN THE PRESS.
The doctrine of Reprisals ; or Hostilities wilh
: out War, with commentaries on cannon law and
naval tactics, and a description of the deserts of
; Arabia, by Andrew Jackson, 1,1,. D. F. S.
Thoughts on Third Presidential Terms and
. the utility of a safety fund in certain cases, hy
t Martin Van Huron, Esq., Vice President of tho
r United States.
i The Law of Dcposites; a treatise on public
i, faith, charters, and currency, hy R. B. Taney,
- Esq., late Secretary of the Treasury.
c Gold vs. Gold, hy a Senator from Missouri,
t The Art of of Repartee ;in a letter from the
t Secretary of the Treasury to the President of the
f United States Bank.
3 A History of State Prisons, hy Isaac Hill*
3 A French War, the true interest and honor of
- America, with some reflections on factions and
demagogues; by Amos Kendall,
3 An Essay on the Greek Dialects, Poetry and
, Prosidy, by Alex us Blair O’Kclly, Esq.
Post Offico Contracts, hy the Rev. O. B.
t Brown.
> The History of Humbug, by aM. C.
■ Ins and Outs, a vadc meeum for rising states
e men of easy virtue, by a Secretary of State.
c The I,aw of Contested Elections, with the
i case of Moore and Letcher, by a member of the
Committee.
[/’com the National Intelligencer.']
Mai.ve.— On Friday, the Ifith'thc Maine House
1 of Representatives made choice, on their part, of
■ John Ruggles, of Thomaston, to represent Unit
I State in the United States Senate, for six years,
t from the 4th of March next, and also to fill the
5 vacancy occasioned hy the resignation of Mr.
1 Sprague, till the 4th of March. There wins no
* doubt hut the Senate would concur in the choice,
! and Mr. Ruggles may therefore he considered as
> elected.
3 The ballot for the six years term was as fol
-1 lows :
* John Ruggles, (Jackson,) 108
George Evans, (Whig,) 64
Scattering, 5
, The ballot for filling the vacancy was about
. the same—Ruggles 107, Evans 63, Scattering 7.
! The. Sword and the Purse—9th of January
Toasts. —By Hon. S. R. Hon n ie, Assistant Post
i master General, The Sword and tin Purse .
, In the hands of Andrew Jackson, the means of
i vanquishing our invaders and discharging our
national debt.
Mr. Hoiiht deserves credit for his candor in
■ Ac acknowledgement that the “ sword and tho
1 purse” were virtually in the hands of tho Presi
, dont. Does he recollect how the opposition
. were denounced a few months since for saying
i the same thing! Tho office holding party were
. shy of acknowledging it at first. They perhaps
i think the people will hoar It now—and tho
. “ sword and the purse” in the same hands will bo
i quite a Hon ar with them hereafter.
i If. S, Telegraph .
Mm
’ W c are requested to notice, which we do with
pleasure, the first number, now before us, of tho
■ “ Moral Refoomeh, and Teacher on the Hu
■ man Constitution," a periodical in monthly pam
phlets of 32 pages each, issued by Light & Hor
-1 ton, Boston, atone dollar a year in advance. The
1 application of the truths of science to our actual
' condition, and daily wants, is the most useful
1 office that the press can perform ; and of all the
aspects of our condition in life that which is
compounded of our health and moral habits, tells
home most certainly and directly. “We pro
pose to shew” says the editor, “ not only llio
structure and laws of the human system, but th«
almost inseparable connection of health and mo
rals—a connection too often overlooked or disre
garded.” Physical education, (say they)
in its largest sense, embracing as it does, all tho
points at which the human constitution is con
nected with external objects, we regard os, in no
small degree the basis of moral reform. Among
many other subjects treated of in tho present
number or promised in ftiture, are, hastening ma
turity—cleanliness—physical education—feather
beds—conversation—amusements—books—mo-
ral tendencies of a taste for reading*—factories—
confectionaries—Evening parties—perspiration—
table drinks—cookery—remarks on dress—longe
vity in difierent countries, &c. &e.
Georgia Journal.
The Hon. James M. Wayne took his scat up
on the Bench of the Supremo Court, on the 14 th
instant.