Newspaper Page Text
APfQM&VA onKOHtQZZ*
*■■!■ - '■* ■» —« ■" *‘-“—T^-
/Vam Ifce 17. S. Telegraph.
Goa. G«u?— Dear Sir .-—I never witnemed
tiny ihmg half** striking ■* CuMn’i manner,
when Menalng hiip»rlf ag»in«t the charge of Mr.
King, of Alabama. 'l'he thronged lobbies, the
aoxiotu Senator*. presented a grand end power
ful commentary upon hi< eloquence. If the fol
lowing Unee meet with your approbation, please
haws them inserted in the Telegraph. —January
28, 1836.
JOHN C. CALHOUN.
I marked him u be stood,
iSerene and high, of dauntlaaa blood,
And genina in hia eye.
Bright did it beam, with eagle glance,
Or, like the godlike child of France,
All potent to defy.
Ho atood alone amid hia peers,
Without his hopes, without hia fegra, ..
But not without his away.
For many looked upon him there,
And yielded what they would not dare
, In malice lake awuy.
Alone, amid a dauntless band
Os palmy knights ftotn Southern land,
He held entire control;
For well they deemed that he could save
Their country from an early grave:
They knew his lofty wul.
Aside the robe of power he threw,
And an he trampled it, he drew
Ilia falchion from hia right.
His bearing made the fiercest cower
And bend beneath this magic [lower,
And yield to him in tight.
Breathe not against the I'atriot’s name,
Ve cannot stop his march to fame,
Ve cannot dim his light I
BOOK STUDENT.
THE MINIATURE.
«t nan. r. Mounts,
William was holding in his hand
The likeness of his wife—
Fresh, an if touched by fairy wand,
With beauty, grace and life.
He almost thought it spoke:
Ho giu«l upon the treasure still,
Absorbed, delighted, and amazed,
To view the artist’s skill.
“This picture is yourself, dear Jane,
'Tis drawn to naturo true;
I've kissed it o’er and o'er again,
It is so much like you.”
“ And did it kiss you back, my dear
"Why—uo—my love," said he;
“T|ien, William, it is very clear,
’Tis not at all like me
If " ■ "| 1..M I. ,| ■
from the Mitleilgvvtlk Timet.
SPEECH OP Mil. COLQUITT,
OP MUSCOGEE.
In the Senate of Georgia, on the Citation
of the Supremo Court of the U. States,
ami the resolutions of the Majority of
the Committee on the tltate of the* Re
public, and the substitute ottered by
Mr. Dawson on the part of die Minori
ty ol the same commit tee (for which
g see our paper of the 18th Dec.) on Fri
" day, Nov. 14,1834.
[(bncludcdfrom our last.]
An idea is suggested, hy which the
whole difficulty is avoided. About whom
is all (Ids collision created? “An In
dian ! And hi ' the Supreme Court dared
to abuse its process by issuing a citation
about an Indian? Does not the Judge
know that Indians have uo rights, no life,
no privileges in the eye of taw ? Does he
not know that we lutvo appointed an agent,
for their special proto'.lion; mid sent him
into that country to drive them out I Does
he not know (hut it is (he policy of this
Shale to drive them oll'and Ittpig them as
fast as \\v can? Monstrous! about an
Indian \ Oh! pshaw; if that’s all, luma
him; us wc did Tassels; that's not nulli
fication \ cs, sir, this plan may an
swer. to ward off the charge of inconsis
tency, and the holder and louder yout
organs proclaim it tho better,—-This
kind of conduct, may answer awhile: bu'
1 am greatly mistaken in the people of
Georg e, if this species of duplicity w>!
long serve your purpose. Will those gen
tinmen who follow in this debate treat this
question fairly, and if they intend to rid
themselves of tho name of nullification,
while they (iruetico its principles, speak
plainly who has the riglff tojmlgo; which
particular rights of the (stale belong to her
“residuary mass?’’ |{y what means
may she peaafitlly preserve that “resi
duary mass'" ft-otti being usurped ? Those
are plain questions, unit our practice upon
this occasion, will answer. The Statu by
her representatives, claimed that right, sht
in judgment, and decided, that the en
forcement of her criminal laws, within her
limits, was one of those residuary righ.s,
and that this right was about to he viola
t"d; and whereupon the State of Georgia,
through her representatives, resolved to
protect that right; inul authorized the
Governor,through the strengthoftho State,
to disregard all proceedings, under other
• laws, menacing its violation, it has been
my purpose to show that, as far as our
present action is concerned, the original
resolutions, us well as the substitute, fully
carry ost the much abused doctrine for
which the State Rights party have been
contending. And 1 think that the argu
ments t>f Judge •Story, to which I have j
referred, and upon which 1 have com
mented, show -that there is no sensible
distinction, between civil and criminal
cases; and if any distinction exists, rea
son would make tho criminal case the
stronger in favor of the apellate juris
diction of the Supreme Court; by just
the ratio that hie and liberty arc more
highly estimated than property. The reu
aons I have already given might be suffi
cient, for my preference for the substitute,
and although it is tho only question be
fore us, I Will proceed in justification ofiv
doctrines. -*The only good reason we
conceive, for State interposition, arises
from the.nature of our government; and
hence wc aver' in the substitute on your
table, “that the several States composing
the United States of America, are not uni
ted on‘the principle of unlimited sublets- ■
sion to the General Government,'hot by |
compact under the style and title of a con
st Lotion of the ij, S, end .of ntWHidm-mts
tber ->v.,*ni-;y .»i,s:i- u ... , .■
special p upases, delegated to Wat gown,
meal certain definite powers, reservin'* l
each State to i»»elf. the residual v mass ,fl
rq*hi to t te.r own sclf-go*em.nent; . f
1 '**’•> whensoever titc general government j
b
nsßume* nndclrgntcd powers, its acts arc f
unaiilboritnlivc, void, and of no force, Ate, q
If I undontood (lie bonoralilo President in t
his remarks, he said “that the Stales had t
parted from their right ol sovereignty, mid t
that Congress had bestowed itjtoti the I
Stales, certain powers upon which they <
acted. That the whole people, had made -
the constitution, end under it Congress I
had given certain powers to the judiciary.’ I
My (i.eiiiory will not serve me as to the 1
exact word- of the honorable Senator, hut
tlieae bctftg bis sentiments, lie ii properly
at war with the doctrines ofthc proposed
substitute, and lii.s theory will bent war
vvi*h his practice, in supporting cither the
original resolutions or the substitute. But
sir, mv under standing oftho Government
is, that the Stales first existed a 9 distinct
political communities, free sovereign nod
independent, and that they thus existed
before the formation of the Federal Gov
ernment. That these Stales, ;u distinct
political communities, through their dele
gates, convened, and creeled the pillars
upon which the federal government should
rest. If this be true, the constitution then
formed, w its the tilt of the Stales, and was
not binding upon any one of them, until
ratified by them respectively. The ran
siitnlion so made and ratified, is not itself
the Gcne’nd Government, but forms the
pillars of that government, and fixes the
sphere in which it shall move. The Con
stitution is antecedent to (lie government;
and constitutes u hotly of elements to
which you can rc/br, and which contains
the principles upon which the government
shall lie 'established, the maimer in which
it shall he organized, and the powers
it shall exercise. If there be fallacy in
these positions, I trust we shall be favour
ed with arguments to refute them. The
General Government is a constitutional
government, arising oat ofthc Slates; tlic
constitution forms the law for llto con
trol of its action. It is as much bound by
its Invv, and owes to it (he same obedience
ns any citizen of this State to the laws of
the Slate. The constitution was formed
for the express purpose of regulating and
controlling the various depnrlinetilK ofthc
Generid I Sovcruiuciif, and before Georgia,
South Carolina, and the other Stales,
would consent to become parties to the
compact, they considered well the rules
by which the General Government was to
be controlled; it was alone by virtue of this
controlling law, upon the departments of
the Government* the Stales were forming,
that a solitary Slate became a parly to the
Union. According to tho position I lay
down, whenever any of the departments of
the Government shall presume to net, be
yond the powers delegated to it by tho
States, it violates (ho only law hy which
it has any existence, and such act is
without authority, nugatory, null and void.
, Thin far in private conversations, 1
scarcely find a solitary man, hut agrees
with me; but when they have reluctanllv
admitted this much, they take fright, and
with n shower of nbuse upon nullification,
draw off from tho subject. Mat the divid
ing question ns 1 have understood it,
hitherto in Georgia, is yet to come (viz;)
Where rests the power under our form of
Government, of setting aside theses nn
authorized acts, and of declaring them null
mid void? What tribunal has been roar
ed to determine between tho (State Gov
ernments, whnt powers they have granted,
ami whnt rights have been retained ? Hus
! Congress the right ? Most of our ndver
-1 sarics draw hack, mid mo unwilling to
' avow n doctrine so dangerous; and yet hy
liirtlip most of the arguments, thrown out
tor public consideration, have been bused
upon this theory. Wo are told that the
evils ofthc Government must bit corrected
by the ballot box. Upon what theory is
this doctrine based ? Is it not upon the
lit lory that Congress having tho right to
judge of the extent of its own powers, if
its judgment in public estimation bewrong,
that hy the 'ballot box, wo must select
other- who ihipk differently ? We are told
that the e ils ofthc government, must he
cured hy petition A; remonstrance? Upon
whnt theory is this doctrine based? Does
it not recognize the same principles, that
Congrcrs having the right to judge of its
powers, and having exercised them con
trarv to our wishes and opinions, that we
will hy petition and remonstrance, endea
vor to have it correct the evil? Any of
these modes, tnuy, or may not produce the
desired ohjetii, according to the effect they
may, or may not have on Uongress itself
We desire some more efficient mode, un
der out government, hy which the Consti
tution may continue as il ought, the law;
hv which Congress in its enactments shall
he governed. Congress, no matter of
what persons composed, is the s - anic politi
cal body; and although the ballot box may 1
change the persons who compose it, yet 1
the same political body exists; and if it has j
the right of judging of the extent of its
powers, may either hy assumption or cou
strnetiim. mould itself into whatever form
it pleases. Some say the Federal Judi
ciary is the constituted arbiter of quest ions
of this character ? And, sir, I can but re
peat, let (lint tribunal stand vested with
this right, nor let its dare to undermine its
strength, if indeed it he the only counter
i poise left to stay the progress of federal
j legislation. The powers of the federal
Judiciary have likewise been derived from
the Constitution, and the exercise of any
power, not specifically granted to that tri
bunal in that instrument, is violative ofthc,
law by which alone it has boon created. If
there be no specific grant in tho constilu- i
lion, affording that tribunal the right ami j
power to determine questions of this char
acter, such right cannot be found, any
where. 1 would say mure upon lips branch •
ol flic subject, but as very few, are now
willing to advocate the right of this tribu
nal, at least on tills occasion. I will dis
miss if. And is there no tribunal ? Did
the States fail to constitute otic and vest it.
with the authority in question?—Thus J
understand, that all the rights and powers,
not specifically granted, by the States, have
been retained, and since it has not been
delegated, that right must remain with the
States. From what has been said will be
seen the (ruth and force of the Kentuc
ky resolutions of 1799, which say, “ there
being no common judge, each party lias
an equal right to judge for itself, as well of
iairaetioas is the mono and measure of
: redress. That if those who administer
i the General Government, be permitted to
j transgress the limits fixed by (lie compact, I
bj! h total ciisrogard ofthotneefobd 1
. t! d|vi){’i,oV''\. ' . I
; '•' ' . Goveraine.i'-, 1
j tne .•i-exh „. i ir ruins of a Geagful .
' »«• it. will ho the
; !v ‘ ‘ ' 1 ' 1 e. That the several
j cuucs, is ho formed the constitution, being i
Sovereign and Independent, have the mi- |v<
questionable right to judge of the iufrac- j in
lion, and (hat a nullification, by those lil
sovereignties, of all unauthorized acts,done | si
under color of that instrument, is the, right- I <)<
ful remedy,” Hear it, ye pretended dis- tl
ciplcs of Jefferson, and cease your abuse, n
—But it is said that Jefferson meant thu ai
the (hates', might do this, hut never in- h
tended to convey the idea that one tSt.ite ! »
could of itself nullify a law of Congress. ,a
tiler the plain language just qiiotwd, I feel 11(
sorry that the illustrious Jefferson should c
he tarnished, hy ascribing to him views, h
that violate his language and wrong his a
intelligence. Ho says “ each party lias ti
the right tojudge for itself, as weft of ill- p
fractions as the mode and measure of ro- I
dress.”- Who are the parties rejbrrcd to 1j c
The States who are parties to the com- t
pact; (hen the plain language is, each j t
State has the right tojudge for itself as •
well of infractions as tiie mode and rncu- |l
sure of retires*. And sir, this principle |(
could not he otherwise, according to the i;
Structure of our Government; and to as- |
cribc any other construction to it,- will do t
manifest injustice to the illustrious Jcffcr- I
son. bet me ask,sir, in what character, the
Stales hold those rights which have not i
’ been delegated ? Do they hold them as i
common stock ? or do they hold them in 1 1
the, same character in which they existed, j i
• before they parted with any right? Sir, 1 r
; apprehend that no sensible mind will aver, |
i that the rights, with which Georgia has i
; not parted, the balance ofthc Stales, share i
uith her. The Slates which form this I
confederacy, were independent of each i
other, each having rights over which the I
other Stales, had unjust control—lor their i
general well being they ouch entrust the
exercise of a part oftho.-e powers to the
general government,—ls it not then plain,
that such power#, as have not been corn- i
milled to the management of tho general
government arc held hy each State, as in- j
dcpendenlly, as if no general government j
had ever been formed ? In the exercise
of any of those reserved rights, is it not
the height gs folly to contend that a State
is hound to consult (he balance of the
States? As a matter of policy or expe
diency such a thing might he done, hut
not as matter of right: for if it were mut
ter of right, in one case, it would be in all,
and.such consultations and concurrence,
ought to be hud, before wo para a solitary
law. Again, how many Slates did Mr.
Jefferson mean, should concur before they
should nullity an unconstitutional law of
Congress * Do gentlemen find no dilfi
culty hero ? One State would surely
have as much right, as any other number
under u majority, and if Mr. Jefferson
meant it must ho done by the Slates, he
must have intended all the States or tit
least a majority of them. Under this
view oftho subject, the celebrated resolu
i lions ol 17!)S, and '{> is mi exhibition of
unparalleled folly. For if a bare majority
ol the Slates could ho found so offended
will) u law ol Congress ns to concur in ils
nullification, there would he no difficulty
in procuring its repeal. And it would be
perfectly immaterial, whether the law was
constitutional or unconstitutional, there
never could exist any such necessity as
the Stales to judge of infracted rights and
to Judge of the mode and measure of re
dress. ihe veriest tyro in politics, would
laugh at the folly of Jefferson, while he
speaks ot the States, interposing for arrest
ing the progress oftho evil, and maintain
. ing within their respective limits, tho au
thorities, rights and liberties appertaining
to them. What, sir, a majority of the
Stales, arrayed against a law' which they
believe unconstitutional, and wonderful to
tell, cant get rid of its operation but hy .
nullification. If Mr. Jefferson intended i
that alt tho States or even, a majority of i
iliem. must concur to authorize them to i
nullify. I think less sagacity than his would ;
have said, to repeal the law is the easy ]
and rightful remedy. But a remedy a- |
gainst an unconstitutional law, when the i
majority of the Slates may desire ils en
forcement, is tho object wo seek—And i
unless there lie some conservative princi- I
pie of the government, hy which the mi
nor ty can protect themselves from unjust |
usurpations of power, then is the govern- i
meet absolute, mid the constitution u milli- I
ty. Should Congress at ils present ses
sion, backed by a majority of the States, i
conclude that to abolish slavery in the I
United Stales, would ho conducive of i
general good, and should accordingly dis
regard the constitution and pass a law i
having such purpose for its end, how I i
ask, would the minority rid themselves of i
the operations of such a law ? By onr i
present action, wo refuse to submit to the j I
decision to (he Supreme Court, and yet
1 contend that before wo are entitled to a I
J remedy, we must lutvo tho concurrence of ’
the majority of the Stales. Is it not evi- i
dent, that should it he tho interest and de- i
ft'■initiation oftho majority of Congress. I
hacked by « majority of the States, to i
continue the existence of such a law, that i
the minority of tho States would be left I
without any remedy but tho sword? Would I
not the constitution he left at the bare i
mercy of Congress, whenever the interest I
or ambition of a majority oftho States, t
should prompt to its violation ? For what i
purpose has it been said that it shall re- i
quire a concurrence of three fourths of the I
States to alter the constituti mi ? By the I
doctrine advanced, is il not in the power of >
Congress, hacked hy a majority of the 11
States, to disregard and trample down ; |
I every article of the constitution ? Bv this i i
construction, the will of the majority of 11
the Slates, is the controlling principle ofj '
the government, and the constitution has j t
Ino binding efficacy, farther than it accords <
with their will. Sir, Mr. Jefferson meant <
Just what he said there being no common ' t
umpire tinder our form ofgovernment each 1'
Stale has the right to judge for itself, of; r
the infraction of its reserved rights, and to 11
judge for itself of the mode and measure t
of redress. That whenever any of the i I
departments nt the general government, j t
assumes the exercise of undvlegaled pow- j (
ers, the State is in duty bound to interpose i <
and arrest the progress of the evil, and i r
maintain her rights within her limits. By j v
this check, reserved in each State, she Inis | c
the power ot preventing the government j f
trom being administered in any other man-; o
iter than in accordance with its organizn- s
lion, and can prevent a change in the b
constitution in any other manner, than bv ft
[ ;!i e plan agreed on by the compact. Tin’s t
■ ioelple n.*c -traized. wi'Tprevent, with e
i ” n m »l powers nut iit
go’ou j • Congr ■»», and will eosure tho i e
M.-nge of such laws, as will most likely jc
,'eet die interest of the weakest Slatei'n i e
■e t conlo.ler.icy. The whole scheme of d
o.jurfluxed Government is intended topic- je
eat the exorci.-e of powers hy any depart-'
uent, wltich may endanger the rights and
iherties of the people. The States; yes
tir, each Slate, having voluntarily surren
lercd (lie exercise of particular powers tor
he general good, need not he feared a*
ready, capriciously to resume such right
t« will endanger the peace, the liberty or
happiness of the whole. The limits with
which this system stands charged, is not
an inadvertent imperfection, hut an excel
lence studiously sought. Ma jorities in no
country have ever needed protection, they
have always strength to protect themselves,
and a government formed lor the prelec
tion of liberty, is careful k» throw an am
ple shield around the right's of the weaker.
It is by far better that the whole machinery
of government stand still, than that the
mighty car of Federal power he permitted
to roll beyond its' legitimate sphere, endan
gering the rights and liberties of the States.
If I understand them, the doctrines con
tained in the substitute, assert the princi
ples by which this Union may long be
preserved permanent and happy. It as
serts the true reasons for our right to diso
bey (lie mandate oftho Court.
In the principles! have been advocating,
is there any disunion, any war, any blood
shed ? No, sir, but by them, there will ev
er remain a guaranty to the few, that their
rights will be protected against the many.
These doctrines will lead directly to the
perpetuation of the Union, by strengthen
ing the silken cords of affection, that
must ever hind us together. No law will
be passed by Congress, assuming even
doubtful powers, and every law will have
for its object, the peace and happiness of
each State belonging to the confederacy.
Thus will the confidence and affections of
the people, ensure tho perpetuity of the U
nion. Do the principles I advocate engen
der war? No, sir, but by them we have
the surest guaranty against revolution and
j bloodshed. A people who have tasted
; the sweets of liheity, will never long sub
mit to wrongs and oppression, and if you
can point to no efficient means of redress,
yon will find thorn ready to gird on their
knapsacks, and laugh contemptuously at
the perils of war. The force bill, backed
hy every servile power that willingly
wears the yoke of tyranny, can never
hutniile a freeman’s spirit and make him
tamely submit to continued injuries and
insults. To afford efficient means of re
moving the wrong, will ho the sure pre
ventive of strife and revolution. But ne
ver, noraever, will this Union lasi, if it
he held together alone hy force. Do not
these arguments sustain the principles in
troduced in the substitute ? Do they not
sustain the present action of the Legisla
ture?
Why (hen do gentlemen refuse to ac
cept the substitute in lieu of the original,
which affords not a solitary reason why
wo are now exercising the right of judg
ing of onr reserved rights, and refusing
obedience to a process, by which these
rights may ho violated. Sir, I would blush
to send before this community, a state pa
per with so little meaning. If we believe
wo arc right, let onr report speak a lan
guage of firmness and resolution. Are
wc retrograding ? Must we speak a tamer
language the oliener we arc insulted ? Or
docs not it rather become us to speak more
firmly and resolutely ? Allow me to refer
to times gone by; what was said in the
case of Tassels ? And if I mistake not,
the gentleman who drafted that report,
now prides himself as your political lead
er, mid has erected for you the Standard
of Union. Was there any holding back
in the resolutions adopted on that occa
sion ? Then why so much caution now ?
Docs it become a man to be more humble,
as insults multiply upon him? If 1 un
derstand any thing of the language and
character of a freeman, it is that on the
first insult, be may speak a calm and tem
perate language, but if the insult be re
pealed, be speaks with more boldness, and
more in the spirit of defiance. And shall
wc net out the converse of this principle,
and speak the milder because the instill
has been repeated ? I hope not sir. The
Governor in his message has reprobated
petty fogging, I trust wc shall not be guilty
of a kind of petly-larceny legislation;
but let us meet the question boldly, nor at
tempt to screen ourselves behind a cun
ningly wrought shelter.—lt is unbecoming
the representatives of a people, like the
citizens of Georgia, to seek to do, whnt
we ore afraid or ashamed to avow. Let
not the fear of being branded with nullifi
cation drive ns to compromit the character
and dignity of the State. I never nssum
med to myself the name of nulllfier, I
have laid down principles; principles which
I believe correct, and these principles have
been branded with that name by [hose
who denounce (Item. But while I hold
them, tho doctrines on which (he security
of our liberty depends, 1 slmll not shrink
from them, for the sake of a mere party
name. 1 have been brought up with the
recollection that our venerated sires, paid
but little respect to mimes. They were
branded with the names of traitors and
rebels, while they battled in the cause of
freedom; nor did they abandon its proud
standard, to shun the odium of being de
nounced with such appellations. They
now sleep, and we venerate the spot where
they repose. And while we cherish a
fond recollection of their manly firmness,
shall we dishonor their names which we
hear. By insidious steps, has federal usur
pation marched forth, and the voice of
supplication so long inefficient, sent forth
hy a complaining people, has but served as
music to chaunt the onward march of ty
ranny and oppression. A patient, confi
ding people, arc now just ready to con
clude. we owe implicit obedience to every
act of (be government we have formed.
They are taught to believe they have no
means of redressing their wrongs, but by
humbling themselves before the throne of
tyranny, and hugging the chains which
have been forged to enslave them. It is
true in IS’Jo, 0, and 7, while the General
Government stalked forth in the majesty
ot its own assumed powers, regardless of
restraint, gathering strength from thesej
vility of those whose rights were infringe
od, flattered by hungry parasites, whoever
lawn around the footstool of power, that
oilr then illustrious Governor, for a while
stayed its march, and astonished a slum
bering people, by waking them up to the
first principles of our government. The
Chief Magistrate of the Union, issued his
edicts; ho sent an army of hired soldiery
into (he bosom of our State, to aid in their
uiilorcement; but sir, when they had en
camped in onr forests long enough to fright
en the but from his hiding place, and the
Juil owl from his dark retreat, they march
ed back again, bearing the tidings, that in
I Georgia it is proclaimed. “ having ex
! 1 ML'ST ED THE ARGUMENT, WE NOW STAND
ay ot.ra arsis.” Where now are those
who stood forth to sustain our then Go
vernor in his fearful contest for the rights
end sovereignly ot the State? Some of
them, and God knows it grieves me to
say it, who were bold advocates ofthc po
litical faith I still profess, under whose
counsels, I learned to war against federal
encroachment, in w hose rear I firmly stood
in support of the doctrines which they
taught, arc now found in the ranks of the
opposition, the loudest in their denuncia
tions against the party to which they had
been attached. How does this come
about? I shall be told that I have cluing- i
ed, and that my old friends are still con
sistently maintaining (he principles o(TS2S.
Upon this subject I shall not widen the
breach hy a discussion about consistency.
1 must say, however, that they are acting
now with those who opposed us (hen.
And,if 1 have changed, our opponents have
been ungenerous in changing likewise, and
coming over to a small fragment of their
former adversaries. I am willing to sub
mit the matter to he settled between them
and their new friends, nnr’, bythe decision
lam willing to abide. Nor shall I shud
derto be told by them that I am in the mi
nority, but shall feel proud that I am still
numbered with tho little band, who fell in
theThermopolaa ofpolitics, battling against
the march of federal power. I feel satisfi
ed, that in our lull, we are shrouded with
move glory than the deserting victor,
whose laurels are the public testimony of
defection and disgrace. I have given my
objections to the original report and reso
lutions ; 1 have urged the reasons of my
preference for tho substitute offered hy
the honorable Senator from Greene, and
■ have endeavored to sustain the soundness
i nftheir doctrines. If in (he heat of de-
I hate, I have wronged the feelings of any
gentleman, I regret it. It is toy usual man
• nor, to express with warmth, the honest
convictions of my heart, without a wish to
, assail, or wound tho feelings of any man.
1 prefer the adoption of the substitute on
your table, and if it be lost, my vote will be
1 recorded in its support.
From the Southern Recorder,
Indian Disturbances. —lt seems that
; the Creek Indians have recently been
. killing the stock of the inhabitants of
Randolph, Stewart, and Sumtar counties.
When remonstrated with by the whites,
they replied by threats. On the 11th of
this month, a party, consisting of about
twenty whites, went in pursuit of a ma
rauding party ol Indians, about twenty
in number. They met about 15 miles
from Lumpkin, a fight ensued, in which
five Indians were supposed to be killed,
and two whites were wounded. The
whites retreated. On the 18th, in Sum
ter county, the Indians, probably to the
■ number ol 15 or 20, stole a negro lad &
: a pony, and were pursued by about 20
or 25 whites, who overtook them about
. 25 miles from Lumpkin; a slight skir
inish ensued, in which it was supposed
that two or three Indians were killed.—
1 he negro had effected his escape, and
the pony was recovered ; though from
■ the circumstance of the Indian* occupy
. ing the swamp, the whites were obliged
r again to give back. On the 2Gth, a small
. baud ot Indians, (seven in number,)
, headed by a white man, stole a negro
, 'nan, who escaping the same day, m
. {tinned the-whites ol the circumstance,
I who, to the number of eleven went in
pursuit, and came upon them in the 18th
district of Stewart connty, about 15
miles from Lumpkin ; another skirmish
took place, the Indians retreating, until
they reached an ambuscade of their coun
trymen, of probably fifty men, who fired
upon the pursuers,“killing a Mr. Powell,
tormorly of Appling,and mortally wound
ing 1 homas Johnson, formerly of Jett'cr
son county, who died next day, and se
verely, (hough not fatally, wounding a
nother. The whites retreated, bearing
with them the wounded men, & although
fired on by the Indian party, without re
ceiving further injury. The body of Mr.
Powell was recovered the next day, by a
large party ol inhabitants, who went to
the scene of action for that purpose.
An express has been sent to the Go
vernor with the above details. What
measures he has adopted in regard to it,
we are unable to inform our readers.—
Considerable alarm pervades the section
of country where these occurrences have
taken place.
More Consistency. —We have already
cited the admirable case of agreement be
tween our incomparable President and
his late French Ambassador (the match
less diplomatist, Mr. Rives) as to the fair
ness of the equivalent settled by the
French treaty. The successor of this
consummate Statesman seems, however,
to scorn to be outdone, even by Mr.
Rives: which will, we’trust,sufficiently
appear, Irani the following passage of his
lately published correspondence with the
French Ministry, We entreat our read
ers to remember, while they read, Presi
dent Jackson’s violent denunciation of
the Bank, addressed to Congress, upon
the very topic of this right of damages,
by the Bank, upon the Government’s
protested drafts upon France. The Pre
sident, Mr. Taney, the Globe—nay, the
entire Jackson party, with one general
clamour ot vituperation, pronounced this
claim so gross and fraudulent, that (he
Bank should, for making it, be at once
stripped of its charter. Hear, meantime,
what, through his representative in
France, Gen. Jackson was saying to the
Government of that country, as to this
identical claim?
"By this refusal of his Majesty's Go
vernment, the United States will be sub
jected to a legal claim for damages on the
part of the owners of the bill, the amount
of which will be determined bythe laws
oj the Slate in which the person in whose
favor the bill was drawn, resides.-’
Disclosures like this would be fatal to
any decent administration.
Columbia Telescope.
A French journal says “whether the Throne j
be occupied by a Louis XIV., by a Napoleon, by |
a Charles X., or by a Louis Phillip, the Regal Im- j
penal *y*|cni, of which the great principle is -Telat
c rot moi, remains unaltered, and to that every
thing else is saeriliccd.”
The Duke de Leurhtenberg, now the consort ;
of the Queen ot Portugal, holds the first princi
pality ot Bavaria, and takes rank next to the Prin
ccs 0, the Royal Family. The principality con
tains 24,000 inhabitants, and produces him a re
vemte ol 110,000 fiorins. He is also Colonel of i
tire 6th Regiment of Bavarian Cavalry. His on
ly brother, Prince Maximilian, is an Officer in tho I
4th Regiment of Cnvalrv.
From the (lonslilulionali.it.
In our remarks the other day, we spoke of
certain evil* resulting from our men of talents and.
experience looking to the Federal Government for
offices and distinction, and employing their popu
larity and influence - in order to accomplish that
end. We observed at the same time that the
evils would keep increasing until the people ap
ply a corrective. The question now is*, what
corrective can the people apply 1 First, the bal
lot box, and secondly, public opinion. Wc should
not vote for any matt to Congress, who, we sus
pect, desires the station merely as a stepping
stone to sonic lucrative office. We should not
vote for any man who would not be willing, should
the people desire it, to remain at home and serve
his constituents in tho State Legislature, or in any
other office within the gift of the people of the
| state. Public opinion should firmly he expressed
against men who are more ambitious of distinc
tion and office, than ambitious of serving tho peo
ple with a spirit of disinterestedness. The bal
lot box and public opinion, properly managed and
well directed, would soon mitigate the evils in
question. But there is one plan which should
previously lie adopted. It is an amendment of
the Federal Constitution, by which no person could
be appointed to any office under the Federal Gov
ernment, during the term for which he would
have been elected. The late lamented Judge
Cobb was so sensible of the evils resulting from
appointing members of Congress to office, that
while in Congress he invariably at the opening of
every session proposed an amendment of the
Federal Constitution, to the effect just stated. —
But he never could succeed ; uor can President
Jackson succeed in inducing Congress to take
tho same subject under consideration, though it
has made a topic of his messages, since Isb elec
tion to the Presidency. And why has Judge
Cobb failed ? And why has President Jackson
so far failed 1 If such an amendment were
adopted.it would blast the prospects of seven
eights of the members of Congress of being cho
sen to fill the offices of the government. If such
an amendment were adopted, the principal in
ducement they had in courting the suffrages of
the people, would be taken from them, mid they
would find it to their political interest to remain
at home, and endeavor to acquire distinction and
influence in their own states, in* order to qualify
them for higher offices in the Federal Govern
ment. Should the amendment in question he
proposed to the States, can there lie any doubt
of its lieing adopted 1 Wc firmly believe that
every state in the Union would sanction it. Why
then is it not proposed to the stales] IfCongross
will not propose the amendment to the states,
cannot the 'tales amend the constitution them
selves 1 Certainly they can; that instrument
provides two ways: by Congress, whenever two
thirds of both houses shall deem it necessary, or
on the application of the legislatures of two-thud*
of the several states. Then the legislatures of
all the states should make the application, and
have the amendment effected, as it appears Con
gress will never make the proposition to the
states.
It scorns to us, that wc are becoming a little
too aristocratic in our notions of office. It is now
considered as degrading to accept offices of a
lower grade than those we may have previously
occupied. Federal offices are of greater distinc
tion and respectability than state offices; and a
man degrades himself by accepting a state office,
if previously lie had occupied a federal one.—
Ought these things to be so I Certainly not —
Public opinion then must interpose in the matter.
Wc recollect very well when Mr. Moons', after
having been minister plenipotentiary, Secretary
of State, and President off the United States for
eight years, accepted the office of Justice of the
Peace, that many of our citizens turned up their
noses, or seemed to lament the circumstances
which could have induced that eminent patriot to
degrade himself by accepting so low nn office.
Wc did not participate in.such feelings, except
that we grieved to see a man, who had served
his country so faithfully and so advantageously, in
his declining years, when repose was so neces
sary to his health, should undergo the duties of
an office which offered very little remuneration
for its labors. But at the same time wc con
sidered Mr. Monroe as respectable, if not more,
while sitting on the bench of a justice’s court,
in one oftho states of this Union, as when sit
ting in the Presidential chair. And did Epa
minondas lose his reputation and his respecta
bility, when he became the public scavenger of
Thebes? Did William H. Crawford lose his
respectability, when he accepted from Governor
Proup, the office ot Judge of the Superior Courts
of one of our circuits, after having been Sena
tor in Congress, Minister to France, secretary
ofthc Treasury, and a most prominent candi
date tor the Presidency? CerUiinly not. It is
lb if opinions we entertain about these matters,
which have led us to admire the rules which
seem to guide Mr. John Quincy Adams, in re
gard to public oflice. It has been said against
him that he could not live without the powers
and influence of office. This is not our opinion
of the man, and wo avow it because it is well
known that wc arc not his partizan. But wc
speak our feelings and our opinion of him,
when we say that this gentleman has no other
ambition but to serve his fellow-citizens and his
country; and to do this effectually, he would
serve in any oflice to which ho would be called.
He has been minister plenipotentiary, senator in
Congress, secretary oi’ state, and President of
the United States, and he is now a representa
live in Congress, If the people of Massachu
setts desired his services as a member of the
state legislature, or as Governor, or as trea
surer of tho state, wc firmly believe that hc
would cheerfully accept the appointment and
devote his talents and experience to tho dis
charge of the duties attached toil,with as much
zeal as he would discharge any higher oflice.
Why ate there not many more such among our
distinguished citizens ? If there were, wc would
not witness so much intrigue and machinations
for party ascendency in tho United States.
Wc shall conclude our remarks hy expressing
a hope that the press may contribute in giving
a better direction to public opinion, hi regard to
the respectability which seems to he attached to
public offices in this country. They must not
follow tho example of the editor of a paper, which
wc have misled, who, in noticing the applica
tion of Lord Brougham to lie appointed chief
Baron of the Exchequer, or of the Treasury, we
do not recollect which, after having been Lord *
High Chancellor of England, thought it was
a degru ling act of that distinguished man, and i
observed that it would be as unbecoming in Judge
Marshall, could he lie deprived of his prcseiit
station to ask to be Judge of a county court after
having been Chief Jusficc of the United Stales.
If such opinions were to prevail among us, and
to extend their baleful consequences, the aris
tocratic notions now pervading some portions of
the community, would attain to such a strength
as to cause the democratic principles which as ;
yet are the only decorations of our public institu
tions, to disappear before tho gorgeous ornaments i
ofa monarchy, ofknightly orders, and of a privi
leged class of nobles, with exclusive privileges i
and powers. ,
Mr. O'Comiell is exerting himself, and, it is j
said, successfully, to set the National Bank oflrc
latul on its legs.' More than £IOO,OOO has been '
subscribed in Dublin. Great things arc expected '
of this Dank. 1
A true Bill has been found against the Bishop
of Winchester, and several other Clergymen, for
an assault upon the Rev. C. Griffin, at a meeting !
of the Sftcicty for the propagation of the Gospel. 1
The Rev. gentleman was forcibly ejected down J
stairs and through long passages, without his hat,
and with his clothes torn.
At the sale of Mons. Lafittc’s pictures, a paint-
I ing ofthc Virgin, by Andrea del Sarto, sold for “
| 42,000 feancs; a head, by Greuze, brought 6,000 ,
1 francs. ’ 1
- - J, ,
Frank lin Cotlege.— The exercise* of this inati- o
tution, (it is stated in the Athens papers,) were tl
resumed on the 16th ull, under the happiest aus- il
pices Tha Southern Whig .ays: “All the mew- (
Ih’fs ofthc Faculty, wc understand, at their posts \
and tho number of Students actually exceeds the > tl
greatest number at any thus heretofore since the n
foundation of tile institution, being we leant about tr
12 <. It ta thought that by spring, the number n<
I ma - v aniount to 135 or 140, This is truly cheer- tli
I? tl ‘° ° f Education, and wc congratu- a,
late the friends of the College, in all quarters of the si
Mate, upon this auspicious prospect.”
From the Charleston Courier, 6f/l instant.
LATE FROM BALTIMORE.
Later from England—Further decline in Col
ton—.litem/)! to Assassinate the President.
The line brig Gen. Marion, Capt. Delano, ar
rived at this port yesterday from Baltimore.
By this arrival we received froiji our Corres
pondent, a tile of Baltimore papers to Saturday
morning last, inclusive, a Washington paper of
Saturday, and a New York paper of Thursday.
The intelligence contained in them will lie ,
found particularly interesting. Accounts from
Liverpool to the 26th December, had fureii re
ceived at New York, from which it will lie seen
that a lurther decline had taken place in Colton.
Washixotox, Jan. 21.—The funeral 1 of the
late lamented Wahhkx K. Davis, of South Ca
rolina, took place yesterday, from the Capitol; ac
cording to previous arrangement. The gloom of
the day rendered the occasion yet more gloomy.
An occurrence took place at 'the close of the’ce
remony a Mho Capitol, which produced naturally a'
great sensation at the time, which can be heard'
Ivy no one without shuddering, and which, if the'
consequence had lieen equal to the apparent pur-' v
pose, would have signalized the day by a horrible
catastrophe.
[We were not witnesses of it, and in our ac
count or it, speak from information, but from in
formation entirely to he relied on.]
As the President of the United States, wlto was
present at the solemn ceremony of the funeral,
came into the Portico of the Capitol from the Ro
tunda, a person stepped forward from the crowd
into (he- space in front of the President, and snap
ped a pistol at him, the percussion cap of which
exploded without igniting the charge ! This per
son was struck down by a blow from Lieutenant
Oedney, of the Navy, who happened to 1 be near ;'
he also'received a blow promptly aimed as him by
Mr. Secretary Woodbury; but, before receiving
citlier blow, snapped a second pistol at thePrc
sident. The cap of that lock, also exploded with--
out igniting the charge! The perpetrator of this:
daring outrage, was of course immediately seized
and taken in custody by the Marshal of the Dis
trict, by whom he was carried to the City Hall,
where- he underwent an examination before chief
Justice Crunch. His name, it api»cara, is Richard
Lawrence, by trade a painter, a resident for two
or tliree years in the first ward of this city, and
formerly of Georgetown. The gentlemen whose
testimony was taken before the Judge, were Mr,.
Secretary Woodbury, Mr. Secretary Dickerson;
Mr. Burd, Representative for Pennsylvania, Mr..
Randolph, Serjeant at Arms of the House, ML.
Kingman, one of the Reporters for the National
Intelligencer, and Lieutenant Gcdney. The pis
tols, which had been secured by Mr. Burd, were
of brass, and out examination in Court; were
found to he- well loaded with powdhr and ball,
which our renders would not suppose,.until the fact
is stated, eanb! hardly hove lieen possible. How
extraordinary (and Os how fortunate!) the failure
ot the evident design of this miserable maniac
for so' he must be considered, under all the cir
cumstances) against the fifs-of the Ptcsidtnt! Wo
say- he is a maniae, beeouse the act shows him to
lie insane, and not because any evidence of his
insanity was produced on his examinationc
though we Ikbvc heard that In; has heretofore lieen
confined for acts of violence indicating an l an*
sound mind.
On his examination, the unlioppy men declin
ed making any explanation or cross-examining
the witnesses. We haw heard no rational mo
tive even conjectured for his crime.
The offence lie mg a twilnhle one, and excessive'
bail being forbidden, bail was demanded to the
amount of one thousand dollars, for want of which
the prisoner was committed lor trial; the Judge
intimating that if lie hud been able to give hail,
sufficient securities would have been required, in
addition, to insure his good behaviour. He will be
tried, of course, at the next terra of the court..
From the Baltimore American, Jan. 31',
LATEST FROM Gt Uffl’E.
The packet ship Napoleon, at New Y r ork, brings
Liverpool letters and papers to the 20tli Ddc. The
Journal of Commerce, evening edition, of Thurs
day, supplies the following intelligence.
Polities were absorbing all other considerations,
and the movements with reference to the new elec
tions, had assumed a warmth which created appre
hension.—The dates do not admit of any things
later from France. 'The London money market
was depressed by the political excitement.
, LiVKlu-ant. Dee. 26. —The General Election -
It is confidently expected that the dissolution of
Parliament will take place either this day or to
morrow. The electors will therefore shortly have
to exercise their important privilege.
Liverpool Election. —Three candidates arc in
the field—Mr. Ewart, Lord Sandon, and Sir Ho
ward Douglas; and though we have not yet heard
of the result of the deputation to London, wo
have no doubt that a second reform candidate will
appear. Mr. Francis Baring and Sir Valentino
Dlakc, have botn been mentioned,
1- rom the London Morning Chronicle, Dee. 24,
Grand Conservative Dinner at the. Mansion
House, On Tuesday evening last,the Lord May
or S ave a grand entertainment at the Mansion
House, to his Majesty’s Ministers, and a variety
of distinguished visiters. Accommodation was
afforded to 255 guests, of whom 20 were ladies.
Iho Ministers present were Sir R. Peel, Lord
Lyndhurst, Lord Wharneliffc, the Duke of Wei-
ImstoH, the Earl of Aberdeen, Mr. Goulbom, Mr. I
lianng, Lord Elleuborough, Mr. J. C. Herrie*
Sir E. Kimtchlmll, "ir H. Hurdingo, Bir G. Mur
ray, Sir E.Sugdeu, and Mr. Pollock. The Arch
bishop of Canterbury was also present. Several
ot the Ministers, on their arrival were greeted with
groans and hisses by the crowds assembled out
side the Mansion House, The speeches were of
the dullest description imaginable, and little, we
may say no, further information is to he obtained
from those of the Cabinet Ministers beyond what
is contained in the Address of Sir Robert Peel to
the Electors of Tamworth. The Morning Chroni
cle report extends to the length of five columns, of
which very nearly two arc devoted to the dull
prosings and lulsome panegyrics perpetrated by
the Lord Mayor. 3
London .Money .Market , Dec. 23.—There
has ,• ecu a slight degree of heaviness in the En
glish I- unds to day, and there is some depression
m the quotations of every description, with the 1
single exception of Bank Stock, which is 4 per
cent, higher. In all the perpetual annuities the
price Hub fallen 4 per e. Exchequer Bills and In
dian Bonds are caqh 2s. lower.
Ihe foreign market presents no subject for
observation, other than a decline oi l per cent, in
‘ P jmsh B <>nds. I ortuguese Stock is firm at the
late advanced quotations, '
All other subjects have to-day sunk into utter
insignificance, as compared with the intense in
eriMt excited by the great Tory meeting assem- ,
led for the ostensible object of presenting a lesti- '
mony ol loyalty and attachment to the Sovereign,
but virtually for the purpose of obtaining pledges
ot adhesion to the Wellington Ministry.
Interesting Hate expected. —We arc author
ized to state, that the citizens purse, to lie run for
on Monday, tho 9th hist., with the entrance of
three horses, which number are required to make
a race, amounts at present to {>lo9o. We have
been informed that three or more of the liest South
ern nags will compete for this purs.-, which it is
expected will lie yet further increased.— Charles
ton Courier, 3./ instant.
“ It is strongly rumored.to-day on the authority
ot triends of the Administration that Mr. White
is not to he run as a candidate for the Presidency,
to the injury of Mr. Van Uuren, but merely to bo
hept in the field lor a time, to draw off strength
Irom the Anti Van Buren candidates, after which
Ins strength is to he thrown into the Van Bufen
scale, and he will bo entirely withdrawn fr.m the
public view. Il'ashington Correspondent of
the Charleston Courier.
We cannot at this time coincide with the views
ot many of our eotemporaries, as to the (alter gen
tleman, [Judge White] and we arc candid in say
mg, that we disrelish his fawning speech as to
Gen. Jackson, at the Humbug dinner given at
W asliingtou, on the Bth. In addition to this,
there arc doubts on our minds, whether tho nomi
nation of Mr. White, has not arisen from the
trickery of the Jackson Van Buren party, and if
lot, he has said sufficient, and acted too, to show
hat tho principles of the present administration
ire consonant with his own, and; therefore he
stands but little above Mr. Van Buren.
Savannah /Republican ,