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From the Charleston Mercury.
FROM NEW-YORK.
Charleston - , June 10.
The splendid steam packet W illiam
Gibbon?, Capt. Wright, came up yes
terday afternoon from New York. By
her we have received files of New-York
papers to Saturday Evening last, inclu
sive,—together with papers from various
other Northern cities.- #
There had been no later foreign arri
vals at New York, 'and the (tapers con
tain no domestic news of interest.
The ship Princess Victoria, Capt. Paul,
had arrived at Si. Andrews, New Bruns
wick, bringing London dates to the 27th
of April, which furnished no other news
than a few additions to the new ministry.
.Sales of U. H. Bank Stock at New
York, on’thc 4th, fM) shares, at 112* ; 26
do at 112 ; ’. No sales repotted on the
sth and Cth.
From the Evening Star.
Two Days latter Irani England.
We have received, though Hudson’s
'correspondent, information from St. An
drews, New Brunswick, of the arrival
there of the Princess Victoria, Capt. Paul,
bringing London dales to April 27th, in
elusive.
We find the following additions to the
new Ministry not before published, also
some alterations:
Sir. J. Hobhousc is appointed to the
India Board.
Earl Minlo, Postmaster General.
The Lords of the Admiralty are Lord
Dftlmeney, Admirals Adam, and Sir VV.
Parker,and Hon. Capt. Elliot, 11. N. Sec
retary of the Admiralty, Mr. Labouclierc.
No oilier news.
Faces — Union Course, Long Island —
Fourth Day. —There was a vast number
of persons assembled this day to witness
the great four mile race (heals); and the
tunning was such as highly to gratify nil
present. The contest was at one time
keen, and the victory doubtful—but was
thus decided.
Juliana, 1 I
Tarquiu, 2 2
, Mingo, 3 dist
Johnson’s favorite mare Juliana, and
Alston’s b. c. Tarquiu, were both -1 years
old, and Juliana was the favorite against
the field. Time, 8 in. 9 s.; 8 in. 1 Is.—
Cow. (V Enrj.
The. Whigs of New Haven have car
ried the election for city officers, by an
average majority of 190 votes.
.Another Earllu/ualee. —An arrival at
Baltimore fiom Valparaiso, brings intel
ligence that the interesting Island of Juan
Fernandez has been destroyed by an
earthquake. The (own was situated in
a valley, and on the first alarm, the in- ,
habitants fled to (he mountains. The sea
at first receded from the Island, and then ,
returned, overflowed the town, and in its (
return swept away the houses which had >
been previously prostrated, leaving on ]
the site an immense mass of black mud.—
Star.
Unprecedented Passage. —The new and (
elegant steamboat Lexington, arrived yes
terday afternoon in the short passage of j
eleven hours and fifty-nine minutes from ,
Providence, bringing papers from that
place mid Boston'of yesterday morning,—
Gazette, 4th. <
Melancholy Occurrence. —We lament ,
to state that an accident of a most dis- (
tressing nature occurred at West Point jj
on Monday Inst, the circumstances of '
which are as follows *. two of the Cadets, j
during the recess of study, commenced |
amusing themselves by fencing unmask- ,
cd, and with foils which were unfortu
nately without buttons at the, end. In (
the course of a few passes, one of the ,
, young gentlemen, a Mr. Carter from '
Virginia, received the point of his an
tagonist’s weapon in the eye, passing j
through that organ deep into the brain. y
The unfortunate youth instantly fell, tie- (
prived of sense and motion, and remained .
in that condition nine hours, at the end
of which period, notwithstanding the (
most prompt and clficienl medical aid, (
he expired. Our informant states that •
the wound, which was in the under part ,
of the eye, had merely the appearance of (
a small scratch, and bled very little. (
The young gentleman who unhappily
caused the accident, lias been almost be
reft cf reason ever since—he is the Son of ]
a distinguished officer of the navy. A ’
singular fatality seems to attend the fami
ly of Mr. Carter: this is the third of Ids
sons who have died violent deaths. The
elder was killed in a duel, the second
came to his death by accident, the fate of
the third is recounted in the above state
ment.— Cou. 7,- Enq.
Mexico and the United Stales. —We
learn says the Journal of Commerce, from
an authentic source, that the additional
article to (he treaty of limits, between
the United States' and the republic of
Mexico, has been concluded and approv
ed by the General Congress of Mexico,
and in virtue thereof, (lie period within
which the respective commissioners of
buth nations should meet and decide on
the boundary between (lie two coun
tries, has been extended to one year from
the date of the exchange of the ratifica
tions.—Gat.
From the Charleston Courier,
The Philadelphia Arcade was sold at
Ruction sth iust. for one hundred and
nineteen thousand dollars.
Tlte Legislature of Connecticut has
granted an Act of Incorporation to Hen
ry Hudson and others, as die Worcerter
and Hartford Rail Road Corporation,
with a capital of one million dollars.
A lad sixteen years old, jumped out of
a fourth story window at Nashua, N. H.,
on Sunday, 30th.. without hurting him
self. He was asleep when he performed
the exploit, hut whether it awakened him,
is not mentioned.
It is estimated that the average number
of passengers which leave Buffalo daily,
for the West, is twelve hundred.
The Philadelphia Gazette states, that
the measles prevails to an alarming ex
tent iu that city.
—»*».—
It would be but an act of justice in
those editors who have copied the article
■•'liich originally appeared in this paper,
to insert the following also. We are
certain that our correspondent did not
intentionally mistate the facts.—Balti
more Chronicle.
The irresponsible letter writers from
'Washington are busy in misrepresenting
the proceedings of the Post Office Depart
ment, under its new administration. It
is stated that Messrs. Stockton, Reeside.
and others, have been required to refund
large sums of money which had been paid a
to them, &<:.—This is an error:—we mi- t
derstand that the new Postmaster Gener- v
al, on entering into the Department, took l
a view of its financial condition, and find- I
ing claims against it which could not be
discliargad, (and among them certain !
claims of the contractors referred to,)
determined to postpone their payment in
part, so as to enable him to pay at the (
en-1 of the present and every iuttlre quar- ,
ter, all demands which should arise ,
within the quarter.—Upon Wits ground, ;
and no other, was the payment of the !
claims of the contractors named, post- ]
poned.— lFashington Gluhc.
Bank of Charleston. —The amount
subscribed in this city to the New Bank
is eighty one million, one hundred and
eighty thousand, eight hundred dollars.
The Capital of the Bunk is two millions
of dollars, and it is probable that when
the amount subscribed in the country
towns is received it will reach ninety
millions. As one fourth on payment of
the first instalment was received in checks
on the ilirtcrent Banks of (he city, the
amount raised in this way lias been up
wards of twenty millions of dollars. This
is calculated to excite great surprise a
broad, until the nature of the operation
is explained. The Banks have discoun
ted with unprecedented liberality, on the
express understanding that the parties
accommodated would apply (he sums to
the purpose specifically of subscriptions
to the Bank and no other. By an ar
rangement previously made, the Com
missioners hud resolved to receive check j
on the different Banking Institutions,for
. the amounts respectively subscribed. As
■ no sums were withdrawn from the con
; trol of the Banks, this arrangement ena
, bled thousands to embark in speculation
who bad never dreamed of it, until a day
or two before the books were opened, anil
ingenuity was put to the torture to de
vise schemes for obtaining credit at (In*
Banks. The spirit of speculation, brought
into sudden activity by these circum
stances, was aided by (be large orders re
ceived from the North for investments in
the New Bank, and by (lie competition
of two rival parties, cadi of which has its ,
favorite candidate for the Presidency.
Pretty extensive engagements for (he j
delivery of (he new scrip have been en
tered Into this morning at sll2£.
Southern Patriot. ,
From the A. V. Commercial .Advertiser, 1
Tun Pnovtso.—The subjoined letter
from Paris, which appears in (he Balti
more. Chronicle, explains the circum
snmstancefi which induced the French
Minister to insert the proviso in (lie In
demnity law, requiring certain explana
tions ol (he language of the President’s
Message, respecting (lie conduct of p
France, before the money will be paid.
“Paris, May 20, 1835.
After a close discussion of nine days,
(he law for paying the 23 millions as a- t 1
mended by the commission and approved a
by Ministers, has passed the Chamber of
lieputios, with an amendment to this ef
fect, viz:—that the money is not to be
paid “ until (he French Government has b
received satisfactory explanations of the u
President’s Message.” As this amend- i
merit is very differently commented upon
here, and may be liable to great misap
prehension in America, I hasten to state
to you in a few words, (lie motive which v
led to its adoption, and the character in 8
which, in my opinion, it should be viewed.
M misters defended thisdaw for eight
days, with ability ami zeal,'and on the 1
9th, the chances appeared evidently iu 1
their favor; but the spirit of party’ was 1
equally tenacious of its object, and find
ing till exertions to embarrass (lie law
with real difficulties unavailing, they de- 0
termined the effect of an illusive one, in ,
hopes that Ministers would fall into that
snare, and in combatting it, lose the vote (
ol the House: but as the ground was ex- "
tremely delicate, and the issue uncertain, 11
it was instantly decided by M. de Broglie v
to acquiesce in the amendment, and 1
thereby insure a large majority in favor p
of the law.—This it is true was at the i
expense of their consistency ; but it ap- (
peered to Ministers the only mode of (
guarding their places, and securing the
passage of the law by themselves.
\Vhcn it is considered then that the
motive-of die authors of the amendment (
(the Dupin party) was chiefly to embar- 1
rass uini weaken, if not to upset Minis
ters; and that the latter subjected them
selves to this correction rattier than run
tlie risk of having the execution of the
treaty transferred front them to its one- 1
ntics, and those of the system of govern- ;
inent under which it was negotiated, you
will agree with me, I think, that the char
acter of the amendment is more a matter
of form than one of serious difficulty.
1 say it is illusive, because it is notorious
to the opposition in the Chamber, and to
the public, that Ministers have already
expressed themselves satisfied with the
explanation of the message in the able 1
despatch of Mr. Livingston to the Count
dc Higny ol the 29th January last; and 1
that iu presenting the law (at a previous
date to that of the despatch) unfettered
for a call for explanation, as well as bv ■
their constant diplomatic intercourse with ,
Mr. I jivingstun up to this date, they have j
given ample evidence that they were re
conciled with the President’s message;
and therefore that they can have nothing
more of consequence to demand. Thus
is it my impression that Ministers attach
no other importance to the obligation im
posed on them by the spirit of party in
the Chamber, than that of going through
the usual diplomatic cercmomes-on simi- 1
mar occasions. At all events, no action j
upon (he law can he had until it has!
passed the Chamber of Peers, when the j
responsibility of the explanations with \
which they may be satisfied, will rest cn- \
tirely with Ministers. My hope is, that l
they will see the expediency of settling
the affair with Mr. Livingston, whose a
ble and patriotic conduct through the
whole of this unpleasant and complicated
negotiation, affords ample guarantee that
whatever settlement may take place, will
redound to the honor of our country and
government.”
Since the preceding article was in
• type, we have seen an article in the
A ushington Globe, of not a verv con
i ciliating character, and which looks as
; though the American Executive might
yet interpose difficulties in the way of a
; speedy adjustment of the affair. The
conduct of the President has throughout
been inexplicable iu (his matter, upon
any other supposition than thatofadesire
to defeat the execution of the treaty,
with a view to hostilities—in the hope
that by raising a tempest, ho might be a
ble to secure an election for a third term.
From the London Times.
Paris, April 18.
Among all the fabrications retailed in
the Chamber and the newspapers on the
subject of the American claims, and the
treaty which reduced them to the form of
a liquid obligation, it is a matter of sur
prise, especially to the members of the
diplomatic body, with whom the fact is
familiar, that neither deputies nor jour
nalists have laid their hands on an anec
dote, which would have thrown more
light on the chief point at issue, than all
that has resulted (coin a fortnight’s in
cessant debate. During the first days of
the revolution, when the future King ol
the French was still atNeuilly, and La
layette was hesitating at the Hotel de
Ville between the proclamation of the
republic, and the institutions of a mon
archy surrounded by republican institu
tions, the Duke of Orleans sent across
the barricades, to ask an interview of
Mr. Rives, the American Minister, who,
like most of the diplomatic servants of
the United States, is known to have en
tertained opinions on the subject of Go
vernment, having a decided leaning to
wards aristocratical and monarchical
forms. The object of his Royal High
ness was to induce Mr. Rives to go to
the Hotel de Ville, and convey to La
fayette the effect of his own conviction
on the all-important question which was
then under deliberation. The American
M nisler consented and during his subse
quent stay in Paris, as perhaps now at
Washington, he delighted to recount the
part he played at this crisis of the revo
lution, pulling especial emphasis on the
cordiality with which lie was received by
the venerable old man, who for the mo
ment held (he destinies of France in his
bands, because in (lie representative
of the American Republic, Lafayette
thought he was the personification ol that
pure form of government with which he
desired that his country might be endow
ed. Suffice it to say, that the mission
proved successful, that Lafayette allow
ed himsell to be convinced, and that Mr.
Rives knew how to exact from the King
and bis Ministers the price of (hat in
tervention, which bad contributed so es
sentially to smooth his path to the throne.
AITftITST.'iS
SITCKDAV, JIM.; 1:1, IN35]
“ Re just, and fear not."
ALABAMA JUIR.VAL,
The remainder of our reply to this paper,
promised in our last, is crowded out, till our next.
THE REPLY
Os llio Governor’s agent, Wm. N. Bishop, to
the publication ofSpenccr Riley,will be published
as curly as we can find room for if.
KICHAfOV i) i) elega tion.
James Oauunku, jr. Esq. has been appointed
by the committee to supply vacancies, a Delegate
to the Stale Rights Convention, in place of Judge
Holt,’ who declines.
THE SOUTHERN AGRICULTURIST.
The June No. contains the usual quantity of
valuable information. Mr. Millku, the succes
sor to Mr. Legate, very ably sustains the reputa
tion of the Jlgricuttnrisi. It is a work which
richly merits the patjronngo of the Southern Plan
ter. For contents of the present JN T o., sco adver
tising columns.
MR. GILMER.
A friend reminds us, and wishes us to remind
others, of Mr. Gilmer’s attendance on the great
Jackson f 4lh July Celebration Dinner, in Phila
delphia, some two or three years ago, in company
with Messrs. Benton, Rives, &c,; in preference to
the Anti-Jackson Celebration, on the samo day,
which was attended by Messrs. Preston, Me-
Dufllc, &rv, and says, if he mistakes not, Mr. G.
gave a pretty strong Toast on the occasion; and
that the recollection of this, apart from other
matters,would render it impossible for him to vole
fur him. We advise the .Inties to beware; there
a™ mere rounds of prejudice against Mr. Gil
mer, as a candidate for Governor, apart from his
opposition to the leading principles of the party,
than they seem to be aware of.
LOOKOUT FOR INCENDIARIES!
A strolling Abolition vagabond was caught a
little lime ago, on one of the most extensive plan
tations iu Burke county, haranguing the negroes,
old exciting them to open and bloody insurrec
tion, in the most zealous and infuriate manner-
The Overseer, who caught him, tied him up, on
the spot, and gave him fifty lashes. This was too
good tor him. The man who would speak what
he did, ought to have the offending member cut
out; and lie who would write it, to have the other
one cut off; ami this by law. Whipping is no
corrective. Such scoundrels are too mean, when
it is over, to feel it as a disgrace, and on certain
occasions will show their stripes, in the spirit of
martyrdom, to excite sympathy, ami regard. No:
when (hey speak or write such language, the true
way to eoneet the evil, is to put it entirely out
of their power to do so again.
THE FRENCH TREATY.
“ See what Old Hickory has done for “ we, the
people”! Ho has made Mounseer plank up to
the tune of twenty-five millions, all of which goes
into our pockets, my lads. Huzza! for old Hicko
ry. He’s the boy what shot the robin'! ” —This
is almost literally the slang of many of the Jack
-1 sonites; and it is thus they bamboozle and delude
j the people. There arc thousands who, not taking
) tlie trouble to examine and read for themselves,
j actually believe that the consummation of the
j French Treaty, was brought about by the rash and
j headstrong measures of the present administra
tion. What must be their surprise, then, when
they arc truly informed, that if the measures re
commended by President Jackson had been adop
<ed, we should, iu the place of a Treaty, have had
a war on our hands, and instead of receiving twen
ty-five millions of francs, the .pockets of the people
would have been drained of more than ten times
that amount, while their lives would have been
offered a sacrifice to promote the mad ambition of
•j]republican tyrant. It is to the ardent patriotism
and commanding talents of a few, who happily in
fluenced the deliberations of the last Congress, that
the people owe the peaceable and advantageous
results of the Treaty controversy. They refused
lo follow the course pointed out by the President •
and by so doing, they have not only secured the
payment of a long standing account against
France, but saved the people from a bloody war, «
and the burden of a heavy national debt.
CONGRESSIONAL VACANCY.
But little has been said on the subject of this
vacancy, or the suitable person to be nominated
by the State Rights Convention, as a candidate to
fill it. VV’c beg leave to submit to the considera
tion of the Convention, tlie following named gen
tlemen, who are all “ good men and true,” and
would do honor to themselves and the Stale, and
all possible service to the principles they advocate,
in the station to be filled:
Col. Julius 0. Alioud, of Troup,
Gen. Robert A. Beall, of Bibb,
Edwaud J. Black, Esq. of Scriven,
Gen. S. A. Bailee, of Troup,
Col. A. 11. CuAeeELL, of Monroe,
James (Jamak, Esq. of Clark,
Mabk A. Cooper, Esq. of Putnam,
Dr. Wm. C, Daxiell, of Chatham,
Col. Ciiahles P. Goa no.v, of Putnam,
Col. R. L. Gamble, of Jefferson,
Gen. Euwabd Harden, of Clark,
Col. Thomas B. Kino, of Glynn,
Col. Samuel Rockwell, of Baldwin,
Col. M. B. Lamar, of Bibb.
MR. WILDE.
We perceive by the papers of New York, that
litis gentleman sailed from that city, for London,
in the packet Westminster, on the Istinst. Our
best w ishes accompany our amiable and enlight
ened townsman. The field of politics is too
tough, and its controversies too harsh and disso
nant, for the highly intellectual refinement of his
character. As a polite scholar, he has few equals
—and we should not be surprised if the facina
tions of the Republic of Letters, should lure him
ultimately, altogether,from the stormy sccnesof the
Republic of Politics. Perhaps it were better that
it should be so. “ Where a man’s treasure is, there
is his heart, also ” ; and his treasure or heart is
not in politics. We have always conceived that
he valued political distinction only for the stand
ing and influence it gave him in the best society,
to which ho is evidently very partial; but it is
easily in his power to reach that object through a
path more congenial to his feelings, and in which
he might secure a brighter and more enduring
tame ; and not only place himseif at least among
the very highest of his competitors, but shed a lu
minous aud lasting glory over the literature of his
country. It is a source of regret to his best friends,
that he should have chossn the field of politics,
rather than of literature. He is certainly not a
politician after our taste, or to command our sup
port ; ami yet there is no one who holds his ma
ny virtues or great talents in higher estimation, or
cherishes toward him a warmer or more respect
ful personal regard and esteem. May the health,
happiness, and prosperity, Iso so richly deserves,
attend him wherever he goes.
STATE RIGHTS CANDIDATE.
From our recent intercourse aud correspon
dence with the Nullifiers, since the final with
drawal ol Judge Clayton - , it seems to us that
their choice tends strongly in favor of Col. John
11. Hew atin of Baldwin, as a candidate for Go
vernor ; and for our own part, there is no man
whom wo could more cordially support, or be
lieve more worthy the unlimited confidence and
esteem of the true Stale Rights men. He was,
we believe, the first open Nullificrin the Stale—
has been a consistent and unwavering State
Rights man, from his youth, and bears a charac
ter, both private and public, which commands the
esteem aud admiration of all who know him,
friends ov opponents; and against which the
longue ol opposition would be dumb-founded, for
it is impossible for any one to utter ought against
him in censure. We know him well; and, be
fore Heaven, we do not believe that a more honor
able and upright man, honest politician, and
pure, disinterested, zealous, aud devoted patriot,
ever lived. As wo have heretofore observed, in
commenting on his first nomination, it would bo
a proud day, indeed, for our principles, that should
see so noble-hearted, disinterested, and gallant a
champion, the choice of their disciples— and for
our State, also, that should sec such a man the
Governor of Georgia. He is well known as a
man of first-rate talents, indefatigable zeal and
industry, popular 'manners, and great political
ability and research ; who has frequently been a
member of the Legislature, and distinguished him
self as chairuan of the committee on the state of
the Republic, and other committees, and as a lea
der in the debates, and very able and effective pub
lic speaker. The only objection we have ever
heard urged against him, since he was first nomi
nated for the office, is, that he is young, and not
sufficiently well-known: to which vve might re
ply, in the words of the Kentuckian on the stump,
“ It is true, gentlemen, our nag is comparatively
but a colt niton the turf; but then he comes no
weight, is sound to the core, and will bear the
strictest examination. If he has not won a four
mile race, be has not lost one; and if he is not so
well known as some others, the more heisknown
the better, which cannot be said of most others.”
t
t STATE RIGHTS CONSTITUTION.
As the Convention approaches, we are glad to
, see that a right spirit is animating the leading
1 State Rights p, esses of the interior. Thesubjoin
-1 ed article from Ike Macon Messenger, anil its in
troduction by the Georgia Times, are excellent,
: anil strongly appeal to (he consistency and integ
-1 rity of the party. Well and truly has the Mes
i sengcr styled the political Expose of 1833, the
Constitution of the State Rights party. As
such, then, let us rally around it, and nullify all
attempts to violate its principles, or evade them,
5 in any way whatever:
j From the Milledgeville Times.
' We had assumed our pen fertile purpose of
• referring to the probable course of the contompla
-5 ted State Rights Convention, when the Macon
Messenger containing the article below was laid
on our table. We ate confident’that we can add
! nothing by our comments to the stern and deli
; borate energy in which it is couched, and we take
, pleasure in declaring its perfect accordance with
, our own views. Wo want no management, no
j intrigue, no trickery, no concessions of principle
1 to policy ; we are willing to stand or fall with the
- doctrine we advocate; and therefore would dis
, card the idea of obtaining success by any other,
than a direct, undoviating course. If we cannot
succeed, let us at least desettve to do so. y
STATE RIGHTS’ CONVENTION.
1 This Convention will he held at Milledgeville
■ on the 3d Monday of this instant, for the purpose
3 of nominating a candidate for Governor, and
s there is every prospect that a full representation
of the Party will he in attendance. We have
1 from time to time offered our views upon the ac
f tion of that body, and made such suggestions as
1 were dictated by an ardent desire to preserve the
harmony and interest of the party. Wc have a
few words more only to add, before we dismiss the
I subject lo the ultimate decision of the tribunal ol
t which it has been referred,
j It will be remembered that iu November 1533,
the Static Rights Party, in general Convention, a
dopted a written Constitution, which embraced,
e indefinite and explicit terms, the articles of its
t faith. Alt persons who subscribed to these' arti
cles were received as members of the Party, whilst n
those who rejected them, in part or the whole, (,
were, of course, considered without its pale. t j
That Constitution is yet in force, and has under
gone no change or modification whatever. By 1
virtue of the power therein delegated the propos- n
ed Convention has been called. When assem- g.
bled,the convention itself will have to act under and jj
in accordance with that instrument, or their acts
will be null and void. What then will bp their »
duty, in the selection of a Candidate for Goyer- it
nor 1 May they indulge their private inclina- j t
nations ! No.—May they temporize upon ques- V;
lions of expediency! No—Or may they, for the
sake of temporary success, choose some individu
al who does not exactly but almost subscribes d
fully to the State Rights doctrine! We answer n
emphatically, NO. The Convention will have no m
discretion. It must conform its proceedings to the . (
constitution under which it acts. It must select
a man who recognizes fully the fundamental b
principles of the party, and who is willing to take tl
up his cross aud follow those principles, whether
they conduct him to defeat or victory. Let them
do this, and all will be well; otherwise, distraction 1
and division will be the inevitable consequence.” e
t
S. BANNER AND NULLIFICATION. a
On the 4th of February last, we published the p
following notice; 1
“Beauties op Nullification.” —The edi- j
tor of the Southern Banner is very industriously
edifying his readers with what he calls “ Beau
ties of Nullification.” W'e hope he will not for- c
get to include among them, before he gets through, j
his Proposals for a Nunification paper in Mobile, .
issued some two or three years ago.”
This notice was republished in other Slate
Rights papers of the State, and no reply being .
made lo it, We very naturally took it for granted,
that the charge implied in it was admitted. —On
the 16lh ult. we had occasion to make a similar
charge, which elicited the following letter from j
one of the editors of the Banner. We should
have published it immediately, but for a doubt
as to our authority to do so—being unable to in- 1
fer any such authority from the letter itself—while
the writer, as an editor and proprietor of a paper,
having chosen to make his reply a private, in-
stead of public one, seeraojJ to indicate a restric
tion on our jerking it public, and an expectation
that wc should make an unconditional “ correc
tion” of the alleged “error.” (See last para
graph of the letter.) This, considering the o
missiou to notice the change before, together
with others reasons which will appear presently,
we did not feel prepared to do. Willi every dis
position to do full justice to the writer, by laying
his denial or explanation fairly before the public,
(which is all that full justice to him required,)
we felt bound to dojustice to our principles, al
so, (of which he is a bitter opponent,) by accom
panying it with such comments as it naturally
suggested to us. We consequently enquired of
him whether it was designed for publication, and
declared, if it were, our publish it;
to which he replied, that he did not expect an un
conditional correction; and did not request
the publication of the letter, because willing that
we should give its substance, only, in our own
words, if we prefered to do so ; and then desired
us to publish it—at the same time explaining,
that the reason he did not reply through the
Banner, was, that our allusion applied to one of
the editors only, and was conceived to be an in
dividual, rather than a public matter. Wo would
merely remark, iu relation to this explanation,
that it is customary for an editor of a joint con
cern, to reply, singly, through the paper with
which he is connected, to any charge which af
fects his professional character, and tlie character
of the paper; and certainly that cannot be merely
an individual, or private, and not public matter,
which relates to a matter of public interest, and
the consistency and influence of a public news
! paper; which is of course responsible for the pub
: lie conduct and consistency of both its editors,
t jointly and severally. The charge in question
• afleels, of course, the influence of the writer, and
■ his paper, against the doctrine of Nullification;
and therefore, it is, that we are bound, in doing jus
tice to him, by publishing his letter, to remember,
in justice to those doctrines, without any impeach
ment of his veracity, that his denial rests on his
own word alone, aud bears on its face, as it seems
lo us, an air of some improbability, which we shall
notice hereafter, and of which the reader can op
! course judge for himself. It is as follows:
Athens, May 31, 1835.
Mr. Pemberton : Sir :—ln the Chronicle of
' the 1 (Uh inst., I observed the following para
-1 graph:
“ .llhenian and Nullification. —The editor of
C the Athenian “deprecatesthe doctrines advocated
. by” us. Will he have the goodnees to tell us what
induced him to do so, since lie issued a prospec
tus for the establishment of a Nunification paper
r in Mobile. It would doubtless throw much light
- 011 the subject, and if nullification be erroneous,
t might correct the opinions of those who believe in
it, since we can see no cause why the reasons
which could convince 0110 honest man should not
, have the same effect on others.”
I Having formerly been connected with the office
, of the “ Athenian,” (now the “ Southern Ban-
B nor,”) and a prospectus having once been issued
. in my name, for the establishment of a paper in
3 Mobile, I presume I am the individual alluded to
! in the above paragraph. For your imformation in
this matter, I will offer you the following:
About four years since, a gentleman residing in
Alabama proposed to join me in establishing a
’ newspaper in Mobile. 1 assented to his proposi
’ tion, with this understanding, that it should sup
port the doctrine of State Rights, as then advoca
ted by the Troup party in Georgia, but in no
> event was it to attempt to sustain the doctrine of
nullification, as then underlood in South Carolina.
After this, nearly one year elapsed without my
c hearing any thing further on the subject; and hav
s ing abandoned the idea of going to Mobile, I be
' came the purchaser of the “ Athenian.” The
’’ “ Banner” had been in operation a few weeks,
when I received a copy of a prospectus for the
“Mobile Jeffersonian,” with my name attached.
I did not write it, nor, undij; the circumstances,
ri did 1 anticipate its appearance. Whether it cm-
J braced the doctrine of nullification Ido not rccol-
leftt, as I paid little attention lo it, and have not
now a copy in my possession. Os one fact, how
-13 ever, I am positive, namely, that I never cither
0 professed the doctrine, or consented to lend my
c name, in any way, to its support.
I trust you will do me the justice to correct the
■, error into which you have (I doubt not innocent
-4 ly) fallen. Respectfully Yours,
ALBON CHASE.
W’e well recollect seeing and reading the Pros
e pectus alluded to, for the “Mobile Jeffersonian,”
d and the impression it created on our mind, which
a was, that the writer was a Nullifier, the principles
e laid down, those of Nullification, and the paper
s proposed, established to advocate and promote
e those principles. The paper, however, was not
II established, and we did not think of it or the Pro
‘j. spectus, again, till it was mentioned lo us, (short
ly before our former notice of the matter,) by
!, H. S. E , Esq. of Alabama, (who we take
” to bo the gentleman alluded to by Mr. Chase,)
in evidence of the inconsistency of the edi
. tor of the Banner, then the Athenian—the re
mark, (which carite wholly from the gentleman 1
himself,) being suggested to him by the tenor of r
the conversation between us, which then related v
to the exceeding inconsistency of many of the u
most violent opponents of Nullification. That J
gentleman is a very enthusiastic Nullifier; and a
if, as wc apprehend was the case, he was the l
gentleman who proposed to Mr. Chase to estab- c
lish the paper jointly, wc have no doubt his ob- t
ject, in doing so, was solely to advocate and ad- c
vance his favorite doctrines of Nullification), to .
which he is most ardently and enthusiastically c
devoted. If we arc right in this, he may have a
written the Prospectus in question; but it w - as c
signed Aliion Chase ; and what strikes us as t
improbable, in the letter of Mr. Chase, (heightened ,
by his neglect to reply to the former notice,) is, £
that, not having written it, and not anticipating (
its appearance, he should have paid so little At
tention to it, and cannot now recollect whether it ]
embraced the doctrine of nullification. It seems ,
to us, that the circumstances alluded to, were such 1
as to have excited the very strongest attention and ]
interest; and prompted Mr. Chase, if he were no
nullifier, and his name was signed to a publica- ,
tion containing nullification, and thereby com
mitting him lo it, to have corrected the error at
once. If vve recollect rightly, the Prospectus was
published in several of the State Rights papers of
Georgia; and we now request them, or any oth
ers, in Alabama or elsewhere, who may have it
on their files, to republish it, that it may shew for
itself, whether or not it contains the doctrines of
nullification. If it does, then, wo think, Mr. Chase
will find it very difficult to shew that ho was not
a nullifier, while voluntarily permitting the pub
lication of it to continue in his name; and ifil does
not, then the allegation is erroneous, though by
no means unfounded or unjustifiable on our part.
Having now done what we consider full jus
tice, both to Air. Chase, and the principles involv
ed, we submit the matter to the consideration of
the public, and shall be perfectly satisfied with its
decision.
FROM THE CHARLESTON MERCURY.
“ One word lo our friend of the Chronicle.
He is too hot. He must remember that he nom
inated Duane to the Presidency last year, a tho
roughgoing Jaoksonite through the Force Bill,
and all down to the removal of the Deposiles
Wc think White as good a man as Duane to.
the full, and see as much principle violated in ad
vocating one against Mr. Van Bdhen as the oth
er—that is, we see no violation of principle at
all. Is is very hard language for the Chronicle
to use to friends when it speaks of the “madness
the folly, the stupidity of taking part in the con
test for the Presidency and without quarrelling
we must claim at least the Bentonian privilege of
retorting the soft impeachment, and say that the
Chronicle is very mad, aud foolish and stupid to
talk in that style.”
The charge of inconsistency contained in the
above, being a mere reiteration of that of the
Alabama Journal, we refer the Mercury, for our
reply to it, to the reply to the Journal, in our
next and two last Nos. and trust it will do us the
justice to republish it.
If the Mercury really “thinks White, as
good a man as Duane, to the full”—which to our
mind seems utterly impossible lo think, and no
thing less than moral blasphemy to utter—will it
have the goodness, in publishing our reply above*
mentioned, either to show that our sketch of Mr.
Duane’s public conduct, contained therein, is er
roneous, or that Judge White's will hear a com
parison with it !—a“ White as good a man as
Duane”! 11 The fawning, servile, sycophantic
worshipper of Jackson, even in his scorn and con
tempt, and while disapproving of his measures;
who danced to the kettles and stew-pans, at the
glory dinner of the Bth January, and sought to
make the people believe, in his knavish and slave
like glory speech thereat, that Gen. Jackson had
paid off the National debt, aud deserved all the
credit of it; and who, to please him, voted for the
bloody Force Act, which ho is said to have disap
proved at heart—servilely applauded him, and
laid all the blame of his acts on Congress, when
he voted for the four year’s bill—thus striving to
avert his resentment, for advocating a bill to limit
his patronage, and voting for the bill itself, to
, conciliate his new Whig friends, and their sup
port for the Presidency—and never opposing a
single outrage of Jackson, or his party, though
■ secretly disapproving many, till “the seals of of
fice glittered in his eyes,” and the only means ot
securing them, was to play the secret traitor to
■ his own party, and ultimately desert to the ranks
of its enemies 1 Such a man—“a man! an Effi
-1 SU ■”— as good as he who resisted the lawless and
despotic assaults of his friend, on the Bank, his
. opponent —resisted the flatteries of the former,
, and his offered bribe of the Mission to Russia—
-1 and voluntarily braved the resentment of Jack
’ son, and the whole party —his own party—the
whole power and patronage of the government,
! and a violent dismissal from the high office he
■ held, rather than violate his duty and sense of
I right, even though he might have done so in sc
-1 cret, and with tlie utmost impunity !! —Faugh !
1 Such a comparison stinks in the nose of decency,
1 and prostrates all human virtue in the dust. The
generous and noble feeling of every freeman,
1 every Nullifier, ought to rise in vindication, from
1 such a comparison, of the man who so nobly
. and daringly defended the liberties and institu
. lions of their country, at the risk of almost eve
■ rything dear to him—and in scorn and contempt
> of the degrading, contaminating association of
f him, who not only took the opposite course, but
. voted lo put them to the sword, and extinguish
' their principles forever in their own blood!
■ Good God 1 What is human virtue—what hon
- or, disinterestedness, self-devotion, or patriotism—
: when it can be brought to such a comparison !
, Where the stimulus to admire and emulate the
3 noble virtues and services of Duane, and scorn
. and avoid the man-worshipping meanness, ser
, vility, hypocrisy, and selfishness of White, and
- his vile, tyrannical, despotic and bloody Force Act
- principles!
t The expression, which appears to be so offensive
- to the Mercury, we made in the course of eur
r sketch of Mr. McDuffie’s speech, and was gene
s ral, not particular, in the application. It represen
ted the spirit of his speech, at least; and its spirit
e is attributable as much to him as to us. That we
. fully and cordially responded to all he expressed
or indicated on the subject, we readily admit; for,
although there are many highly intelligent men
h who express opinions similar to those of the Mer
> cury, in relation to Judge White, still, we cannot
i resist the belief, that those opinions are of the
s weakest kind, and, if permitted to prevail with the
r State Rights party, must lead to the most disas
e trous consequences.
t Wc have looked upon the aberration of the
- Mercury with painful solicitude ; forbearing to
- attack it, from the kindest feelings and intentions;
/ and when it became our duty to notice it, wc did
e so with the most fraternal regard for the feelings
) of its accomplished editor. We spoke not the
. words of censure, but the subdued language of
. disappointment, regret, and sorrow so the recol-
lection of the great services which the Mcrcurv had 1
rendered to the glorious cause of southern liberty
was fresh upon our memory, and deeply iinpm, '|„i I
upon our heart. It was plain to us, that if q I
Mercury succeeded in dividihg the Free Trade
and State Rights party of South Carolina.
this is all it possibly can do,) such a result would '
ultimately prove fatal to the general supremacy of
that parly ; and that the vietury which it had a
chievcd, after so many hard and eventful struck
—after so many years of patriotic toil and heioic
endurance— would ho snatched from its
and the cause of the south lost in the overthrow
of her champion—but, these fears we now give
the winds, for we are convinced that S. Caroli,, ,
will stick to her integrity, hy remaining, what she
already is, the bright beacon of sound principles
and ths great rallying point of reserved rights.
We cannot but reiterate our regret, for the de
lusive, and, to us, inexplicable course of the Mcr
cury. When Judge White was first brought on
the tapis, it indignantly scouted the idea oftaking
him up, and offered many good and substantia"!
reasons why the State Rights party should not do ■
so. The Mercury had evidently convinced itself
that South Carolina could not, without a sacrifice
of principle! vote for a Force bill man. Yet
“In a little month, or ere these shoes were old,” 1 R9i
it suddenly, as if by magic, turned to the -wrong
about, and embraced the very individual, the sup- I
port of whom, a day or two before, it had so I
justly deprecated. Wc have seeti no explanation
from the Mercury of this truly strange and sin
gular manoeuvre—this jumping, all at once, from
and to opposite and conflicting conclusions. Will
the Mercury be good enough to give us its reasons
for doing so, and inform us by what process of ra
tiocination it succeeded in confuting its own ar
guments, and effecting a self-conversion so extra- ■
ordinary and instantaneous. Will it, in doing
so, have the candor snd independence to repuh- ‘ ■
lish all that it has written against the pretensions
of Judge White, and the propriety of State Rights
men supporting him 1
Were we to admit that we have been inconsis
tent, which we by no means do, what would it
avail the Mercury, or the other prints that oppose
us 1 Why, in good sooth, nothing. It might, in
deed, prove that we were onco wrong; but it
could be no evidence at all, that they are now
right—and it must truly be a weak cause that
seeks to shield its own inconsistency, hy appeal
ing to, or arguing from, the inconsistency of an
other. Such a species of logic would he very
convenient on certain occasions ; inasmuch as it
would enable a man to justify any error ho might
commit, or choose to commit.
But, we return to the expression so offensive
to the Mercury, which is as follows:
“His (Gov. McDuffie’s) exposition of the mad
ness, the folly, the stupidity, of taking part in the
pending contest for the Presidency, was most
powerful and impressive.”
This is a strong expression, hut a very natural
one, in describing that “exposition,” as any one
who heard it will bear witness, even though an
advocate of White, As already remarked, it re
presents the spirit of that exposition, at least,with
out exaggeration, and its own spirit is as much •
attributable to the speaker, as ourselves; and those
who heard the speech, at least, could not but have
understood it as a description of the exposition
rather than as an expression df our own opinion.
If Gov. McDuffie did not use exactly the same
words, or present them in the same order, ho cer
tainly used others quite as strong, individually
and collectively. Ho is not in the liable of min
-1 cing"matters, as the Mercury well knows; and
! while the whole tenor of the sketch was sufficient
’ to shew that he did not do so on this occasion, it
docs not tell well for the independence, fairness,
and frankness of the Mercury, that it should have
chosen to pass by the Governor of its own State,
to assail our humble selves; nor for its boldness
and gallantry, that it should thus have so cautious
-1 ly picked out from the two, the weaker ami loss
1 dangerous adversary. It is something strange,-
1 that the Mercury should have chosen to attack
1 the reporter, rather than the speaker; and somc
’ thing more than strange, that,(seeing the speaker's
remarks were confined entirely to “his own State”)
1 it should have been altogether blind, to what it
1 might well have applied to itself, from him, while so
very hawk-eyed to “see what was not to he seen,”
in us. Even admitting the above expression to cca
-5 tain solely our own opinion, it is, as such, wholly
general, in its nature and application ; while the
reference of the speaker to what had “ occurred in
' that State,” combined with “ palpable indications
' in certain editorial quarters,” might, one would
’ have supposed, have appeared to it, less so, and
induced it to imitate his example. To say noth
ing of a natural overflow of bile, sonic way or oth
-3 cr, it may have struck some, that in publishing
’ the proceedings of the Dinner, it considered a
L show of resentment, or self defence, absolutely ne
cessary, for the sake of appearances, and left that
( though there might bs Nss candor, reason, justice,
and independence, in assailing us, rather than
’ Gov. McDuffie, there was also much less respon
-3 sibility and danger. If it designed to .divert the '
’ public mind from anticipations ofa reply to Gov
-1 Duffie, hy its wanton and unnatural assault on
! us, it may have succeeded with some—not all. Or,
if it intended to .make a safe thrust at him, under
cover of our person, wc beg leave to stand out of
1 the way, and refuse the use of it for any such
f
purpose.
1 Whatever may have been our own opinion of
1 “ the madness, the folly, the stupidity, of tailing
' part in the pending contest for the Presidency,”
we had not the slightest idea of applying it parti
cularly to the Mercury; but, since it will have us
more just to it, whether or no, and has laid us un
3 der ajcbt of gratitude which wc are bound to re
-1 pay, we have no hesitation in saying, that, consid
ering its former and present course in relation to
this matter, wc know of no one to whom it will
more fitly and properly apply.
e Gainesviilk, 25th May, 1535.
r Friend P. —You will much oblige an old sub
- scriber, by publishing the following, and say
- whether I do, or do not pay the printer. I have
t been quite an old subscriber to the Philadelphia
e Saturday Evening Post, and have always been
J mindtul to pay for the same, in good time. You
’ know in the month of April last, I made a Visit
1 to Augusta; and a few’days before I rcceivcd’from
the Editor of the Evening Post, a bill enclosed
1 in a number of his-paper, (which I will give you
c a copy of) with the amount due him next Oclo
e her, say 55.00, while in fact the amount due
" would be but §4,00, to correspond with other
Receipts, which I have es his, for two years.
e And as I intended visiting Augusta, I did not re
-3 mithim the money, but embraced the opportun
’ ity offered of calling on his agent in Augusta,
* and paying the full amount of his bill—request
s ing the agent to advise him of the fact, which he
3 promised to do immediately ; but find he stopped
his paper shortly after sending his bill. Now, I
■ ask, is this honesty, in an editor; or is it usual, so