Newspaper Page Text
■ Q&.&QM&G/h&t _ I
From the Southern Patriot.
The tendency to disorder in the prin
cipal cities of tlie United States, among
what is called the Working Clauses, be
gins to excite serious apprehension in
8)9 minds of those friendly to democruti
cal institutions, for their permanence and
safety. That there is no power to re
press these nopnlar outbreaks seems to
argue some detect in (he constitution ot
our society ; for where can there be pow
er, if there even be authority, to vindicate
the laws when large masses of the people
themselves are inlected with a spirit of
insubordination. This will ultimately
bring republican institutions into disre
pute and undermine the very fabric of
our commercial greatness. The increas
ing jealousy of the poor against the rich—
the constant array, in imposing numbers,
of the working classes against their em
ployers—the spread of that spirit of false
independence, which assumes (he name
of “ t'rikef’ for higher wages, among all
classes of our artizans and labourers—
thows our social system to be pervaded
by some deep seated and radical vice.
Our institutions give a dangerous scope
to this spirit of insubordination, which
finds its principal source in the great in
crease of power that general suiVfage lias
bestowed on the people of this country ;
but it is also nourished by the crowds ol
foreign artizans and labourers, who mix
with our citizens and contaminate them
with their disorganizing opinions. Out
people have Jjeeu long accustomed to li
berty of action; they know their power
and have been content, until a recenl
period, with its moderate exercise; but
foreigners,accustomed in their country to
restraints of various kinds, find them
selves, when cast on our shores, in the
sudden possession of a share of freedom
«f which (hey had no previous concep
tion. They become intoxicated with (he
new gift, and, like the unexpected ac
quisition of any such boon, their liberty
soon becomes uncontrollable impulse and
degenerates into downright licentious
ness. They mingle largely with our
people, and all are carried forward on
the least occasion or pretext for the ex
hibition of popular passions, by an irre
sistible momentum. Unless this spirit is
checked, it is impossible that the busi
ness of a large commercial society like
ours cun be carried on, If on every ima
ginary suppositioruthat they are defrau
ded of the fair rewards of their labour,
the great body of our artizans are promp
ted to suspend their employments and
strike for higher wages, a speedy disrup
tion ot the whole fabric of our extensive
commercial society must follow.—The
spirit appears to diffuse itself, partaking
ol the contagion of a moral poison, in an
ascending progress or order, it lirstori
ginuted with the labourers on our roads
and canals. It seems to have spread to
our mechanics and artizans, until nearly
the whole b idy of our working people
appear to be tainted with an insubordi
nate spirit and an unreasonable jealousy
of the possessors of property.
Now, this is a country, in which (here
arc no privileges attached to property :
it is employed in the form of capital, in
almost every section of our land, to set
labourers and artizans to work mid to
keep them at active employment, which
shows the fatuity with winch the u irk
ing classes arc seized in thus interrupt
ing the course of industry and
striking at the v ery sources of their pros
perity and comfort. An Vgrarian law
now exists in substance throughout our
country. There is no necessity for one
in form. We have no accumulations of
wealth that last beyond n single genera
tion. The hundreds of thousands that
are amassed by the successful merchant
or agriculturist, are distributed into mere
modicums of property, in their descent to
his children, and become of necessity the
means of setting more hthmir in motion.
Oar law of descents compels almost eve
ry man in the community to be a work
ingman. \\ here is there room therefore
for t his unreasonable jealousy of wealth
t dns warfare ol the poor against the
rich—this array of the working classes
against those who are compelled to give
(hem employment, at (lie current rate of
remuneration, if they would not volun
tarily starve themselves.
On the 20th of May, a convention of
delegates “ fresh from the pennhv’ some
of them chosen eighteen months ago, and
some of them not appointed by (he con
stituents whom they represented, met in
Baltimore, for the pumose of making
nominations to the Presidency and Vice
Presidency of the United States. When
the strength of one Richard M. Johnson
was counted up, it was perceived that he
require i fifteen votes more to obtain the
second of these offices. To remedy this
difficultv, a parcel of these conjurers sal
lied forth, took up a stray steam doctor of
of the name of Rucker, cm! instant/:/
• changed \/in infnV iurff,v delegntei fresh
from the neople of Tennessee // / These
fifteen delegates all voted for Richard M.
Johnson, and will probably thereby make
him Vice President of the United States !
Was anything equal to this ever done bv
Mercury Trismegistus, Albertos Mag
nus, Cornelius Agrium, or a Yankee ped
dler ? Columbia Telescope.
The Georgia Courier savs that when we
lately boasted that South Carolina can
not be bankrupt, since ninefv millions of
dollars had just been subscribed to one of
her basks, we drew our argument, from
verv equivocal evidence, for more than
half of the amount came from (he North
ern cities. Now, to our simple appre
hension, this very circumstance adds
fresh weight to our conclusion. That
the careless and unskilful Carolinian
should believe in the prosperity of his
Plate, and risk his-property in her insti
tutions, in the estimation of many per
sons might prove bat little—but would
,the shrewd Yankee put his money into
the bank of n bankrupt State, to be lent
(o her bankrupt citizens?
The Corn ier further explains to us. (hat
the subscription grew to so great an n
mount because Jhe■subscribers, anticipa
ting a large reduction, took mine more
shares than tbev desired to keep. It is
kind of the Courier to enlighten ns thus,
but tt forget = old covin" nbiut carry
ing coals to Newcastle. If kind looked
at the Telescope, it would have seen the
some thing stated there.— lbid.
A ,> i. W
r '/y\- new Post-office has lieen established at
LvainiVv), J >ms ccm.rty,f»i., nnd Stirling La
nier irpji it *J Fast mister Const.
THE FAR WEST.
We received, a few days since, the
second number of the Daily Evening
Herald and Commercial Advertiser, pub
lished at Saint Louis, 20 miles below the
mouth of the Missouri River, on the Mis
sissippi, and 1200 above New Orleans.
It is no longer than twenty years that
there was scarcely an American house in
■ the place, the streets were narrow and
filthy, and future elegance and prosperi
ty .were about tire last things one could
anticipate from its existing condition.
We have, somewhere or other, a ma
■ nuscript letter, from ,the Rev. Timothy
. Flint, about that, period a missionary to
f the valley of the Mississippi, in which he
. gives a description of the place as he found
. it. We will rummage up this letter, if
possible, and publish it hereafter, in or
. dcr to contrast it with the nourishing ac
. count given in the Herald of Gth inst ;
. “ The population of St. Louis cannot
1 now be less than 10,000, We think it
. rather over than under that number. The
1 amount of business transacted is im
mense. Some idea of it may be formed
. from the fact that we often have from 10
i to 13 or 20, and atone time this spring,
. there were 22 steamboats, lying in our
s harbor. Every day they arrive and tle
; part, cast, west, north and south, bearing
I to other markets, the lead, Hour, pork,
x hemp, corn, &c. of Missouri and Illinois,
~ and bringing back, in return, the varied
products of other climes.”— N. Y, Cum.
I. Advertiser, June 22.
r —-aa*..-
i MORE DISTURBANCES.
t As was expected, or rather feared, the
i tranquility ot the city was again distnrh
- eti last evening, bv mobs composed part
ly of Irishmen ana partly of Americans,
i between whom it was apparent that a
■ hostile feeling existed. We are too hear
‘ til V sick and disgusted with these miser
able evidences of our unsound and un
safe condition, with such elements of
I discord and violence rankling among us,
■ and but too many who ought to know
• and to do better, ready to excite them
i into fearful activity, to go into the de
tails ; it is enough to say that crowds as
sembled in various places—that angry
• words were spoken, and soon followed
by blows—that the watchmen and police
' had great difficulty in restoring peace—
that the Mayor and other officers were
present and did their duty; anil that se
veral of the rioters were arrested—but
not until some property had been de
stroyed, and personal injury sustained
by several individuals. The form«r was
the public house known as the Green
Dragon, in the Bowery, near Broome
street, which was attacked with stones,
the doors and windows broken in, and a
large portion of the furniture in (he bar
room smashed to pieces. We are not
i sufficiently advised as to the motives of
this particular assault and outrage, to
feel justified in stating them.
In reference to an article in (he Jour
nal ot Commerce which comments upon
the meeting advertised to be held this
evening at the Wrecker Street House,
lor the purpose of farming an Irish regi
i meut, \ve sol.cii attention to the fallow
i trig notice, published in the Courier of
i this morning;—
i jC7*W-ERt , itRH-sTiu;i;T Hovsi. —The
proprietor of the above House, requests
- ns to say (hat (here will be no meeting of
! 1 (he O’Connell’s Guards, as advertised in
- sundry daily papers. J. GRAY.
i --•fS A....
From the Georgia Journal.
j. SLAVERY.
1 By a report lately made to the general
’ Anti-Slavery Society, it appears that in
1831, Garrison commenced his work.
In 1832 the Anti-Slavery Society form
ed in Boston, was composed of twelve
persons. In 1833, sixty delegates met in
Convention at Philadelphia, and organ
ized the American Anti-Slavery Society.
There are now in 1835 Six Shite Socie
ties ! viz: in Massachusetts, Kentucky,
Ohio, Vermont, Maine, and New Hamp
shire. About ten town Societies that
have ncen formed as we understand in
one city, ami a grand total of about two
. hundred and fifty Anti-Slavery Societies
in the Union. The Abolitionists now
assume a bolder tone. They now under
take. to censure the conductors of politi
cal newspapers, for their silence on the
subject. The religious presses they ud
■ mit are more open, but these are accused
of being “ still shackled by doubts and
fears.” The pulpit they admit “in
i some places has spoken out, but in o
: thers” they complain, “ there is a woful
■ silence.”
i Is it not time to think and to think se
i riously on this matter? The crisis so
• often and long ago foretold by those who
• are older and wiser than us, is now a.t
s hand. It comes upon us oven earlier
- than we for our own parts believed it
f would, and we cannot now admit the
/ hope that the grand issue is far distant, of
i Union with the constitutional rights of
« property, or Disunion without it. This
. is a question which is on the very point
• of being forced upon us, and it is time
! the public mind at the South should be
/ prepared to meet it. It is a question
- which every citizen South of the Potomac
- will be called to give his voice upon: and
it is high time his mind was made up. If
wo are asked, in what particular form, or
e 'in what specific measure the question is
to arise, wc answer at once that we do
C not know. As the constitution stands
,f directly in the way, the far oft’ object
, aimed at, must be such an amendment of
, t that instrument as will abolish slavery,
or failing in that, a severance of the U
. nion. The engine first at hand to es
. feet this, and the one now in actual op
t eration, is an extensively organized as
, sociatiou so as to bring into play an ille
, gitimate moral influence. Then, m the
absence of all legal authority, the ixrtv
e\ck of office is to be brought to bear ;
I and then when a sufficient majority is ob
( tamed in Congress, that botiv will pro
t bably take up the business of construc
tion and enter the field of undefined and
( doubtful powers. These steps are of a
. sequential character. They are sustain
. ed and propelled each by that which pre
p c'des it.—Extended organizations give
« an undue, and unfair weight to the mor
al force thus organized. This moral
. force confers office :—officers thus made
I co-operate with th- ir influence to warp
e and bias the legislative counsels, and
here is the first hand strong.enough to
take up the sword of authority. When
it this is assumed, it will be by some law
that is of course contended to he cousti
i tulional, and will probably, by every
branch of the Federal Government be
pronounced so. But this State and o
ther';, may perhaps think otherwise, and
so we see state ixterpositiov at the
end of that vista. View it in any aspect,
trace it through any train and it must
come to that at last unless the sinister,il
legitimate,oblique ami stealthy influences
that mitst precede such a state ot things,
can be kept down. This is indeed hard
to do; but one thing is certain, the sooner
they are met, the easier they are baffied
and counteracted.
Perhaps, a firm stand, taken in a legis
lative declaration on this subject, might
operate as a salutary caution. It might
rouse the real friends of the Union every
where'to join the real friends) of the Union
here to took down and stifle that train
of conspiracies and combinations now go
ing on, which has so direct and powerful
a tendency to endanger it.
Hamburg. —Wc perceive that it is the intention
: of,the enterprising founder of Hamburg, Henry
Bhult7„ esq. if it bo practicable (and of its feasibility
wo have no doubt,) to open a direct communication
I of trade between Hamburg upon the Savannah,
and the great mart in Europe, from whicli it takes
' k) mime; by which the exports of our own State,
may lie directly exchanged for those products of
Europe that arc at present received almost exclu
[ sivoly byway of our northern cities. The ne
, cessary documents, proving the high standing
and ample, means of Mr. Shull/., have been pro
j perly authenticated and forwarded, not only to
Hamburg, but also to Berlin, Bremen, and other
■ places of great commercial importance on the
continent.
Every inhabitant in the State is interested in
the success of this scheme; for tho licncfit that
, would accrue from it, is almost incalculable, and
would bo felt more or leas by all. Mr. Shultz
himself, we hope from this scheme, may reap a
’ rieh reward. It is but right, that one, tho aim of
, whose life for many years has been to improve
l ami nggrandizo a portion of his adopted stale,
. should succeed in amassing wealth, that would
enable him to spend in ease his last years, among
the monuments of his enterprise and perseve
, ranee.— .liken Telegraph ,
ttt —wna———
\ rf- r r«T*t _
I t: l da v. JULY 8. 1888.
“ H* just, anil fear not.''
STATE iuOHfi NOMI.VAims,
FOR GOVERNOR,
(JIM’S R. DOUGHERTY.
FOR CONGRESS,
HE OK HE K. GILMER.
AUGUSTA CHRO.VICLF., FOR SA LE.
Anticipating engagements which will mate
rially interfere with our present ones, after tho
first of October next, we offer tho Aubusta
Chronicle for sale, with possession at that time,
and will dispose of it, to a satisfactory pur
chaser, on accommodating terms. It has a
very largo subscription list, which for some
time has been larger than it ever was since wo
have had the control of it, or probably before,
during tho previous 39 years of its existence—
being the oldest existing paper in the State, and
tho first, except ono, ever established in it. Its
advertising patronage is a! o largo, and the whole
establishment is now as prosperous and profita
ble as it Ims ever boon, and indeed more so. Its
stock of printing materials, of all kinds, is very
large A complete—piobably unsurpassed if equal
led, by that of any other similar establishment in
the South—and generally new—tho whole news
paper type and press having been in use but a
few months—while tho exceedingly large and va
ried a sortment of job typo, is as good as now.
A statement from the books, and the books them
selves, together with the printing materials, will
be submitted to the inspection of those who
may desire to purchase, so that each may udge
for himself; and wc doubt not they will satisfy
examiners, that a similar amount of capital can
seldom be more safely and profitably invested, in
any way.
Editors with whom we exchange, would con
fora favor, by publishing tho above, which would
cheerfully bo reciprocated.
ORDER OF CELEBRATION,
Os the .Sixtieth Anniversary us Hie In
dependence of the I’nited Slates.
The Committee appointed to make arrange
ments for tho eelebi alien of our National Anni
versary, have appointed Mr. John Kerr, Mar
shal of the Day.
A procession will bo formed at half past It)
o’clock, A. M. in front of ihe Planter’s Hotel.
and proceed to the Presbyterian Church, under
the eoitmiand of the Marshal of tho Day, where,
after Divine Service, the Declaration of Indcpen
douce will bo read by Dr. F. M. Roreutson, ami
an Address, suitable to the occasion, will be deli
vered by Heusohel V. Johnson, Esq.
The Order of Procession will be as follows:
1 Volunteer Corps,
2 General Officers and Stall',
3 Officers of the 10th Regiment,
4 Officers of the Army,
fi Orator and Reader,
fi Reverend Clergy,
7 Magistrates of the City ami County,
8 Medical Faculty and Students,
'.) Members of the Law School,
10 Citizens.
(Tj - The Pews on the right and left of tho
Centre Aisle, near tho Pulpit, will bo reserved for
the Military.
The Authorities of the city and county, Rov’d
Clergy, Medical Faculty and Students. Members
of the Law School, and the citizens generally, are
respectfully invited to join the procession in the
above order.
Tho Artillery, under the command of Capt. A.
P. Schultz, will lire the salutes on Green street,
opposite the City Hall, and not on Broad street,
• as previously announced. Occupants of buildings
in the vicinity of tho gun, will take the precaution
of raising their window sashes, to prevent the de
struction of glass.
Andrew J. Miller, E. E. Ulmo.
James B. Bisitnr, Rorkht Clarke,
, James B. Walker, John W. Stot.
, 'V«, M. Martin, Joseph A. Beard,
Wm. F. Pemberton,
Committee of Arrangement*.
LU'TELI.'S museum.
Os Foreign Literature, Science, and Art.
“Wc consider this (says the N. York Evening
Star,) one of the most invaluable works that issue
from the American press. It is a perfect minia
ture or mirror of all the living periodical literature
of Great Britain, and under a roup d’coil view,
presents the entire subject, spread out before us in
the most compact shape in which it could possibly
be given. Changing monthly in its varied aspect
Kke the phases of the moon, or the colon of the
kaleidoscope, to the alternate and successive hues
reflected from the original picture. Here we have
tho choicest critiques from all the choicest period
icals, giving a condensed summary of every file
rary work worthy of perusal, is soon as it ap
pear:.' What an amount of valuable and enter
taining matter for sc cheap a price! §6 per an
num, and each number containing over 100 pages j
of large, clear, and readable type—one of the most ,
essential improvements this long established work ,
has recently adopted. The present number con- 1
tains ■ graphic, domestic portrait of Chas. Lamb,
exceedingly well executed.”
southern literary journal.
“We Understand, (says the Charleston Mercu
ry,) that this work will be issued from the press
of Mr. Borges, as soon as the type and paper,
which ho has ordered from the North for the pub
lication, shall arrive. The first number will make
its appearance about the middle of August, or the
first of September.
Tho editor requests that correspondents should
affix their names to their communications.”
BISHOP ENGLAND’S ADDRESS.
Wc have been favored with a copy of the Ad
dress of this eminent and eloquent divine, which
was delivered in the Church of the Holy Trinity
in this city, to the Clergy and Lay Delegates ot
the eighth convention of the Roman Catholic
Church of Georgia. After noticing the general
concerns of the Diocess, and explaining the ob
ject of his recent visit to Europe, the learned and
pious Bishop, exposes and corrects, in a fervid and
energetic manner, some of the many calumnies
and misrepresentations which have been showered
down upon the Catholic Church by the intolerant
and bigoted. It is deeply to be regretted, that
there should be men, or denominations of men, in
this country, who would mar and obliterate,
if they could, that beautiful feature in our social
system, which looks upon all Christians with
an eye of equal encouragement, and leaves them,
undisturbed, to AvorshipGod after their own man
ner. It is too true, that there is in certain quar
ters, a spirit of persecution ragiug against the
Catholics, and that the most violent and disgrace
ful measures have been resorted to, for the purpose
of injuring and destroying their institutions. Such
conduct evidences bad and vindictive feelings,
unworthy the Christian, the citizen, and patriot,—
but there can be no doubt that the good sense
and moral energy of the community, will ulti
mately correct these violations of private right,
and the chartered immunities of the constitution
of the U. States.
The Bishop’s Address may be had at the Book
stores of Mr. Plant and Mr, Richards.
EDITORS’ CONVENTION.
Wo earnestly recommend to the attention of
our brother editors generally, the following pro
posal for a Convention of the craft. ,We have
for sometime past desired a meeting of this kind,
and all with whom we have conversed on the
subject, decidedly approve it. There are several
matters of deep importance to the craft, which
urgently require some judicious concurrence on
tho part of its members—unanimous if possible—
ami we hope, therefore, that all will make it con
venient to attend; as certainly all are alike deep
ly interested. Should any entertain objections to
it, wc hope they will state them, that they may
be answered, and removed, as we doubt not they
easily may be; and wc suggest to those who ap
prove It, to signify tho same by publishing the
notice, and adding their names to those already
attached to it:
EDI reins’ CONVENTION.
To the Fraternity of Editors and Printers
throughout the State of Georgia ;
i Believing tho general interests of the Craft,
. and the public good, may be greatly promoted by
a better understanding of our relations to eaeit
other, and to the public, a Convention of all the
Editors, PnntiTs smi Publishers in the State, is
proposed at Milledgeville, on tho second Monday
in August next, there to deliberate upon such
matters and things as may come before them.
M. BARTLETT,
S. ROSE & Co.
PRINCE A. RAGLAND,
W. S. ROCKWELL,
JOHN A. CUTHBERT,
P. L. ROBINSON,
GRIEVE & ORME.
A. H. PEMBERTON.
Milledgeville, Juno 30, 1635.
FROM THE WASHINGTON NEWS.
“ Wc heartily concur in the preference which
the Convention gave to Judge White over Mr.
Van Buren. We are willing—we rejoice to see
the publics of Georgia turning upon this ques
tion. The Union men are now compelled to take
up Mr. Van Daren. The line of demarkation is
now drawn. Wc shall have to be tVhite men or
belong to tho free negro party, as Mr. Alford in
a speech in the Convention so applicably termed
the supporters of the Van Buren and Johnson
nomination.”
Wc beg leave to tell the respected editor of
the News, that the taunt contained in the above,
against those who cannot consistently sacrifice to
parly, their sense of duty to their principles, may
be used too often. He may “ rejoice” at the sup
port of a Force Act man, and “ the Union men
may be compelled to take up Mr. Van Buren;” but
it will not be found easy to compel us, (Nullifiors
as we arc, and opposed to all Force Acts,) by
such taunts, or any change of circumstances,
containing hopes for the better or fears for the
worse, to do an act of violence to our conscience,
our principles, and sense of duty. Wc are not
a politician to be scared by a name —whether it
bo that of Nullification party, or “free negro
party,” and if “we shall have to be IVhite men,
or belong to tho free negro party,” it will be ve
ry apt to be the latter, if, according to the News,
it bo thus tho only honest alternative permitted
to us,
FEDERAL UNION.
We find the following article (extracted from
1 Ihe Federal Union of 1832.) in the last Sentinel,
in which it is recommended to the attention of the
• editor of the Federal Union, Col. Cuthbert.
■ We take Ihe liberty of recommending it, also, to
i the attention of our old Clark friends. It is a
1 sweet morsel for the Anli-Van Buren men, and
1 will be not a little amusing to them. How well
' it would apply to the last Baltimore Convention,
also, with very alight alterations, as to the number
of Delegates from Georgia, &c.
From the Federal Union.
“Tar. Baltimors Convention.—This as
sembly of active politicians has fulfilled the public
expectation: and by the vote of a large majority
of their body, has determined that Martin Van Hu
ron shall be our candidate for the Vice Presiden
cy. With what obligations do they pretend that
(licit decision is clothed! To what extent do
they and their abettors exact the submission of
the people of tho United States? Are patriotic
citizens required to resign their own right of
choice !—to forget their objections to an artful,
INSINCERE. AND SELFISH POLITICIAN !—tO aban
don those patriotic and talented statesmen, whom
they believe most worthy of their support, and
bind themselves to the car of an UNPRINCI
PLED candidate, who has been chosen for them,
by their guardians at Baltimore ?
We should like to know more distinctly what
was the composition ot this assembly, which as
sumed to itself the imposing title ot convention.
By this term, when used in a political relation,
wo understand a meeting of the people, either in
person, or by delegates duly authorized to repre
sent them. Wc presume tho individuals who
assembled at Baltimore, in order to nominate a
Vice-President for us, desire to be considered, not
as the people of the United States, but as their
representatives.—How were they chosen ? Those
who became our guardians on this occasion, we
are sure, were never elected by the people of
Georgia, as their delegates to this convention.
They can produce no testimonials to show, that
this high trust which they have abused, was
confided to them by the People of Georgia. We
believe that small portions of the people, in a very
few (perhaps three or four) counties, passed reso
lutions recommending that our representatives in
Congress should attend the Baltimore convention ;
but we are greatly mistaken if tire meeting which
adopted these resolutions embraced one fifth part
of the voters of the State. The persons who vo
ted in the convention in the name of Georgia,
were not delegates of the People of this Slate ;
and their notes is nothing more than the dicta
tion of five individual citizens. From what
clause of the Constitution, or from what princi
ple of natural right, do these five citizens de
duce their authority) to choose for their fellow
citizens a President, or Vice President, or any
other ofleer of the Federal or State Government?
IVe trust that Ihe People will retain in their own
hands that essential attribute of freemen —the
right of choosing their own officers ; and they
will find no better occasion for its exercise, than
in discarding those presumptuous members of
Congress who have attempted to wrest it from
them.
The convention contained delegates from a
very small proportion of the democracy of the U
nion; it does not utter the voice of the People,
but is a most daring attempt to suppress their
voice, and to deprive them of a free and unbias
sed election. To such dictation—to such usur
pation, none but the determined supporters of Van
Buren can submit!
We have preferences for other candidates, whom
we believe more pure, more disinterested,
more patriotic than Van Buren—preferen
ces which we cannot relinquish at tho dictation of
these self-constituted delegates; we have objec
tions to this selfish dissembler, which they
cannot constrain us to forget.
When did Martin Van Buren exhibit any pow
erful talent, any patriotic zeal in tire cause of his
country 1 Thoroughly versed in all thecuNNiso
ARTS OF THAT SELFISH AND SORDID POLICY, by
which men of various and opposing interests, sen
timents, and prmciples, are united in the pursuit
of office; in the field of open and honorable exer
tion, he rises but little above mediocrity, lint we
are told that he is the choice of Jackson, and
ought, therefore, to be supported for the Vice
Presidency. To use this argument may suit the
policy of Ihe adherents of Van Buren; but is any
admirer of Jackson, any man who has loved him
for his patriotic virtue, so ultra in his devotion, so
much at war with himself, as to maintain that
the people ought to resign to the President the
power of choosing his successor ? Such is the
extent to which this argument would carry us;
and such is the design of the supporters of Van
Buren. The re-election of Jackson to the Presi
dency, of which no doubt can be entertained, will
be an expression sufficiently strong of the confi
dence and affection of the people ; but to yield to
him the power of designating the man who shall
fill the second place in the Government, and who
shall succeed the hero of New Orleans, in the
most honorable office in the world, is a greater
concession than this venerable patriot would ex
act from his countrymen j it is more than he
can desire.
And who believes that, in fact, Van Buren is the
friend of Jackson ! As long as it was possible to
defeat Jackson, Van Buren was leagued with his
bitterest enemies. At the eleventh hour, when
success was certain, Van Buren came over to the
successful banner, just in time to appropriate a
large share of the spoils of victory. The military
services and ardent patriotism of Andrew Jack
son, failed to win his approbation and to command
his support; but he became a willing and zealous
proselyte to the successful fortunes of the Presi
dent. Jackson, with a generous and confiding
friendship, has assumed a vast responsibility, in
order to defend and to promote this man ; while
he selfishly Seeks his own advancement, at tho
hazard of the President’s popularity, he is a
SELFISH CALCULATOR, A FAWSINO COURTIER, A
FLATTEHINIJ SYCOPHANT, UTTERLY UNWORTHY
of the name of fhibnd. [Here I fainted !]
As A STATESMAN, HE IS DESTITUTE OF PRINCI
PLE. Ho knew, ho acknowledged that the tariff
was unjust and oppressive: and yet, to gain popu
larity in New-York, he supported this odious
measure. Shall the South be so infatuated as
to lend its aid in clothing this man with power ?
IVe can have no safe hold on his affections; we
can repose no confidence in his integrity ! If
ultimately successful, he may reward with office
the services of a few of his southern adherents;
hut the great interest of the people of the South
will ho sacrificed. This convention shall neither
force us into the support of Van Buren, nor elbow
us aside from the support of Jackson.
ALABAMA JOURNAL.
We now proceed to reply to the “ new charge
of inconsistency,” and to shew, as stated in our
last, that the Journal “ has again most egregious
ly misrepresented us, to make it out, and reasoned,
as before, from false premises, which do not exist.”
The Journal says: “ the Chronicle has uni
formly twitted every Nullifierin the country who
discovered any disposition to support any man,
even an avowed State Rights man, (which Du
ane is not) unless he was also a Nullifier, to
nomine. To be a State Rights candidate was
not enough for a Georgia candidate for Governor,
but to boa Nullifier, and a South Carolina Nul
lificr too, was always, and still is, the condition of
the Chronicle’s support for a candidate in Geor
gia, or for its support of Judge White.” —This
is not true. We have never requred that a can
didate should he a Nullifier by name, except when
we knew that the candidate proposed was oppos
ed to the principles of Nullification, and of State
Rights too, (and proposed on that account;) for
the Journal will not deny, that there is no State
Right, without a State Remedy, and that every
ultimate State Remedy must be Nullification.
All wc have asked is, that a candidate of the
party, should sustain the principles of the party,
as set forth in its declaration of principles, in
Nov. ’33. We have again and again declared,
that this is all wo ask; and it is an absolute mock
ery, for a party to adopt principles, and then set
upas candidates, men who opflnly oppose its
leading and vital ones. We have again and a
gain declared, that we set no value on mere names
—that all we understand by Nullification, is the
right of a State, (as set forth in the Virginia
and Kentucky Resolutions) “ to judge of infrac
tions of the Constitution, and of the mode and
measure of redress,” and that any man, call him
self what he may, who recognizes this tight, fair
ly and unequivocally, is as much a Nullifier as
ourselves—while at the same time we defied any
man who did not, to prove himself a “ State
Rights man,” and held ourselves prepared to
meet any such one in fair argument, and shew
that he was not. It is only those Anti-Nullifiers
whom we know or believe to be Anti-State Rights
men, also—and indeed this is the case with all
of them who are sufficiently well-informed and
intelligent to understand the true nature and im
port of the word Nullification—that we have de
clared our unwillingness to support. As to what
the Journal calls an “ avowed State Rights man,’’
what does that amount to! The Union men are
“ avowed State Rights men,” and their parly is
tho avowed Union and State Rights party. Gen.
Jackson is an “ avowed State Rights man,” and
so is Van Buren, and White, and tire Jackson
Proclamation and Force Act men, generally. It
is a mockery, then, to talk about an “ avowed
State Rights man,” as being therefore entitled to
the support and confidence of Nullifiors; and
has the editor of the Journal so soon forgotten
the opposition and persecution which he, as a j
Nullifier, has met with from “avowed State 1
Rights men,” in Georgia, that he should now 1
preach, to us, what he has been so unwilling to 1
practice, himself! 1
“To be a State Rights man,” really and sin- 1
cercly, has been “ enough ” for our support, al- I
ways; but not to be one of those “ avowed State I
Rights men” 1
“That palter with us in a double sense;
Tb’.t keep the w ord 6f promise to the ear.
And break it to the hope.”
And we have never met with an intelligent, wefl
Informed “ State Rights man,” .who abused Nulli
ficatisn, that was not one of these. As to our re
quiring a candidate to be what the Journal calls
“ a South Carolina Nullifier,” wc have never, in
a single instance, done any such thing. On the
contrary, we have again and again declared, in
such matters, that South Carolina Nullification—
that is, the mode of it, for the principle of Nul
lification is alike every where —was altogether out
of the question—that it was enough for us, that
South Carolina had a right to judge for herself,
of the mode and measure of redress, as well as
ourselves, and we were bound to concede to her,
what we claimed for ourselves —that the mode of
redress was a matter of expediency, to be settled,
not by individuals, but by the State, after the
principle was determined ; and must be governed
in each case, by the nature of the act to be nulli
fied, and the means exerted to enforce it—that
a mode like that of Carolina, might never again
occur, since the means exerted against it, might
never again be the same ; and it was therefore ri
diculous to quarrel about South Carolina Nullifi
cation now, after the question had been forever
settled—that all we contended for, now, was the
right of the State to judge for herself, of infrac
tions of the Constitution and the mode and mea
sure of redress—and that when any particular
law was to be nullified, We would discuss tho pro
per mode of nullifying it, and should be ready, af
ter the question was closed, by a decision of the
State, to abide by that decision, as every Nullifier
ought to do, and concede to it all differences of
of opinion on a matter merely of expediency.—
We have again and again declared, that wc can
see no possible motive, now, for reviving the
question of the mode of Carolina Nullification,
but to prejudice the general principle, and evade
the true question; the right of each State to
judge for itself; and such has always seemed to
us the motive and object, whenever we have seen
it done. Is it not enough, to shew that Nullifica
tion does not bind our State to adopt the mode of
Carolina, that the Nullifiers all claim for her the
right to judge for herself, not only of the infrac
tion, but the mode by which she will redress her
self! How could she judge for herself, if she
were bound to act upon the judgment of South
Carolina! And even Carolina, would of course
never adopt the same mode again, unless the act
to be nullified, and the means used to enforce it
, on her, were also the same. |
i Now, since the Journal must have seen these
arguments again and again, how could it have
j the hardihood, in the very face of them, to declare
that we have uniformly required every candidate
. to he, not only “ a Nullifier, eo nomine," but “ a
I South Carolina Nullifier, .too!” The Journal
| knows, too, that we have again and again declar
, cd our willingness to support Gov. Troup, both
, for Governor and President, and that he is noi
-1 ther “ a South Carolina Nullifier” or “ a Nullifier
' eo nomine." But then the principles he has a
vowed, even while declaring a, mistaken difference
f from Carolina and her construction of Nullifica
■ lion, show him to be a Nullifier, in fact, of the
1 strongest kind, and to the very utmost extent; and
, yet nothing more than a true “ State Rights man!”
, and this is all we ask, or ever have asked, of any
’ man.
We never objected to Judge White, because
ho is no Nullifier, or blamed others for supporting
. him, on that account —but because he is a Force
’ Act man, and has supported all those vicious and
outrageous measures, for which we have aban
doned and severely censured Gen. Jackson, and
his whole parly.
’ We beg leave to ask the Journal where it ob
tained its authority for declaring so positively,
‘ that “ Duane is no State Rights man,” and “ not
’ an avowed State Rights man!” We should
have hoped it would not be so very loose and
careless and hazardous in its assertions, as to
’ positively declare anything to he a fact, which it
’ does not know, to be so. Is it still so ignorant
of Mr. Duane’s political life and character, as not
1 to know, that he drew his principles from the Vir
-1 ginia and Kentucky Resolutions, and supported
’ Mr. Jefferson and those principles, in the great
' State Rights and Nullification contest of ‘9B, ‘99,
f and 1800; and that, having avowed those princi
' pies, without change, up to the present time, and
1 acted with the same party, up to its recent aban
donment of those pi inciples, he must, of course, bo
1 both “ a State Rights man,” and “an avowed
■ State Rights man 1”
1 It is true, that “ the office of President is that
' which has the execution of Bloody Bills, Tariff
laws, and the laws of Congress ;” but-we deny
that it is “ the very office in which a man can do
. more against Nullification than any other, or all
i others beside”—or “ the one from which force is
, more to be dreaded, than from all others togeth
, er.”—There is no danger from Bloody Bills, or
, force, or Force Acts, in the hands of tho Presi
- dent, so long as the Governor of the State against
t which they are exercised, is a true Nullifier, in
i principle; and this, we think, has been sufficient
. ly developed by Gov. Tao ur, in 1825, ’6, and ’7,
s and Govs. Hamilton and Hayne, in 1832, ’3,
» and ’4. But, suppose Gov. Troup, Gov. Ham*
i ilton, and Gov. Hayne. had been three of your
- “ avowed State Rights men” only, what would
1 have become of our principles, and State Rights,
- in Georgia or S. Carolina ; or, indeed, the whole
• Confederacy! Suppose Gov. Lumpkin, had re
i ceived an order from the President, to call out the
j miKtia of Georgia,and march them against Caroli
-3 na; would there have been no danger in it, to us,
> or our principles—no difference between such a
r politician as Lumpkin, and such a one as Troup,
s being Governor of Georgia! And does not this
s shew that “ the office of Governor, (not ‘Presi
-1 dent’,) is the very one in which a man can do
1 more against Nullification, than any other, or all
others beside”—“the one from which force is more
to be dreaded than from all others together?”—
t that we have little or nothing to fear from the
, President, so long as we have a suitable Gover
nor—and that it is of infinitely more importance
, to our principles, that the Governor should be
right, than the President 1
I Tho Journal knows that it is utterly impossible
to elect a Nullifier to the office of President, un
i less he should sell his principles, for antagonist
i votes; and that if one could otherwise be put in
, that office—or any President, when elected, should
1 declare himself a Nullifier—he would at once be
i bereft of all power, and as inefficient, for either
*
t I
good or evil, as an infant; for what ia a Pie E!
dent, without a strong party to sustain him 1 For
ns to contend, therefore, for a Nullification candi
date for President, with the hope of his being KB
elected, would be utter madness. The most that H
we can hope from a candidate for President, is
that he should be such a one as would most pro
bably abstain from assailing us, if elected, and
could not materially injure us if he should not.
We have shown that Mr. Duane was just such a M
man, and that on this account we nominated him,
together with the belief, that a candidacy on his
part, was calculated to stimulate and draw out the
dormant honesty and virtue of all parties, and
thereby regenerate the political morality of the 19
country, without which, no good principles can
again pervade it. Wo have shown that Mr.
Duane is a moderate man, opposed to all violent,
harsh, vindictive, and lawless measures, and that,
consequently, we should have had little to fear
from such measures, on his part; and that even if
he had adopted any such, against the South, being 19
a Northern man, it would have been easy to rally
the South against him, and them, and thereby ren
der both wholly powerless. On the other hand,
the danger from White, is, that he has sustained K I
all the measures of that kind, on the part of the D
present administration; and being, therefore, H
wholly committed against us, even unto force,
and a Southern man, if, like Gen. Jackson, ho
should operate against us, he would, like him, di
vide and distract us, and render our opposition
wholly nugatory. We have everything to fear
from a Southern President opposed to us—little
or nothing from a Northern one; and it was
therefore, partly, as heretofore remarked, .that
in nominating Duane, we hoped to prevent the
nomination of a Southern candidate, and avoid
another degrading scramble for a Southern man, 9
regardless of Southern principles.
We were not opposed to Mr. Gilmer, “ because
he would not say he was a Nullifier.” We take
it for granted, that all who belong to our party,
are Nullifiers, or at least support the declared prin
ciples of the parly, which is the same thing, un
less they declare the contrary ; and if it be right
to support them, when they do, why is it not
equally right to support any other man, who so
declares himself, of any other party 1
“ Has not the editor of the Chronicle sometimes
been astonished at his own course on this sub
ject!” No; nor would the editor of the Journal
have asked the question, but (as it has acknow
ledged,) “ for effect." Wc arc really curious to
sec how much farther our “ friend ” will sacrilico
common liberality, courtesy, decency, and j ustice,
“ for effect."
“ It was our object only to shew some incon
sistency in the Chronicle, byway of repelling its
charge of inconsistency against us.”—lndeed!
And have you succeeded l Have you really shewn
any inconsistency in us !—or, if you had, would
or could that, repel a charge of inconsistency
against you 1 One would suppose you must re
ally think so, at least, since we recollect not a
single sentence of any other kind, that you have
used, in the way of “ repelling that charge.”
But we forget—you write “ for effect," merely!
Well, go on, and let us sec what more you will
do—“ for effect."
From the Aiken Telegraph of July Ist.
GEN. DUFF GKEES.
This distinguished individual, who we may
justly say has endeared himself to the majority of
the people of this Stale, by his fearless advocacy
of their principles and zealous devotion to their
cause—passed through this town on Thursday,
the 25th ult. on his return to the nor.h.
The citizens of Aiken embraced the opportuni
ty allowed by his limited sojourn with them, pre
vious to his departure in the stage to invite him
to partake of a collation, very neatly prepared by
our spirited townsman, Col. John Marsh. Tho
invitation was accepted, and the assembled citi
zens of various political sentiments were univer
sally pleased with their guest whose independence
of spirit, fervid patriotism, and zealous attachment
to Southern principles, were abundantly manifes
ted. Gen. Green favored the company with a lu
cid exposition of his political views, especially as
applicable to the rights and interests of the South ;
and most ingeniously and eloquently defended
himself against the charge of inconsistency in the
support of Judge White for the Presidency;
whose claims upon the people of the South, as the
only candidate whose interests and feeling are i
-1 denlified with our own, he warmly and ably urged
■ upon the company. Although many present dis
; sered with the General, in regard to the propriety
of the support of Judge White for the Presidency
—yet all appeared satisfied with tho principles
' which governed the political course of General
Green—and that in him, tho south might ever
; count, in time of trial and utmost need, upon a
firm, experienced, and able friend.
The utmost harmony prevailed throughout the
occasion. A nltmber of sentiments were given,
I chiefly of a political character. Among many
highly complimentary to Gen. Green, the follow
ing excited a little pleasant feeling at the time:
General Green. —Though a Green —not a
green production of our Country’s talents.
Wan Department, May 25, 1835.
Gentlemen:—l have received, and laid before
1 the President, your letter of the 13th inst.
I He has instructed me to authorize you to an
nounce publicly to the Chcrokees, that no propo
j sitions for a treaty will hereafter be made, more
favorable than those now offered to them. The
sura of five millions of dollars was fixed upon by
the Senate, as an ample equivalent for the re
i linquishment of all their rights and possessions in
I Georgia, and other States east of the Mississippi.
The whole subject was fully considered, before
’ this price was determined. Mr. Ross and his as
• sociates had daily opportunities of expressing their
r own views to the Committee, and to other Sena
. tors verbally and in writing. He himself pro
posed that the adjustment of the consideration
should be left to the Senate; and he voluntarily
1 bound himself to accept the sum they might name.
• When under consideration in the Senate, there
were members of that body watchful for his inter
ests, and prompt to adduce every argument in his
’ favor. That treaty has been published, and its
• liberal conditions have been very where acknowl
• edged.
1 Most assuredly the President will not, under
these circumstances, sanction any expectation that
’ more favorable arrangements will hereafter be held
! out to the Cherokees. So far from this, he has
. instructed roe to say that the present is the last
, proposition he will make to them, while he re
mains in office; and they must abide the con
sequences of its rejection. Nor will it be wise
, or safe for them to anticipate that either branch of
i the Government will be disposed to do more for
them.
, The Commissioner* have been authorized to
vary the nature of some of the stipulations, if o
thers would be more agreeable to the Cherokees.
> But they have not and they will not be authorized
[ to offer one dollar more than the five millions ad
, vised by the Senate. Very &c.,
C. A. HARRIS.
Acting Secretary of )Var.
Messrs. W. H. Underwood,
Gainesville, Half Co., Geo.
Jobs Ridce, Cassville, Georgia.
George W. Walker, is appointed by the Post
master General, Postmaster at Social Circle,Wal
ton county, to till the vacancy occasioned by the
resignation of Samuel Catlin, Esq.— Const.
Hail Hoad.— During the week ending on Sa
turday, the 20th ult. 655 Passengers were con
veyed upon the Rail Road, and 703 bales of cot
ton brought to Charleston upon it The receipts
of the company for the same time, amounted to
$3561 94, exclusive of the Mail Contract.
Charleston Courier.