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To Executors, Administrators, and Guardians !
SALES of LAND or NEGROES, by Admin
istrators, Executors, or Guardians, are required
by law, to be held on the first Tuesday in the
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■ i
AUGUSTA! i
r, a I
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 19, 1835. 1
“ Be juet , and fear nut."
STATE RIGHTS NOMINATIONS. 1
FOR GOVERNOR,
CHARLES DOCCIHGKTY. ]
FOR CONGRESS, £
ROGER L. CiAJIBLE,
RICHARD H. WILDE,
THOMAS F. FOSTER.
l
THE BALTIMORE RIOTS. t
“ The account of the Baltimore riots almost
"outrages belief. In a country of laws, —in a ci- (
ty, already famous for a former bloody outrage, (
which ought to have made its inhabitants careful
for their reputation,—that a mob of 1500 or 3000
people should have been allowed to keep passes- .
sion, for three days, of a town, containing 80,000
inhabitants —that the military, when called on,
should have refused to turn out —is beyond
all credibility. And yet, can we doubt it I The £
Mayor, too, it is said, resigned his office, in the t
midst of the riots! Worst of all, 40 or 50 of the
rioters having been arrested and imprisoned, we
are told that a Judge discharged them, for fear the ,
mob would break open the jail! 1 Woe to the <
city, where such things happen! Woe to the j
country whose laws are thus trampled on ! Fa- (
naticism is saW to be contagious. The spirit of ,
anarchy seems to be so, too: and if it continues to i
rush in like a flood upon us, the people must <
«lift up a standard against it,” or we arc gone,
and forever I"—Augusta Sentinel of yesterday. ,
I
THE NEGRO CHURCH. i
We would suggest to the City Council the '
strong propriety of abolishing, immediately, the 1
Negro CbUrch, in the upper part of the city, for
reasons which we presume are abvious to all. Ex
perience proves such churches to be fruitful nests
of rqischief, without the least promise of good, ,
since the other churches are always open to the i
negroes, and certainly aft'ord them far better reli
gious instruction. Public opinion seems, and has
always seemed, to be unanimous, so far as we arc
acquainted with it, in relation to the evils of negro
churches and negro preachers—so much so, that
it has long been a matter of astonishment, that they
arc, nevertheless, tolerated. We trust the City
Council will turn its attention to this matter with
out delay.
AMERICAN TURF REGISTER.
And Sporting Magazine.
“The American Turf Register, for August, is
embellished with a very handsome and appropri
ate vignette for the sixth volume, which it closes.
With this number ceases the connexion of Mr. J.
S. Skinner, with the work—the editorial de
partment of which he conducted with signal abi
lity and popularity. Mr. Skinner’s valedictory
evinces a most kindly feeling towards his brethren
of the press, with whom he has always held a
harmonious intercourse, and he carries with him
into his retirement, which we rejoice to learn from
another source, is likely to be one of otium cum
dignitate, their warm reciprocation of good wish
es for his continued welfare and happiness. In
withdrawing, he asks of his old patrons the per
formance of one last kind office, for the sake of
“Auld Lang Syne”—aid, in disposing of a small
edition of the “ English General Stud Book, with
an Appendix of American Horses,” which he has
published at considerable expense, and will fur
nish at the low price of $lO, when compared with
with $25, that of the imported copy.”
“Mr. Gideon B. Smith, late chief clerk in the
office, and previously known as the able editor of
the American Farmer, will henceforth conduct the
editorial department.”— Charleston Courier.
CULTURE OF SILK IN AMERICA.
“In cursorily looking over the pages of the
“Silk Culturist and Farmer’s Manual" for
August—a monthly periodical published at Hart,
ford, Conn., (says the N. Y. Evening Star,) we
have been perfectly astonished with the interest
which this important subject has already excited
throughout the United States, and with the
amount of valuable information respecting the c
worms and mulberry, and the useful and curious a
i historical details collected by the conductors of s
j that excellent publication. We hope it will meet tl
with extensive patronage. The ingenious plan s
recommended, of attempting the growth of seve- a
ral crops of worms in the warm season, and v
which we learn is entirely practicable in Florida, t!
to the number of three successive generations— u
all, however, from eggs of the previous year, is t
worthy of serious consideration. The South c
might thus confine themselves in furnishing the I
manufacturers of the North with an abundant ■"
supply of cocoons—the same as they do with r
their cotton. It is thought the fall is a better il
time for planting the mulberry seeds. Wo sub- a
join two extracts from this journal, of much in- b
terest. Connecticut is the Stale in which the c
culture of Silk was first undertaken to any con- 0
siderablc extent, and where it is prosecuted with 11
more success than any where else in the United d
States.”
American Silk in 1791. —We have in our **
possession several samples of beautiful change- t
able silk made in Berlin, in this State, in the „
year 1791, by Mrs. Elisham Brandegee—they
are taken from dresses now in the family of Mr. 0
Brandegee, who says that he helped pick the
leaves to feed the worms, and the silk was reeled n
by his mother, and wove in that place. The tl
fabric is very even and the surface smooth and
lustrous; the colors are bright and fast. The *'
sample of one dress is wove of red and black, and t
was intended for a present to the lady of Gen. c
Washington, but for some cause not remembered, /
was never presented. —Silk Culturist.
1770 a filature was established in Philadelphia, ®
and premiums announced. v
In 1771, about 3300 lbs. were brought there to <]
reel. The ladies in particular gave much atten- v
tion to the subject; as early as 1770, Susanna
Wright, of Lancaster county, at Columbia, made 1
a piece of mantua of 60 yards in length from her r
own cocoons. To give eclat to these colonial j
designs, the Queen of Great Britain gave her
patronage by deigning to appear in a court dress
from this American silk. Yes, in American silk 1 1
but at the present day all our silk dresses, and t
even our ornaments for public buildings, must be (
imported. ‘Grace Fisher, a minister among (
friends, made considerable silk stuff; a piece of
hor’s was presented by Governor Dickinson, to 1
the celebrated Catherine Macauly.’ Many ladies, c
before the revolution, wore dresses of American ,
silk. —Genessee Farmer.
STEWART, THE CAPTOR OF MUREL. *
If patriotism ever deserved a monument, assu- 1
redly that of Vinort A. Stewart does. We i
have, incidentally, noticed the great services which I
this gentleman has rendered the South, from facts, '
put into our possession, by a respectable and in
telligent Georgian, heretofore alluded to. We now ■
take pleasure in laying before our readers, a recent *
address from Mr. Stewart, to the Southern pub
lic. He is, as will be seen, surrounded with per- '
ils—but, we trust that he will long be spared to <
play the Aii/Ellino upon the vices, cruelties,and I
oppressions of the despicable wretches, a part i
of whom he has already exposed, and brought to (
condign punishment. The following is his Ad- i
dress: t
From the Vicksburg Register. '
To the Public. —A publication appeared in ;
the Pittsburg Bulletin, printed at Pittsburg, Miss. .
of the 2nd inst., signed "Matthew Clanton,” con- (
taining a tissue of the most shameless and base
falsehoods, intended to destroy all that is valuable 1
to me in this life—my honest fame. I wish to I
enter into no newspaper controversy; but intend ,
in a short time to collect and publish such tes- (
timony as will fully confirm the truth of my nar
ration entitled “The Western Land Pirate.”— 1
Positive testimony against Judge Clanton I never i
expect to obtain; bull pledge myself to exhibit |
to the public such circumstantial evidence as will
fully sustain my charges against him, and place I
him as low in the scale of infamy as his worthy
compeer, Judge Nalls, of Yazoo county. ,
By the exposure of the designs of John A. (
Murrel and his associates. I have drawn on myself
the deadly animosity of an organized banditti, '
who have set a price on my head, and doubtless
are pursuing me from place to place. Whilst I
am in this perilous situation, and cannot safely (
travel through the country to collect testimony,
Matthew Clanton joins in the pursuit, threatens
me with violence, denounces my friends; and i
having collected all the lies his ingenuity could |
invent —all the calumny his malignance could
suggest—and all the oaths his official influence
could extort from the weakness of his neighbors,
he winds them into one tremendous mass, and
hurls them at my reputation, with the enraged |
fury of a malignant demon. The late insurrec
tionary movements in this State, are every day
confirming my statements; and the sworn asso
ciates of Mure! are hunted up, and brought to
confess under the gallows. Is it then, astonishing, (
hat the most desperate efforts should be made, to
destroy the life and character of tbe man who
exposed and defeated their diabolical designs.
In conclusion, I beg my fellow-citizens of the j
South, to suspend their opinions until I lay my |
proofs before them, —which shall be done so soon
as the nature of the case will admit; and should
I be murdered before I can accomplish this desir
able object, I hope that my friends will collect
my evidences for me, and publish them to the
world, —that the stories of a slanderous villain
and his piratical associates, may find no resting
1 place on the character and remembrance of a
man, whose life has been devoted to justice and
the good of mankind in general.
of the Southern and Western Slates
will please notice th ■ above card,
VIRGIL A. STEWART.
July 23, 1835.
THE COURIER,
- It is in good keeping with the morality and
consistency of the Courier, to speak of our’
t conduct and opinions as those of the party,
( and very easy to intimate that we have been actu
ated by party feeling, and have changed our
t course on this subject, and that such change has
been influenced by its assaults! Very easy “as
, easy as lying.”—lt knows well, that there is not
C a paper in the whole country, so little influenced
by party feeling as ours, or that has so often dif
fered from its party, and openly and plainly ex
pressed such difference; and that on this question
we have never once appealed to party feeling.—
3 Our friends know, too, that we have again and
r again cautioned them against party feeling on this
- subject, and warned them as they value the peace
s and safety of the South, not to consider it a party
t question, or make any party movement in rela
-1 tion to it. We have in two instances prevented
e calls of public meetings, from a fear, under the
circumstances of the moment, that they might be j
attributed to parly feeling, and excite party jealou-,
sy, and urged those who proposed them, to satisfy
themselves, first, that public feeling accorded with
such movements, and would not be influenced by
any party considerations. We can call God to
witness, that wc have ardently desired to avert
the interference of party feeling, and looked
upon it, from the first, as a result most fearfully
to lie dreaded and guarded against. One of the
causes of our strong aversion to taking part in the
Presidential controversy, and efforts to keep the
South entirely out of it, has been the fear, already
realized, that this question would be dragged into
it; and wc defy it to be shewn that wc have ever
attempted, in any instance, to give it a party
bearing. Our course must have clearly shewn to
every candid mind, that wc base no hopes, efforts,
objects, or principles, on party feelings, or party
interests; and none but such a reckless party
desperado as the Courier would charge it upon us.
The Courier says : “we are charged with ma
king this a party question—where, according to
their own testimony, there are no materials to
make one—where all are as one man—no diversity
of opinion—perfect unanimity of sentiment!”—
Those who utter falsehoods, should have good
memories, saith an old proverb. “Their own
testimony” says this most veracious and consis
tent print—forgetting, already, that it is its own
testimony, chiefly, and that of those who, like it,
charge the Nullificrs with aiding and abetting the
Abolitionists, and use it, in their continual lulla
by song, to the South, to soften down its spirit of
vigilance and investigation, and soothe it into a
dangerous and false sense of security,—However
we may have hoped that it might be so, yet, re
membering the reckless party feeling of such
men as the editor of the Com ier, have deeply feared
that it might not; and, never condescending to
assert what wc doubt, for any purpose, we have
not, like the Courier and its worthy coadjutors,
attempted to deceive or delude others by the use
of it.—No longer ago than the 24th ult. the Cou
rier, itself, remarked: “ This subject requires no
discussion —shall have none. The South is as
one man on this point.” And, if wc mistake not,
most, if not all of those who have joined it in its
infamous ellbrts to divide the South, by assailing
the Nullificrs, and making it a party question,
have said the same thing in substance—thus,
most consistently, asserting an entire unity and
harmony, in one breath, and a decided party di
vision, in the other.
Again: the Courier says: “ Only last week, a
Nullifier, in a neighboring county, carried a par
cel of these inflammatory publications to a public
meeting, and actually got up to read them to the
company, when a Union man told him he had
better desist, in a signifiaant way.”—We do not
believe it; but, even admitting it to be true, what
must he thought of the objection to the reading
of theml What was to be feared from it, but that
it would acquaint the people present with the na
ture of the enemies and assaults they had to deal
with—arouse them to a sense of their danger,
and the necessity of vigilantly guarding against it
—and show them what dependence is to be pla
ced on those who are industriously endeavoring
to lull them into fancied security, and blind them
to the dangers that assail them ? Can there be
danger in vigilance, or exciting it, by showing the
evils to be guarded against 1 Was any cause
ever injured by vigilance, or benefitted by apathy
and indifference 1 Could the reading of the pub
lications to the meeting, even if it did no good,
possibly do any evil—and if yea, what evil I
Were the people present such fools, that they
could not safely be trusted to hear them read, and
utterly incapable of judging of them for themselves,
and dealing with them as they descived 1 What,
in the name of reason, could be the harm; of thus
enlightening the people on a point that deeply
concerned them, and shewing the means that
were used to assail them I—and what the motive,
that could prompt a prevention of it ?—We pause
for a reply.
FOB THE AUGUSTA CHRONICLE.
Mr. Editor :—l am a private citizen, and I
trust, in some degree, free from the fever of party
spirit which at the present time in Georgia, has
well nigh induced on some, political delirium.
But I cannot forbear a few animadversions, upon
the course which the two great opposing parties
of our State are pursuing, with regard to the ap
proaching Presidential election. It will be my
j object, in these few observations, to expose the
; inconsistency of both parties, in supporting their
respective candidates—the utter inconsistency of
the Union party, in supporting Martin Van Bu
ren, and of the Nullification party, in supporting
White. It does seem to me, that if there be any
point on which all the people should harmonise,
and only consider the good of the country, to the
entire exclusion of party ascendency, it is in the
choice of their Chief Magistrate. What is the
President of these United States I He is an offi
cer chosen by all the States, and is emphatically
the servant or agent of all. lie should have no
party predilections, nor local attachments. He
should know no political sect, and should be per
fectly devoted to the good of the whole. Hence,
no matter what may be the party feelings which
may sway the judgment in the election of State
officers, every man should realize, that in voting
for President, he is choosing an agent, who is to
' represent the interest of the United Stales, and
'not of a particular political sect. Every man
should vow to sustain no candidate who is not
• virtuous, high-minded, disinterested, talented, ex
• perienced. But is such the fact! Is either parly
in this State supporting such a man ? No: —the
- great touch-stone, by which they judge their can
-1 didates’ merits is, are they Administration or anli
s Administration men I —lt seems now that the
e Union parly measure a man’s qualifications by his
y approval of the course of General Jackson; and
ttial the State Rights party compute them by his
d opposition to it. Indeed, the blush suffuses my
e cheek to think that, in Georgia, the adminislra-
AUGUBTA, SATURDAY, AUGUST 22, 1835.
I lion of any President, should he mede by one
j party, the standard of political orthodoxy, and
by the other, the standard of political heterodoxy.
What!—Has it come to this, that the people of
Georgia cannot look with an impartial eye upon
the conduct of the President of the United Slates,
and with a magnanimity worthy their proud
name, approve or disapprove it, according as,
when viewed in the light of reason, unclouded by
prejudice, it appears to be or not to be, proraolive
of the general good, and consistent with the letter
of the Constitution? But it seems to me that
neither party can conscientiously give this im
portance to the administration of Jackson. The
one cannot maintain that he has not erred; nor
can the other dare to say that he has not done acts
which are worthy the thanks and commendation
of the American people. And, therefore, if Mar
tin Van Buren in his political creed, were a sac
simile of Jackson, the Union party could not con
sistently vote for him for President. And if
White were diametrically opposed to Jackson,
in evdry particular, the Stale Rights party could
not consistently maintain him fur President.
But let us enter into this matter more in detail.
I have staled that the Union party cannot consci
entiously make Jackson’s Administration the
standard of political orthodoxy. They must ad
mit that he has erred on some points. For in
stance, his far-famed Proclamation against South
Carolina, denies the right of a Stale to secede
from the Union; and in pursuance of that docu
ment the President instigated the passage of the
“Force Bill.” But it seems to me that every
candid Union man (no matter what may bo the
doctrines of the party, as set forth in their Reso
lutions at Milledgcville) will not only admit, but
will strongly advocate, the right of a Slate to
secede, whenever, in the opinion of such Slate,
the evils of the General Government more than
counterbalance the benefits of remaining in the
Union, end consequently every such candid Uni
on man, if he maintain consistency with himself,
must execrate the Force Bill, as destructive of
that right. And though the Message of the
President, with regard to the treaty between us
and France, was manly, dignified, and worthy the
station which he held, yet it docs not follow as a
necessary consequence, that ho was correct in
recommending to Congress the Appropriation
Bill. For every unbiased mind must see the
impolicy of leaving such an enormous sum of
money at the discretion of one man. However
pure and patriotic might have been his motive,
( he was liable to err, and the history of all govern
ments, shows the impropriety of giving one man
the control of large amounts of money, and that
too for the purpose of making preparation for
, war, that formidable enemy I o national prosperity.
The President is perfectly right in his utter detes
tation of the United States Bank, and deserves
the thanks of the American people, lor opposing
ils recharter. But that does not show that he was
correct with regard to the removal of the Deposits;
and though the commercial interest of the coun
try, might have sustained no injury by the remov
al (which is at least, doubtful,) yet the very act
was an abuse, if not a usurpation of power. In
deed, it would be extremely dangerous to allow
any Executive, however patriotic and intelligent,
such an unlimited hold upon the purse-strings of
the Government. These are views which, I am
pursuaded, would be sanctioned by a respectable
portion of the Union jmrty ; and therefore such
cannot make General Jackson’s administration,
the standard of political orthodoxy. How, then,
can such men support Van Buren? Is he not
in favor of the principle, that a State cannot
secede ? Is he not an advocate of the Force Bill,
which prostrates this right in the dust ? Does
ho not sanction the removal of the Deposits?
Was he not in favour of the appropriation Bill?
So far, then, he advocates all those measures, in
which, I think many candid Union men, will ad
mit that the President has erred. What, then,
must be said of this portion of (lie party 1 Are
they consistent ? Is it not at least a misguided
patriotism which will prompt them to vole for
Van Buren ?
But suppose that the Union party hold Jack
son’s administration to be unexceptionable in eve
ly point. Let us bring their candidate up to the
standard, and see if he will bear the lest. What
has been the character of his whole political life ?
Has it been at all favorable to Southern interests ?
Has it even been on the whole advantageous to
the Government ? When our country was dis
turbed by llie war of 1813, tire country jeopard
ed by tbe rapid strides of Federalism, did he
not lend his assistance to to that parly in oppo-
sing the administration of Mr. Madison ? May
wo not dearly infer from his conduct during the
agitation of tbe Missiouii question, that he is un
friendly to us, in the quiet enjoyment of a certain
i species of our property ? Did he not refuse the
admission <vf a Slate into the Union until she had
emancipated her slaves ? What language does
1 this speak ? Has he changed his sentiments on
this subject? He may have indirectly made a
partial disavowal of them, but was it not with
1 a view to obtain the vole of tbe South for the
; Presidency ? Has he not always advocated the
■ 'Tariff, and voted for it when circumstances would
, allow? Has he not declared in “black and
white,” “ the establishment of commercial reguia
i liona, with a view to the encouragement of do
; raestie products, to be within the constitutions!
, power of Congress ” ? Is be not in favor of jin
ternal improvement ? And has he changed his
sentiments on this subject ? If ho has, ho has
; only laid aside one error for another. He now ad
. vocales “ such internal improvements as are of a
national character.” But where in the Constitu
, tion, will you find authority for this ? Indeed, it
, is a mere pretext—a subterfuge, resorted to with
, an eyp to the Presidency. Van Buren is now as
, strong an advocate for internal improvement as
, he was when he voted for toll gates on the Cum
berland Rail Road. With these facts staring them
, in the face, how is it possible for (be Union Par
ty to sustain their candidate? Admitting General
Jackson’s administration to be the only standard
of political orthodoxy, then Van Buren will not
bear the tost, for lie holds many dangerous doc
trines which Jackson opposes. The present Ex
ecutive i?unfavorable to internal improvements,
and never had the most distant idea (such has ne
ver come to light,) of interfering with our slave
property.—Upon what ground, then, cun ho he
plausibly supported? What becomes of the
consistency of the Union parly ? And, to crown
the climax, it is notorious, that the fawning, syco
phantic, mystic manner, in which he has rnamru
vred himself into notice, renders him totally un
worthy the dignity of such a station.
But what is the conduct of the Nullification
psrty in Georgia ? Perhaps I was not far wrong,
in a previous remark, that this Parly compute
the claims of their candidate by his opposition to
the present administration. If so, let us bring
Mr. White up to the measure. Who is Mr.
White ? Ho is a man to whom arc ascribed, by
the State Rights men, all the high attributes of
intelligence, experience, consistency, and integri
ty. It is true, Mr. Editor, I do not assume to be ac
quainted with the character of every man in the
United States, who has figured largely on the
theatre of politics; and perhaps it may excite,
in the reader a smile at my ignorance, when I
confess that I scarcely knew there was such a
man in being as Judge White, previous to his
being spoken of for the Presidency, I knew of
such a person —l knew him, not as this personage
of such ineffable qualities ; but did I not know
him as an advocate of the Tariff?—as a voter for
the Proclamation and Force Bill, and as a friend
generally to the administration of Jackson ? And
if I knew him as a man of consistency, that con
sistency, waa in hia uniform adherence to the
President. Now how does all this tally with the
doctrine of Nullification, the grand pillar on
which, rests the whole superstructure of the
State Rights party of Georgia? Indeed, haw
does it tally with the views of those State Rights
men who are not nullificrs? Are such men
Tariff men ?—are any of MeniForce Bill men ?
arc any of them Jackson men?—How, then, can
they support a candidate for President who favours
all these measures ? Ayc: but, say some, he is
not a Jackson man. And why ? Because ho
voted against the Appropriation Bill. Indeed, if
there is any thing which renders Judge White
politically odious, it is that vote, under the exist
ing circumstances, Hehad'invariably voted with 1
the administration party, and therefore began to
deserve some commendation for consistency. But
in voting against this Bill, he contradicted all his
previous acts. Under what circumstances did he
do this ? Ho was spoken of as a candidate for
the Presidency. This flattered his vanity and
ambition. He knew that his previous adherence
to the Administration party, had secured him
their individual approbation. Therefore, ho con
cluded, that voting against the Appropriation
Bill, was notan aberration from the line of march
which ho had formerly pursued, sufficiently great,
to incur the displeasure of that parly ; but that it
expressed a sufficient aversion to the movement
of the President, to gain in some degree the con
fidence of the opposition. That they, at least,
would give him credit fob candour, and honesty,
and firmness, in thus differing from those with
whom he had so long acted. He has Succeeded
in the latter, but in the former, ho is most wo
fully disappointed. And this political “summer
set” now stands out in bold relief, to ho execrated
by his enemies (alias his farmer friends) mid
secretly contemned by his supporters.
But his advocates, when driven from this posi
tion, say that he is “the less of two evils.” This
is certainly the poorest subterfuge for indepen
dent and enlightened freemen that ever was taken.
It scarcely deserves notice. Yet when driven
from every other plausible ground of supporting
White, they will cling to this. "The less of
two evils!" —Why I have always understood
that rule, in morals, to apply thus: That when
two evils are before us, and we are compelled to
choose one or the other, wc should take the less.
And what fool would not ? But will the friends
of Judge White say that Van Buren and White
are the two evils before them, and that they are
compelled to take one of them? Arc they under
any moral or physical necessity to elect cither ?
May they not support some other person who
will more fully carry out their views; and if they
should be defeated, might they not console them
selves by the thought that they have done their
duty?—View this subject in any light whatever,
and every unbiassed mind must see the inconsis
tency of both parties. Van Huron and White
arc both “evils," and it will lie a national calamity
if either be elected. It is certain that the people
are under no obligation to vote for cither ; nod
il Van Buren is elected, and the country is
thrown into confusion and even civil war by the
agitation of the slave question, and the adaption
of measures of internal improvement, the Union
party will have the consolation of knowing that
they lent their vote to the man, who is the great
active agent in such lamentable movements.—
And if While should be elected, and the country
should he burdened with Tariffs, threatened with
Proclamations, and crushed beneath the operations
of Force Bills, the State Rights party will have
the blessed reflection that they have been instru
mental in producing them. Then, let each patty
pause. Let them consider their steps, and vote
for the man who will best carry out the letter and
spirit of the Constitution.
1 _____ VIGIL.
SOUTHERN AGRICULTURIST.
Wc have received tha August number of the
« Southern Agriculturist.” It contains several
original pieces, the first is on Warping ,• a term
which perhaps is not understood by all our up
country farmers, as the practice denoted by it be
longs to low, flat countries, such as river bottoms,
and places liable to be overflowed in the time ot
floods. Such lands need to be surrounded by an
embankment to prevent the crops’ being destroyed ■
by overflowing. But in shutting out these fertil
izing streams the soil is impoverished ; it is there- 1
fore necessary to construct sluices to admit these
turbid and recruiting waters occasionally upon I
the lands, and to retain them till they hav* depost- 1
led their suspended mud, and then discharge
them. This is called Warping.
It contains also a lengthy article on the “ Cul
ture of Sea-Island Cotton.”
Among the selections arc many short and in
teresting pieces; one we notice upon the injuri
ous effects of hilling up corn, which coincides
with the views we have always entertained on that
subject; another upon the propriety of letting the
suckers remain at the roots of corn. The present
number contains many other interesting articles
which wc have not room to notion,— Columbia
S. C. Times.
The Savannah Georgian, has on article hea
ded “The Nullificrs ami Abolitionists” in which
he contends, that the more ignorant the people of
the South are about the movements of the Abo
litionists, the greater their security. No doubt
this shrewd Editor, would admit that children arc
securely hid, when they have shut their eyes to
avoid being seen. “The Nullificrs and Aboli
tionists”)inked together!! We suppose the Edi
tor would turn to the South, if asked to point out
the Pole Star,— lbid.
The Indians have taken possession of a few plan
tations in Russell county, and encamped in large
numbers in the corn fields. Our correspondent
“ Uchcc Creek,” in today’s paper, complains of
this. The Sheriff of Russell county told us to
day, that he had called uporl Lieut, Alston, at Port
Mitchell, for assistance in this business, or rather
had called on the Lieutenant to ascertain if he
could do nothing in the premises, consistently
with his orders, and was answered hy Alston that
ho had no orders or instructions on the subject,
and would not interfere. There are only about
30 soldiers at the Fort, as the Sheriff says, and
thinks they sre not capable of arresting so large
a number of Indians, even if they were ordered to
doit. The Sheriff himself has no power to do
anything, unless a warrant was issued against the
offending Indians, and in that case he could call
out the posse to his assistance. No warrant has
as yet been handed him. There is a difficulty in
gelling out wairauts against the Indians, fur their
names are not known, and one cannot easily he
told from the other, and they could nm he arrested
if they wore known. In one largo plantation they
have taken the whole of the corn except about two
acres, which thov have laid ollTotho overseer, to
keep him from perishing, as they my.~Monlgo
mery (Ala.) Journal, I2lh inst.
9 U M II A It Y.
Wo are requested to slate that Judge Andrews,
of the Northern Circuit, is expected to preside a!
the ensuing term of Columbia Superior Court, to
try the casi s, in which Judge Schley was engage !
as counsel, before bis appointment to tbe bench.
State Rights Sentinel.
Wc see, by the Mobile papers, that our old
townman, G. J. 8. Walker, Esq, is elected a
representative, from that county, in the Legisbi
turn of Alabama, — lbi d.
r A Town Meeting was to have boon held at
, Norfolk, on the 13lh inst. to consider whnt inea
. sores are proper to be adopted, in regard to the
' attempts making by some of the Northern people,
I to interfere with the slave properly of tho Sooth,
i —Norfolk Herald,
The Norfolk Beacon of the 1 0th inst. contains
the following, Conflimutory of the statement wc
made in Saturday’s Courier, respecting Robin
son, the English abolitionist:
Awful — But Just Punishment. —We learn, hy
tho arrival of lire sloam boat Kentucky, last even
ing, from Richmond, that Robinson, the English
man, mentioned in the Beacon of Saturday, ns be
ing in the vicinity of Lynchburg, was taken about
fifteen miles from that town, and Hanged on the
Spot.
A white man of the name of Reuben Cb in
dell, was arrested in Georgetown on Tuesday
evening, by two of the police officers of this city,
(Messrs. Robinson and Jeffers,) and committed to
prison, on a charge of having been engaged in
circulating incendiary publications among the
Negroes of the District. Ho was examined yen
terday afternoon before Mr. Justice Coote, Mr.
Key attending for tiro U. Slates. Tbe examina
tion took place in the jail, and wc have not learnt
the result, further than that enough appeared in
evidence to authorise tho full commitment of the
prisoner for trial.— National Intelligencer, Au
gust 13.
From the contents of the several country pa
pers and letters which wc have perused, it appears
that all hopes of a good sugar or cottoi. crop, must
ho abandoned. Tire rain has been general thro’-
out the State, and has caused much damage; the
grass has grown to such a length ns to cover the
esnes altogether, and tho caterpillar is about to fi
nish the work of destruction. Nothing now, but
a spell of dry weather can save the planter from a
complete loss. As to cotton, the general opinion
seems to prevail that the errtys will he very indif
ferent in lower Louisiana, the ruins causing the
balls to rot and fall before they have attained ajjdo
gree of maturity. Several planters have already
abandoned their cotton fields to give their atten
tion to their corn, which suffered much less. This
has been particularly the case in West Florida.—
N. Orleans Courier, Sth inst.
Order is restored in our city. Roused by tha
excesses committed on -Saturday and .Sunday, the
citizens turned out on Monday, anil under tho di
rection and authority of the'Mayor and Council
were organized in armed bodies fur the protection
of their lives and properly. From fifteen hun
dred to two thousand. Independently of the Fire
Companies, were uruler arms all Monday night.
No attempt was mane to continue the lawless pro
ceedings of the two preceding evenings,—The
supremacy of the law is fully re-asscrled, and con
fidence completely re-established.- Baltimore A
merican, August 12.
There has been for some time, rumours of
fever, as some have said. Yellow fever, in Boston,
Those rumours have been invariably met with a
prompt denial on the part of the Boston press.
Wc find, however, the subjoined siolicc iu the
New York Gazette of Monday t
Extract of a letter dated Boston, Aug. B.
“The fever still rages here. One or two more
of our most respectable merchants have died, and
upwards of twenty clerks (so they say) on the
mine wharf where Mr. 8. was (Central wharf)
said to have been taken.”
New Cotton. —Wo find that we were Irt mis
taken in our prophecy a few weeks since, when
in noticing the prosperity of Aiken, and its ma
ny advantages, we slated it was our belief
bag of cotton sold this season would be purchased
in this market. On Wednesday morning last,
Col. James H. Hammond sent his first hag of
cotton to th s town, from his plantation on the ri
ver. It was purchased by some of out merchants,
at 22 cents, and forwarded to Charleston on tho
same day. Cel. IT. is a very laige planter, and
we believe he has sent the first bag of cotton into
market ever since ho lias been planting.— Aiken
Telegraph, HM inst.
We learn from n gentleman, arrived in the
steam packet, that an Englishman of the name of
Robertson, had been, a short time since, detected
in distributing abolition pamphlets in Petersburg
—and that the citizens seized him and slicked
him. Shortly afterwards, however, the some in
dividual was ascertained to have been guilty of
VOLUME *3—olo. 47.
the like crime at Lynchburg, and the indignation
of the jx-ople of that place was such, that they
took him prisoner and hung him on the spot.
We heard it reported that some person oi per
sons had been taken up at Norfolk, aiding and
abetting the designs of the abolitionists, hut we
arc unable to obtain particulars.— Charleston
Courier.
Mohbism. —The spirit of mobbism seems to be
rife in our country ; and it becomes every good
citizen: who values the peace of aocicty, and the
guardianship of the laws, to exert hi* ipfluence,
and sol his co against its extension to our com
munity, All the great cities to the North of us,
Boston, New-York, Philadelphia, and now Bal
timore, have had their fearful mobs, th. last the
Worst in the terrible catalogue.— lb.
Literary Intelligence. —The new novel of
our gifted fellow townsman, Wm.G. Simms, now
going through the press of thd Harpers, in New
York, is entitled “ The Partisan A Tale of the
Revolution.” The scene is laid principally in
the old town or village of Dorchester, in this State;
and tlie narrative I>eglns in 1780. Wc have been
favored with a perusal of the first chapter, which
opens the work, with a picture of the gloomy con
dition of South Carolina, just before Marion,
the “ Swamp Fox,” and Sumter, the “ Game
Cork,” had commenced their brilliant series of
partisan exploits, and Tvrleton, the Claver
lionse of S, Carolina, was rioting in Ids savage
success,
A new, revised, and enlarged edition of" Mar
tin Faber,” is also in press.— lb.
Highly Praiseworthy. —A meeting of the
Students of the Theological Seminary at Colum
bia, was held in the Chapel of that Institution on
the Hill instant, in relation to incendiary interfer
ence with tho South. The Rev. Mr. Yates was
called to the chair, and Dr. D. M’Neill Turner
appointed Secretary, nnd idler the invocation of
the divine blessings hy the Rev. Mr, M’Grudkb,
nnd an appropriate Address, imbued with a
Christian spirit, and resolute in Southern feeling,
from the Chairman, a scries of highly proper Re
solutions wi r i unanimously adopted, in reproba
tion as well of the incendiary as unchristian mea
sures of tho Abolition Fanatics. Wo shall en
deavor to make room shortly for these proceed
ing! entire. Il is important and highly gratify
ing, that at a crista when the mask of religion is
assumed to slab our domestic peace, the religious,
and especially thasr who minister at the Altars of
God in our community, should come forward in
so decisive a manner, and with such a commen
dable spirit.— lbid.
“An ounce of preventive is belter than a pound
of cure.”— R. Enquirer.
This is one of Ritchie’s aphorisms, which ho,
quite mat apropos, applies to the fanatics and their
movements, and calls upon the police—yes, the
“ police”— to be vigilant, and protect the State
from the machinations of the fanatics! Thisisin
the second year of their movement. Mind ye, the
second year. Suppose that we, a year ago, had
told Ritchie, that before twelve months had passed
over his head ho would be calling on the police
, to be vigilant in guarding against the schemes of
tiro incendiaries, what would he have said or
’ done 1 He would have hooted at the idea. Sup
pose that wc had told him that there would be
250 Anti-Slavery Societies formed at tho North;
and that they would collect twice as much funds
for the distribution of Anti-E'avciy tracts as tho
Colonization Society could, after an existence of
nearly twenty years, Ritchie would have pronoun
ced us crazy. It Would have been held up as a
hallucination of mind, or as a wicked attempt to
create unfounded alarms in the South.
Wc confess that wc did not ourselves think that
their progress would have been so rapid as it has
been. Wo saw that they would make proselytes;
and we felt that (an ounce of preventive luring
belter than n pound of cure) tho South ought to
speak out, and take the matter up soberly and se
riously, We foil that it was too serious and im
portant to he placed under the guidance of fiinat
icism and cupidity.
Hut lire South thought otherwise. Under the
influence, perhaps, ot Ritchie and his coadjutors,
arid of that indolence, which,prevents the minds
ol so many from looking forward to prospective
evils, little or nothing was said or done hy tho
South, and ‘iris apathetic ind.ffirrcnce was used as
an argument to stimulate the fanatics of tho
North ; nnd wc now hoc the formation of two
hundred and fifty societies, and the weak or
treacherous editor of the Enquirer calling on the
police to bo “vigilant.” —U S. Telegraph.
I.ATKHT DAT £ FIIOH JULT
I.ATF.HT DAT® FROM HATH®, JUNE 22,
f _■ ■■ rr-
New-Oiileans Market, August 8.
Colton. —Stock, 10,216 bale;:. We have no
particular change to remark in the market for
Gollon, which remains very quiet. Tho sales,
however, though necessarily limited cn account
of the smallness of tlie stock, and there being but
low buyers, have been at tolerable full prices; and
some of those wlu> still have small lots to dispose
of. are holding back with tho view of obtaining
something belter.—The annexed are all the sales
of which wc could learn, viz; 350 bales Missis
sippi, hi 29 rts.; 43, 17{; 40, 18—of North Ala
bama, 170 at 13i; 160, 16$; 396, 17$ cents;
100 Texas at 18 cents per lb.
Sugar. —Tlie demand for Sugar, as indicated
by the movements in the market, is beginning to
revive a little; shipments coastwise, which had
ceased for some time bark, have been resumed
again, the present extraordinary low rates of
Freight operating no doubt as a great inducement.
A lot of CO hhds, inferior was sold for 7 cent*,
and several other sales of greater magnitude have
been made at 7} cents. —Price Current.
Superior L'ordetl Skirts.
Snmrdcii A‘ Shear ,
HAVE Just Received from New York, a
supply of very superior English Corded
Skirts also, a large supply of Musquilo Net
ting.
July 83
WInOHOFSE
AND
rOHIDfISSION BUSINESS.
fIB HE Undersigned will continue to
« the WARE-HOUSE AND COMMIT
SION BUSINESS, in rhisAdij,
They are grateful for tbe patronage received
during the past Benson.
All business confided to their charge mill
meet with prompt attention. —Their Warehouse
and Close Stores, for security against fre, are
not surpassed by aiiy similar Establishment in
this place. / _ ft-
MI'SGSOVfi it BUSTIN.
July IO f 2rri B 2
” VOT/CJG,
AM. HATCH A CO., having taken MR,
, D. F. FLEMING fmo copartnership,
will continue their business in New York and
Charleston, under the firm of
HATCH, KIMBALL A CO.
Charleston, S. C. June Ist, 1834 ts 72