Newspaper Page Text
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From the Milltdgecillc Recorder. \
•01. gamble’s letter or acceptance. 1
Locibmlle, irth August, 1835. j
Dear Sir —X have been notified by the 1
Chairman of our Executive Committee, 1
that 1 had been si) far honored as to have 1
been selected as a candidate to be run 1
foi one of the vacancies now existing in
the next Congress; and he has desired '
me to signify ray acceptance or declen- :
tion of the same to you.
In accepting the nomination, 1 yield to 1
the wishes of valued and respected friends !
rather than to my own desires or- incli- ,
nations; for I assure you, paradoxical as .
it may appear, office and place have for 1
me but few charms, and it they are only 1
to be acquired, as it is said to be the ]
case now in Georgia, by min worship, !
an abandonment of State Rights, a de
nunciation of South Carolina and null!- I
fication, and the assuming a new comm- ]
men, I never will consent to obtain them '
at the price of -such a sacrifice. My '
motto always his been, “ The union of
the States and the sovereignty of the '
States;” and I trust that I nave given, i
in more instances than one, evidence 1
more substantial than empty declama
tion, of my attachment to the union of 1
the States. I have, when it has been 1
needed, marched with my musket on ny I
shoulder in the service of my country, in !
more than one instance ; and should it
ever become necessary, it shall be my 1
pride and pleasure, as well as duty, to ;
do so again. Let then those, and only
those, who have given higher evidences
of their patriotism and devotion to (he
Union, denounce me, and those with
whom I act, as unfriendly to the exis
tence of the union. All such denuncia
tions are merely the froth, the ell’erves
ceuce of party slang ; and (he man who
utters (hem, is in my opinion, reckless
alike of truth and a decent and proper re- 1
gird for the feelings of a very large and
respectable minority of the people of this 1
State. 1 claim to be nothing more than a
plain republican of the old-fashioned
State Rights party, with whom I take
pride in acting, us I have always done.
This party is good enough for me. 1
want no new names, nor any improve
ment upon the old Slate Rights princi
ples, such as Georgia has acted upon,
and such as were professed by such men |
as Jackson, Crawford. Early, Troup, and
their associates. Those who choose, ,
may follow after strange Gods, and wor
ship at other altars, but I am content 1
with the old faith, with the old regimen
of (hat party, now and always known as J
the State Rights party, and with whom I .
am willing still, although in a minority,
to plight my faith and submit to their 1
dcstin)'. 1 will not denounce my polili- *
cal adversaries as entertaining sentiments
unfriendly to the existence of the Union.
—Were I to do so, I should do injustice
both to them and my own feelings. This
is only necessary on the part of some new
convert to party, to afford plenary evi
dence of conversion and confidence to I
full party fellowship and party preroga !
fives. Such, on that account, may be
excused, but not justified.
The right of State interposition cannot, (
I think, be denied by any sound constitu
tional politician; and although I dlifer
with South Carolina in her mode and
manner of proceeding, yet I never have
believed, for a moment, that her gallant,
talented and patriotic sons ever enter
tained any sentiments or designs un
friendly to the existence of the union ;
but, on (he contrary, they were warring
for our principles, and contending for
constitutional rights, in which contest
Georgia had been engaged for upwards of
fifteen years. And although I could not
sanction her mode of proceeding; yet, '
under the circumstances, I never would
have consented to have placed the Army |
and Navy in the hands of the President,
to be used at his pleasure against any j
State of this Union, to have prostrated
the State Judiciary, and to have denoun- j
ced as treason (he refusal to obey a law,
which at least, on this side of the Poto- J
mac, was almost universally admitted to (
he unconstitutional; and when all admit- (
ted, that ifthere ever had been a ncccs- ,
sitv for the passage of the. law in question, j
that necessity had ceased to exist, as the
whole difficulty had been settled in \ihat J
is commonly called the Compromise Act; |
and when I know a portion of the very (
men who voted for the enforcement bill, (
admitted that (he act of 1832 which was
so much complained of, and which this j
bill
was intended to enforce, was itself L
unconstitutional. How such a course <>t
conduct can be reconciled, is to my mind |
an impenetrable mystery.
Sir, 1 hate to read long letters—much |
worse to write them ; but there is one (
subject upon which I will take the liber
ty of submitting a few remarks. The ]
importance of (he subject, demands it at
my hands. The success or non-success j
of my candidacy, is a mere bauble, a ,
thing ol no consequence, deserving
scarcely a moment’s consideration: but
there is an election a little way a head
of us, which may vitally atfeet the char- '
actcr of our political institutions, and
perhaps our destiny as « free people.
Georgia is the land of my birth, the home
of my wife and children, and contains
all I hold dear. Upon her soil 1 live, and
expect to die. Having this deep inter
est in her welfare, whatever affects her
character or interests, cannot be a matter
of indifference to me. I cannot, there
fore, close this letter, without saving a
word upon the subject of the Presidential
election. This, in the course of things,
may possibly come before, and have to be
decided by the next Congress of the Uni
ted States. The members, therefore,
now to be elected, mav verv probably be
called upon to vote for that high and res
ponsible officer; and the votes that the
people arc now called upon to give, may, j
in some measure, be considered as eiven *
with a view to thjt office. Martin Van <
Buren, of New York, (a Northern,) and <
Plngh Lawson White, of Tennessee, (a c
Southern man,) are (he prominent elm- a
racters now presented to the people of i
the Union, as candidates for that appoint- ■
ment The issue may now be consider- 1
ed as fairly made and presented to the
people for their geticin and decision.
.Shall the people of Georgia take Martin
Van Buren, the candidate of the caucus
of office holders and seekers, and Ufflf ru- :
tive dictation, or Hugh Lawson White,
the candidate ol the spontaneous choice 1
of the people ? This is the naked qiles- |
tion submitted. Let us a little contrast J
the men, “ Orsetting i
down aught in malice.” Van-Buren, .in <
my opinion, has no one feeling or jn mji ■
pic in common witli Georgia or the South; j
but, on the contrary', his feelings, priuci- ■,
Pies, character, and interests, are direct- |
(■ opposed to ours. Trate his course as ,
far back as you can, you find bim oppos
ed to us, our policy, principles, and in
terests. In 1812, we find him acting with
the Federalists, opposing the re-election
of the virtuous- and republican James
Madison; afterwards in favor of the
Missouri restriction, or, in other words,
to keep (hat State out the Union, until
she emancipated all her. negroes. Mr.
Van Buren was in the Senate, of New
York, when instructions to her Senators
in Congress were unanimously voted to
that effect, fn 1821, in the Senate of
the United States, Mr. Van Buren voted
for an appropriation of money from (he
Treasury, for the improvement and re
pairs of the Cumberland road, and for the
erection of toll gates within the acknow
ledged jurisdiction of the States—the
greatest stretch of power (hat has ever
been exercised or claimed for the United
States. It is, however, now said by his
friends, that he is only in favor ot mak
ing roads, canals, and clearing out rivers
by Congress, where they are of a nati
onal character. This is Gen. Jackson’s
doctrine, and which Mr. Van Buren is
pledged to carry out, and is much more
exceptionable than his former course,
for it asserts the principle that the Presi
dent has the right to grant or withhold
appropriations for works of internal im
provement, at his discretion. The con
sequence of this w ill be, to increase Exe
cutive power and patronage. Those who
are anxious for works of internal im
provement, have only to court Executive
favor, and it is easy to make the work
national in its character: il ls only for
Congress to place a Custom house at the
point or place to which it is desired to
rut the canal, extend the road, or improve
the river. This is (he constitutional test
as prescribed by General Jackson, and
which Mr. Van Buren, remember, is
pledged to carry out. Again, in 1824,
we find Mr. Van Buren voting for and
supporting a protective Tariff; in 1828,
he voted for the Woollens Bill, which
carried the protective principle farther,
than it ever has been carried by any act
of the Congress of the United States; and
in 1832, we have his principles upon this
subject, avowed in his own words, in his
letter to (he Committee of (he Shocco
Springs meeting, as follows: “Although
my official acts in relation to (he protec
tive system might well be regarded as
rendering (he ffvowal unnecessary, I
think it nevertheless proper to say, that
1 believe the establishment of commercial
regulations, with a view to (be encourage
ment of domestic products, to be within
the constitutional power of Congress.”
Here we, have proofs, botli by Ida acts
and declarations, that he. is a 'high tariff
man, and in favor of the protective sys
tem, and also, proof that he is in favor of
the principle of collecting a tax from the
people of Georgia, to cut a canal, open a
road, or clear out a river, in the State of
New York, or any other State of the U
nion. He has also attempted to enlist
(he influence of foreign governments in
the struggles of our domestic parties. 1
might multiply proofs to show his total
unfitness for the office, and that lie is the
very last, man in whose favor the vote of
Georgia should be cast; but the limit* of
this letter, already too much extended,
will not permit it.
But, on (he contrary, in the character
of Judge YVhile, whom I consider the
only substantial opposing candidate, we
have a promise of all we have a right to
expect in the present situation of affairs:
for, independent of his being a candid
and honest man, (I speak politically,)
qualities which the friends of Mr. Van
Buren, I believe, have never claimed for
him, he is a Southern man, a true disci
ple ol (he Jeffersonian school, an old
times State Rights man, a strict and lit
eral constructionist and sound constitu
tional lawyer, opposed to Executive
power and patronage, in favor of the ex
ercise of powers expressly or by necessa
ry implication granted to Congress for
the benefit of the people of the United
.States, and carefully abstaining from the
exercise of the reserved or doubtful
powers, leaving these, to the States; he
was opposed to the Missouri restriction ;
he voted against and opposed both the
tariffs of 1824 and 1828, and is constitu
tionally opposed to (he whole protective
system, to all appropriations by Congress
for the purposes ot internal improvement,
to all proscriptions of men for “ opinions’
sake: his only enquiry being,” is he
honest ? is he capable ? is he attached to
the Constitution ? He is in favor of re
form and a strict accountability for all
disbursements of the public money, and
In* would spurn from him the kitchen ca
binet and back stairs influence as he
would a loathsome reptile—that gentry
know (his well, and, ns a unit, arc oppo
sed to his election—he is now, anti al
ways has been, opposed to the Bunk of
I nited States and to monopolies of every
character : he is with us, and has been
our most able advocate in our Indian
policy : and withal is identified with us
in our domestic, relations, interests, and
policy, which is fustffieconiing the great
absorbing and important agitating ques
tion in (hi.- Union ; and last, though not
least, is endowed “ with talents equal to
any business, anv cmettgeiiry, without
ever being above it.” Can Georgia he
sitate in her choice between these (wo
men? YN e should, in my opinion, no
longer remain neutral, but with one ac
cord become ft ihte wen and act accor
dingly.
Very respectfully, vfturob'dt sVt,
ROGER L. GAMBLE.
Legal Verbosity. —Mr. Symons has
just published a work, entitled ‘the Me
chanics of Law Making,' the primary in
tention of which is to exemplify the gross
defects in the verbal and formal parts of
our laws.—The obscurity of these laws
arises from the verbiage in which their
meaning is couched, and causes a large
share of (hat ruinous litigation which is
the bane of society. The following in
stance ot legal verboseness we lake to be
the happiest parody ot conveyancing
phraseology we have met with :—“ If a
man would, according to law, give to
another an orange, instead of saving. * I '
gfxe yon that orange,’which one would (
think would bn what is called, in le<ud *
phraseology, an absolute,conveyance of J
.all right and title therein,tlje phrase would i
run thus: Tgiveyou all and singular inv .
estate & interest, right, title, claim and
advsntaj? ol and in that orange, with ail ,
its rind, skin, juice, pulp and pips, and
all right and advantage therein, with full
power to bite, cut, suck, and otherwise j
eat the same, to give the same away, as (
fullv and effectually as I, the said A. B. ,
am 1 entitled to bile, cut, suck, or other- .
wise eat the same orange, or give the <
same away, with or without its rind, skin,
juice, pulp and pips, anything hereinbe- |
fore, or hereinafter, or oil any oilier deed (
or deeds, instrument or instruments, of
what nature or kind soever, to the contra- '
ry in any wise, notwithstandingwith 1
much more to the same effect. Such is ■
the language of lawyers; and it is grave
ly held by the most learned men among ,
them, that by Omission of any of these ,
words, the right to the said orange would
not pass to (he person for whose use the
same was intended.”— Paulson's Ameri
can Daily .advertiser.
/’'iigiliccs arrested. —Our readers will
recollect that some time in April last, it
was announced through the papers that a
mercantile House, doing business at
Paisley, Scotland, bad failed, and that
the co-partners had fled to America,
charged with having used forged papers
to the amount of several hundred thou
sand dollars.
We have the pleasure of stating (hat
(he parlies to the fraud were arrested on
Friday last, in one of the adjoining coun
ties, on a civil process, and committed to
goal for want ot bail. We have the facts
from the counsel employed to bring the
suits against (hern.—Much credit is due
to Henry Miller, Sergeant at arms,
Glasgow, Scotland, who has been for the
last five months engaged in prosecuting
the enquiry for the party—lt was thro’
his instrumentality (hey were detected
in (he wilds of Michigan, after a jour
ney of about fne thousand miles in dif
ferent parts of our country. He accom
panied (he officer to their retreat, and
fiasjrom the commencement of his inqui
ry manifested a most undefatigable exer
tion, and almost an unequalled skill in
soarching out (he object of his pursuit.—
Detroit Journal.
AIJGIIMTA s
•SATURDAY, SEI’TKMRER (0, IHU. - ,.
“ Hejnti, anil fear not."
STATE RIGHTS NOMINATIONS.
FOR GbVEUNOII,
CHARLES DOIUHERTV.
FOR CONGRESS,
ROChE R L. RANKLE,
ROBERT A. RE ALL.
RICHARD 11. WILDE,
THOR AS V. FOSTER.
SOUTHERN LITERARY MESSENGER.
In consequence of the crowded slate of our
columns, to-day, we are compelled to omit for the
present, a parlicular notice of the August number
of this excellent periodical. Its table of contents
will be found in a subsequent column.
DOMESTIC MANUFACTURE.
Wo wore shown last week, by Mr. L. H. Ha
milton, (at whose store on Broad street, they
may be seen) a pair of Pistols, manufactured in
Richmond county, by Mr. Barnet, son-in-law of
Mr. Daniel Hack, one of the enterprising owners
■ of the Richmond Factory, which for workmanship,
excel any we have ever before scon. The barrels
are of heavy cast steel, the handles of polished
dogwood, handsomely inlaid with silver, and the
locks, percussion, of now construction, hut very
simple. (Ye would advise the curious, and such
as arc favorable to the encouragement of domestic
manufactures, to call and examine them.— Con
stitutionalist of yesterday.
PORTSMOUTH MEETING.
This meeting, like the recent one in Philadel
phia, has done honor to itself, and justice to the
South. We have only room for the resolution
recommending legislative interposition. It is as
follows:
“ Jtesolved, That it be recommended to the
Legislature, the next session, to pass such laws as
the exigencies of the times may require, consis
tently with the Constitution, to protect the peo
ple of the South from any movements in this
State, in regard lo abolition, militating with the
internal policy and regulations of any of the
Southern States upon this subject.”
ALBANY MEETING.
This meeting, like the meetings in Boston,
Now York, &o.,is a mere shill-I-shall-I, milk-and
water aliuir. It is full of most loving professions,
and all that sort of thing—but proposes nothing
effectual to remove the pernicious and dangerous
combination, which, in the language of the Ports
mouth Herald, is “ trilling with our laws, lives,
ami property.” The Governor presided at the
Albany meeting, fiotn which it would seem that
we have nothing to expect from the New-York
Legislature.
w\ JUDGE DOUGHERTY,
be no stronger evidence of the un
exceptionable political character of I his gentleman,
than that which is advanced by the contradictory
and inconsistent assertions of the Schley party,
itself. To-day, they represent him, in all their
“raw head and bloody bones” features of a Nulli
tier—tomorrow, they present him to us in the
timid and unresisting character of a mbmissionisl,
as if he possessed a congeniality of feeling with
the Schley parly. These assertions have bet'll,
alternate!? repeated by the Federal Union, down
lo the most inconsiderable of its co-working press
es. Judge Dougherty, a mbmissionisl ! No,
no, gentlemen—ho claims no fraternity of feeling
with you.
AMERICAN TURF REGISTER.
VVc have received the September No. of this
highly useful periodical,—a work which is not
only interesting and valuable to the lovers of
Turf and Field sports, and to the breeder of that
noble animal, the Horse, but almost indispen
sable to them, as a source of instructive and au
thentic intelligence. The present No., beside its
interesting litc ran- matter, contains a very beau*
tilul and highly .finished engraving of the celebra
ted English horse Lott x« i, and a portrait of
Geobse Nelson, Mr. Whitaker's Jockey, as his
rider. The “Annals of Sporting.” from which
the Register lakes the engraving, says, the former
is “u faithful picture," and that the “portrait and
style” of the latter “ate to the litc.”
The present No. is the first of the new Volume,
and the first, also, since me work came under the
exclusive management of its present proprietor,
Gideon B. Smith, Esq. and gives good promise
of improvement—its typographical appearance
.being wry neat and beautiful. Mid its embellish- 1
inept one of the very finest wc remember to have 1
seen in the work.
.For the table ol Conttntc, see our advertising *
cokmiiL,.
PROFESSION, VS. PRACTICE! W
“Wc finj in the Wilmington (Del.) Gazette, tc
the following legal information: “In the Mayor’s p (
Court yesterday, Mary Reed, a free negro, was
convicted of petty larceny, and sentenced to be a
whipped with twenty-one lushes, on the bare hack, B
and sold as a servant, to pay a fine of sl, and the ) a
expenses of prosecution.” a .
The precepts and examples of our northern
brethren, as will appear from the above, are
strangely variant A free negro and a female,
scourged and sold for an act of petit larceny! Here
is a bright exemplification of philanthropy for you
—a consistent illustration of that brotherly love,
which denounces “slavery as an evil,” revolting to
every principle of humanity! With what sincerity j
can the amiable desciples of emancipation, preach
their doctrines to us, or look us in the face, after c
such an exhibition of benevolent feeling, Stirling -
honesty, and disinterested motives 1 Away with a
such cant and hypocricy ! It insults and violates j
the laws of God and man, and deserves, alike the |
indignant reprobration and signal punishment of
both. ,
MOREL. AND THE ABOLITIONISTS! *
The following “ reminiscence’' is taken horn 1
the Boston Commercial Gazette :
“Reminiscence. —At the second annual meeting 1
of the American Anti-Slavery Society, held at 1
New York in May, the speakers were Mr. S. B.
Birney of Kentucky, the Rev, Mr. Stow of Bos- '
ton, the Rev. Mr. Kirk, and Mr. George Thomp
son, the English Missionary. According to the ;
official Report for the past year, the Auxiliary i
Societies had increased from about 50 to two \
hundred, and under the direction of the Society,
within the last year, had been published no less
than 232,(100 copies of different works to promote 1
their object!!! Mr. Birney made a speech on i
the occasion, and among oilier remarks uttered ,
the following 1 1 SAY IT ADVISEDLY,
THAT IF IMMEDIATE EMANCIPATION
IN THE SOUTH BENOTGRANTEDSOON, 1
A GENERAL INSURRECTION MUST i
TAKE PLACE THERE, WHICH MAY END ;
IN A DISSOLUTION OP THE UNION.” ,
It would accm from this, that Mr. Birney and (
his Abolition colleagues were confederates of the ,
infamous Mured, and apprised of his intended in- |
Burrcction; else, how could he say, ‘ adviskdlt,’
that ‘ a general insurrection must lake place,’
‘if immediate emancipation be not granted I’ It
is well known that ‘ a general insurrection’ was
designed and arranged by Morel, and would have
been effected, but for his detection and conviction
by Vi not i A. Stu abt, and the recent final discove
ry and destruction of his plot. And must not
that, then, have been the ‘general insurrection’
to which he alluded I—and is it not evident, there
fore, that he was a parly to it, and contemplated,
with Murel, a ‘ general’ butchery of the people of
the South 1 If not that, what other 1 for it would
seem that he must have been apprised of some
one, or how could he have declared ‘ adviseult,’
that one ‘ must take place] ’ To speak as he did,
he must of course have boon advised of one ;
and be it remembered, that he is a resident of the
adjoining State to that of Murel, who lived in
Tennessee, and is now in the Penitentiary of that
Stale. With this strong circumstantial evidence
against him, he ought to he arrested and examin
ed, and wo trust will be; and front his close con
nection with the Northern Abolitionists and their
plans, thare can scarcely be a doubt that those in
famous and bloodthirsty fanatics were privy to
Murol’s hellish plot!
Let the Southern people reflect deeply on this
matter, and they cannot but perceive the absolute
necessity of redoubled vigilance, and immediate
action. Their only safety, is in reliance on
themselves, alone. They are fully competent to
thoir own entire proinction, if they will only act
unitedly, and adopt the necessary means; while,
to rely on others, from without, besot as they are ,
all .-.round by the strongest prejudices, would be to |
bare their bosoms to the enemy, and ensure des- ,
(ruction.
THE NORTH AND SOUTH.
It affords us pleasure to lay aside other matter,
of our own, to make room for the following high
ly interesting letter, which we recommend to our
readers, as worthy of their most serious attention
—replete, as it is, with valuable information, and
emanating from one who is no less distinguished,
for his intelligence, and stern integrity of charac
ter, than for the active spirit of investigation
that characterised his whole life. Wo regret
much that his former letter from Boston, has not
been received:
New York, 12th Sept., 1335.
Dear Sir: —My last was from Boston, and re
lative to the Great Meeting there. The feeling
manifested at it completely deceived me, as I
have no doubt it did all the Southern men present
—and there was a great number, particularly
from Charleston. 1 will add, too, that I strongly
suspect it was intended so to deceive us and the
whole South!
These Northern and Eastern gentlemen are
(very sinewed and artful. Their interest is their
grand passion—whatever endangers it, alarms
(hem —and they provide at once for the emergen
cy, according to its importance. All acknowledge
that this slavery question is an all-important one,
upon which rests the whole fabric of the Govern
ment, and the existence of the Union. I men
tioned to you how extremely sensitive they arc
on this latter point, and every thing relating to
it. It was manifest in every thought and idea of
the meeting, and every voice that sustained the
Resolutions.
I told you, in a previous letter, too, that the
South had nothing to. expect, on that subject,
from the people of any of the non-slave-holding
States. Need I prove that assertion, to anv body )
Is it not abundantly proved by all the Resolutions 1
and Reservations, at Boslon“Ncw York and oth
er places 1 (I have not seen lluxsc of Philadel- 1
pltia.) “ Words, words, words, ’’ are all we arc to 1
have, and they will not at all restrain Tappan and 1
his aasociales. Wc arc told the Abolitionists I
are few in numbers. It is not so. They consti- 1
tulc a very large majority, of all the people. Let 1
me be understood, and I shall be believed, by all *
who are not deaf and Mind. There arc different
kinds of Abolitionists—divided into, first. Abo. *
litionists and Colonizationists —and then, into j
immediate and ultimate Abolitionists. The for- (
mer may be. and probably arc, in a minority, se- ]
parately considered; but not a contemptible - mi- t
nority, either. Recollect, they have upwards of (
300 societies, and are very active, and energetic ;
and their abstractions are thundered forth to the i
people at the rate of 300.000 papers pet month. ;
Such are not harmless weapons. TnEr'inr all- ,
svrrtctXNT to do destruction rrox the s
taocTii, if not immediately counteracted. A sin- s
glc incendiary may lire a city, but many thou- g
sands may not be able to check its progress, when S
fanned by the winds, and fairly under way. But. li
if immediate Abolitionists are few, the other class c
‘ large. Those who expect, who declare, wh 0 g
will sooner or later demand, Abolition, if permit
ted to do so by ths South, are numerous, and
powerful, and influential. They all express as
much by their saving clauses, in their Resolutions.
But they manifest it most by a refusal to legis
late for the control of the In,mediates within a
sanatary respect for the rights of the South—
though in words, they acknowledge those very
rights.
They admit that the subject belongs exclusive
ly to the South—and, at Boston, (but not at New
York,) that the Law of Nations—those that arc
not conncctrd by the bonds of a common Union—
would restrain the citizens of one Stale, from simi
lar conduct toward the institutions of the other ;
yet they refuse to pass laws to keep their own
citizens from an interference with the institutions
of States for which they profess a brotherly feeling
and affection. Actions speak louder than words.
Let the South rely upon actions only. Words
have deceived them too often already.
The Legislature of Massachnsetts met in Bos
ton while I was there. The Lieut. Governor, in
his message, refrrred to the subject, but mark his
non-commilal policy. What did he propose) or
rather, what did he mean by his words 1 They
are from the same fount whence the Little Magi
cian is said to obtain most of his. But the sub
ject was now before the Legislature—6o4 mem
bers in the House, alone, beside the Senate—
and how did they dispose of it) By a deceptive
and treacherous side-wipe! Lest some one might
be found in that numerous assembly, to introduce
some suggestion for the protection of the South,
against the incendiaries, the first measure was to
discharge all business whatever, on every
excepting only “ the revised statutes,’’ and “ the
new BntnoE”! Now decency would have con
fined them to the former, only, as all-important;
and wc might have supposed, as it was an ad
journed session, that they preferred to devote their
wholetime, to their own laws. But, the interests
of a few ol their own individuals, in a Bridge,
could gain the consideration of this august assem
bly—while the rights, the interests, and the very
lives, even of the wives and children of the
South, could not gain a hearing ! If, however>
they are now revising the laws, what time or sea
son more appropriate, for the provision necessary,
according to their own admissions, to maintain,
among their own citizens, a decent and civil re
gard for the rights of the South I If we arc to
expect such legislation from any Stale, all will
admit ,that Massachusetts would first be looked
to, from her intelligence, and comparatively sound
principles. But old Faneuil Hall has been heard
in vain!
tWhen these questions have been answer
ed satisfactorily, there may be a door opened for
the South, to hope for action on the subject—but
not till then. Talk of freedom of the Press’!!—
who at the South would trammel it) Nobody; no,
not one ! But there is a difference between liber
ty of the Press, and licentiousness of publication.
They need not attempt to confound them; wc
know the distinction as well as they—and they,
as well as wc. May I libel female reputation, or
any other subject, with impunity, in this or liny
civilized land) And may not the same restraints
that would protect that reputation, be extended to
what is second only to it—the lives of innocent
females—infant and unborn babes ) Need our
intelligent and shrewd brethren of the North and
East any instructions, as to how and in what man
ner such legislation may be extended, without
prejudice to the liberty of the Press, or the free
use of the mails) When before, did they ask for
any such aid, on any occasion)
The free use of the mail !—They know full
well, that no law ot Congress can be made to
protect the South, consistently with its free use
they know that they alone have the power to con
trol their own citizens in whaj they do—and hence
the greater their obligation to do so.
What Postmaster could read every newspaper
and pamphlet passing his office, and determine
whether or not it was incendiary in its character)
—and who would confide such power and discre
tion—even wore it possible— to any Postmaster on
earth ) Phc missiles might be scaled, and would
bo, doubtless; and is the Postmaster then to be
entrusted with ths opening of all sealed letters)
Mr. Kendall might have saved himself all his
manifestoes on the subject—except the single
one in which he hints at rather than admits, the
undoubted right of each State to protect herself
in all eases, within the power of Legislation—
from the mails, as from all other quarters. The
power to establish Post Offices and Post Roads
was not unlimited—did not extend to the estab
lishing of channels of destruction through the
utmost limits of the States—any more than that
of raising Revenue, to pay the debts, and provide
for the general welfare, extended to the power of
protecting Manufactories at the expense, of Agri
culture. Mr. Kendall knew the former, and he
knows the latter. He has virtually admitted the
one, and cannot avoid the other. He is disposed
to blow hot, now —though, for all wo know, ho
was ready to make war on Carolina, for asserting
the latter doctrine—and General Jackson is said
to coincide with him on the subject. Truly, he
(the General) is a bundle of inconsistencies.
I think I have proven, that the South must
look to its own protection, exclusively. Aided by
the North and East, in punishing those who, at
one end, write, print and mail those missiles, and
legislating rigidly at the other, against those who
disseminated them at home, she might be perfect
ly safe, and leave Mr, Kendall and his mails free
as the air. Unaided, however, at the most vulne
rable point, she must bo the more particular, at
the other. In fine, she must be scrupulously
rigid—and sanguinary in her punishments—more
especially on Northern and Eastern subjects,
when criminal. The whole South should act
together, in one uniform, consistent, firm, and
energetic course—and, whenever in their power,
they should retaliate, till they brought about a
proper Legislation on the subject at the North
and East. Arc they invulnerable )—no, indeed !
they live in glass houses—and, with half the
energy and evil spirit now pursued toward the
South, every rich man’s dwelling in a populous
city could be leveled to the earth, within five
years time. From such a warfare—a warfare
between the poor and the rich, forever deliver
them, I say, even in the utmost cruelty of my
heart; for, with all their manifest deeds of injury
to the South, I could not wish them even one
day’s endurance of its horrors.
I omitted to mention to you, the great difference
in the language of the people here, when speak
ing of the South, to what it was formerly. It
used to be the custom to take Virginta as the
standard—a custom as old as the Revolution it
scll—but that is fast yielding to the more intelli
gent, and more important bearing of another
State, of only one third her importance in popu
lation, but now worth ten times as much, when
considered in point of patriotic principle, and
gallant devotion to her rights' I need not sav
I mean Giroux* ! Truly, her fame is enviable. |
Her friends—she had none in the hour of trial— |
but yet, her enemies respect her. What evi- ,
dence, more, is necessary, to prove her claim to ,
pre-eminence ) Now, Carolina feeling and opin
ion is consulted before that of Virginia. If Car- j
olina can be satisfied, all will be well. If gen- (
tlemen from Carolina can be induced to believe,
our success is certain. Sometimes Virginia is j
mentioned, more as a “ lapsus linages” however, .
than from respect.—So much for principle and
• •
patriotism, on one hand, and servile subserviency
and base morworsliip, on the other! But Geor
gia ! Oh shame ! ! When spoken of, how lost
and fallen—how sunk in utter disgrace! The
most servile of all, at the footstool of power!—
So much for Lumpkin, Wayne, and Forsyth,
being sold to the Little Dutchman. Will it al
ways be so ) Is there no redemption for Georgia)
May not the honors and triumphs of Troup and
Gilmer rise again, superior to the present truck
ling subserviency to the powers that be ) I hope,
while I fear. But the day may be at hand. God
send us a speedy deliverance.
If I misled you to believe that any action would
be taken by the constituted authorities of the North,
on the slavery subject, I beg you to believe that I
was deceived, and not to confide in any such ex
pectation.—l have much more to say on the subject
of the North and South, Rail Roads, &c. &c. but
have not space. Enough however for the pre
sent, on the subject of Rail Roads, to say that I
am a convert to their great utilty, and believe that
the Athens Road wi!l demonstrate their immense
advantage to Augusta—which will ensure their
extension it) other directions, and finally make it
one of the most important places south of the Po
tomac. I have seen the Lowell Rail Road, be
tween Boston and Lowell, which did not cost
less than Fifty thousand dollars per mile—the
Boston and Providence Road, which cost thirty
thousand a mile—the Boston and Worcester
Road, which cost nearly as much—all running
' over the most barren lands in the world, between
places without half the resources for their support,
that there are between Augusta and Warrenton
! —and yet, notwithstanding the immense cost of
these constructions, they are all doing well, and
their stock is at or above par. There is, in fact,
’ no really natural support whatever, for the
Road between Boston and Worcester—or scarce
ly any—yet there is plenty of profitable business.
' created by the existence of this facility of com
' munication. Nor are their resources, as regards
' population and industry, superior to ours in Gcor
' gia. Their soil cannot and docs not sustain a
* population more dense than ours is—nor arc they
more industrious. It’s all a mistake. It is not
the fact. I have no hesitation in believing that
there is as much or more industry at the South—
-1 and I know there is a vast deal less of idleness-
I do not deny that there is great industry at the
> North, but it is not so universal, as we have been
taught to believe it—nor is there more economy
* —but there is more extravagance and much
more comfort. They are an older, and more artful
’ and cunning people—a people more indebted to
r their wits, and Southern agriculture, than to their
own soil, or their own industry. And should the
* day ever arrive, when wc shall be separate nations,
’ or exist independently and exclusively, each, up
-1 on its own resources, the verity of what I now
r assert will bo proven. They are Well aware of
1 the fact—they evince it, in every turn and thought,
■ on the subject of a dissolution of the Union—
-1 and they will yield every thing to maintain the
e Union with the South—and the South has only
r to demand, with unanimity and firmness, to ob
tain all she is entitled to; and more too, if she
1 was wanton enough to require it. But, while
> divided in (heir counsels and their measures, and
■ led by demagogues, and dishonest politicians, who
seek their own, in preference to the interests of
the people, the Southern people will continue to
be ns hewers of wood and drawers of water to
their more artful and cunning confederates, who
can well afford to bribe our politicians, while they
are privileged to pillage the income of the people.
The only wonder is that our people will not see
I their own interests, and that their representatives
can be bought so cheaply. When a planter can
be made to know, that a bale of cotton is worth
all that it Will produce in value of other commo
dities—and that a tax or toll, whether paid at a
Custom House, or to a toll-keeper, at the going
out or coming back thereof, on the Cotton, or the
commodities for which it is exchanged—makes
that bale of Cotton just the amount of that tax
or toll less valuable to him—and, if the tax be 40
per cent, that the bale of Cotton is depreciated
just 40 per cent by the levy of the tax—then he
' will comprehend what system of Legislation has
been practised upon his interests—and when we
f know that this 40 per cent, on many articles, (all
that were manufactured and consumed in this
country,) went into the pockets of those who are
' so prosperous and industrious at the North and
' East, and not into the United States Treasury,
we may readily account for the smiling villages,
, the splendid mansions, and the extravagance, to
I say nothing of the almost universal comfort, of
, these people, which is now proposed as an evi
dence, however, of the advantage of the System
, — to us.” Yours, &c.
EOlt THE AUGUSTA CItnoNICLE.
In the Courier, “Justice” says, we live in an
' age when malice and envy preponderate. I em
’ phatically respond, wc live in an age of “ family”
Bomhasles Furiosos ! Scarce a little month has
passed, since the literary world was convulsed by
a production from a modern Blase, himself a
man who never speaks but wisdom proceeds from
the great repository of his intellect. Scarce have
we commenced recovering from tills shock—
sh ock did I say—
“ Insasiate Archer, could not one suffice ;
His dart flew thrice, and thrice our peace was
slain”—
when wc arc assailed by another “ family” “e
--limination;” and, thus threatened with annihi
lation, like drowning men we catch at straws,
and now make our last kick. Shly as it is, it is
not so sly hut that wo may get a peep at the true
Schley. Some little difference of opinion existed
(for it is but little thought of any way) among a
few, as to what member of the family is account
able for its authorship; and, crooked as it is, we
concluded it could not be a Hook. Some then
thought it a concoction of the whole family; but I
I dissent from this opinion, for had all had a 1
hand it, it would have been too sly to have been 1
detected at all; as it is, however, the author is f
just as well known, as if he had signed his name, c
which would nevertheless have been Schley. 1
“ But, if 1 am not mistaken, the older heads of 1
his family will not be thankful for this elimination
from one of their younger members,” simply be
cause be did not so manage it as not to betray its
author; for they, however devoid of sensibility, I
must know that an «enlightened people” win r
think them strange men, when they find no de
fenders out of their own family. But, admitting
this to be a had step, they have plenty of sly
turns which they may yet resort to.
Well, Mr. Schley, Shly, Sly, you commenced
by saying Mr. Lemle 1 My dear fellow, if you
arc not careful, you will become so cutting keen
as to cut yourself in two. You know as well as
I do, that the gentleman alluded to is known as
Dr. Lemle. But then, if you had given him his
proper title he would not have felt so mean, and
your torturing satire would have lost some of its
effect. But, squire, we think Mr. just as good
as Dr. or even as Honorable , which you are pleased
to style your immortal kinsman. However, some
men attach great importance to titles, especially »
when they confer honor upon them, Others are'
not satisfied unless they confer honor upon the'
title. You next say something about long heads.-
That was a home thrust. When I saw it f fyt
for the Dr. But, squire, what do you think T
Why he went along just as if he did not mind it
at all. The next subject of your biting satire is
Col. Gamble. With him you appear quite famil
iar—calling him Col. Well, not to lose your
style, for lam anxious to imitate you as nearly
as possible, you appear yery wrathy with the
Col., for saying that if his position had changed,
it was without his knowing it. That I admit is
a very difficult matter, but nothing to compare
with the undertaking you have on hand, which
is to prove your immortal kinsman had cWhged,
without his having done so, which he denies him
self, and all his actions prove it. Now, will you
please to enlighten me as to what your family
consider Federalism, for we know you are exclu
sives 1 ’Squire, there is one of your attributes I
beg in mercy you will not exercise in future. If
any man doubts your having the light to make
words, turn him over to me, and I will swallow
him whole, provided that word, of yours, Gola
gonshaw, has not stuck in his throat; for then,
’squire, between you and I, it would be rather a
difficult undertaking, even for one of the initia
ted. Dont frown, for at this distance a frown of
yours would be killing. My dear sir, if you say
have the right to make words of any kind you
please, I shall not be silly enough to doubt it, but
I only hope you will,:in the exercise of this Can
ning and Webster privilege, give us something
comprehensible and pronouncable. Take pity,
high and noble Festus 1
The next thing you object to, is the show of
friendship manifested by the authors of the certi
ficates. I think you are wrong for objecting to
this, for as your noble relative was ever proud of
his politics, a friendly feeling may have actuated
them; but you deprecate such friendship, and
are pleased to think it envy'. ’Squire, I have no
doubt it is envy; for I tell you what is said about
here; they say one of your family is at this time
a Judge of the Superior Court, with a salary of
$2,100 ; another is Post Master, with a salary of
nearly 2,000; another was in Congress, but re
signed to be Governor, when his salary will be
$3,000 ; another holds a military appointment
under the State, with a salary of $250; beside
other little nick nacks to serve as baits; and there
is provision making for more of you. In fact,
they say your family are wards of Georgia ; and,
under divine Providence, ’squire, you will soon bo'
numerous enough to supply all the offices in the
State, and plain, open-dealing Georgia, will be
come a Schley Stale. This is a happy thought,
and matter for proud congratulation. Why
shoulder a musket, in defence of her rights and
sovereignty, when a sly turn will answer in o
voiding all difficulties. Under your family’s ad-,
ministration, she will become first rate at hide
and seek, and there will be no catching her.
You put some home questions to the king of
Jefferson. I would like to see how he is to get
round them. If he was any way sly, there
would be no difficulty; but as it is, I think he in
done for. Your review, upon the whole, is a
splendid thing; so original and dignified; and
when you touch on the classics your allusions
are so happy. My friend, you have not left
a “grease-spot” where you knocked Har
man. You ,are to o severe; you should be a little
kind. You also say something about Dred
Moore. I hope he is no dread to you. His
name is not mentioned in all the certificates,
which plainly shows you must have had access to
the letter written by Harman, to your aforesaid
immortal kinsman, in which his name occurs.
This, among others, is the reason for my char
ging the authorship to some of the family ; but I
will mention one more, the cream of this whole
matter. You cxultingly mention, that two of
your family supported an individual wounded in
discharging a cannon, while celebrating the re
treat of the British from Baltimore. Indeed, sir,
this act of magnanimity has been too long hid
under a bushel; but, as it has remained hid so
long, why press it before the public at this time,
unless to hide a multitude of sins 1 Are there so
few similar acts of generosity in your family, that
this should be treasured up and and trumpeted to
the world 1 You should keep family secrets bet
ter, for I assure it was one; s and dont you know
that to tell of a favor, requites the obligation. But,
like your great prototype, you no doubt had a
family consultation, in which conclave of judges;
and senators, potential and grave, it was deter
mined this invaluable gem should no longer re
main one of the hidden jewels of their crown,
but,on eagle wings, go forth to the world, proclaim
ing this unheard of generosity.
One effusion from the pen of the “ family”
did not satisfy them. These frequent shocks will
certainly prove our death, “ Justice” had hardly
escaped our minds, when “ A Citizen” makes its
appearance. These shly bullets fly as thick as
hail-stones, and are as harmless as dew-drops. It
may be that I am measuring my lance with a boy
on this occasiou. If so, lam sorry for it; but it
is proper that the public should know who the
defenders of this candidate for Governor, are.
“ A Citizen” is clearly the production of another
one of the family, and one nearer to the honora
ble gentleman than “ Justice.” He commences
with the slang about envy. Why, sir, yon must
have a very exalted opinion of your family, truly,
to suppose them to be the objects of envy. We do
envy then all the offices in the State.—The style of
“ A Citizen” is vulgar and undignified, and could
have had but one object for its appearance —the
gratification of malice, and wounded pride. Sor
ry I am, that the Editor of the Constitution
alist will lend the aid of his press to the promul
gation of such contemptible stuff; that the Editor
of the Courier should do so is nothing astonish-
Ing, for his press is already as low in the estima
tion of honorable men as possible.
E PLURIBUS UN CM.
*
Gen. Samuel Smith has been elected Mayor of
Baltimore, by a majority of 3,579 votes over his
opponent Mr. Davis.