Newspaper Page Text
ABOLITION. j f
Letter from Gcrritt Smith of New York '
to Wm. NayloY of Virginia. J
At last, we have the truih, the whole !
truth, and nothing but the truth. Gerritt 1
Smith is a man whom even slave-holders '
must respect, for the intern ity of his life ’
and the benevolence of his character — ’
widely and fatally mistaken in its object I
in this instance, but none the less upright I
and sincere in its character. For a long 1
. time, if we are not mistaken, he was a <
zealous Colonizationist, and opposed to 1
the Abolitionists, but yielded ultimately 1
.to the views of the latter, lie has fa- •
• thomed the policy of Marcy’s message.
He proves it to be but a part of the sys- 1
tern for humbugging the South—for poli - 1
Heal and president in I schemes, misleading
the Southern people as to the extent ol
the danger which menaces from the
•■"North’—and making professions never to 1
be attempted to be realised; which, even
if the professors desired, never can be
Realised. It also devclopes the real truth
. as to the inarch of Abolition—that it has
abated, that it has yielded, not a jot of
• its designs, and that it has an actual ac
cession of numbers, in New York alone,
of 500 a week 1
None who read his letter will doubt its
statement: And we call upon the Peo
ple to read it most attentively, as the
most authentic document which is before
."them : And when they have read it, to
■ reflect upon the conduct of those in the
Legislature and in Congress, who have
treated this momentous question in suh
• ordination to Van Hurenism! Let us
be denounced as agitators and welcome.
; Virginia shall see, if we can show it to
her, the true nature and extent of the
appalling crisis which cannot long be de
ferred. “ Forewarned, forearmed.”
Richmond Whig,
From the Albany Evening Journal.
LETTER FROM GERHIT SMITH
TO WM.NAYLOR.
Peteuboro, Jan. 11,1835.
H'm. Naylor, Esq. Hampshire, county, Va,
Dear Sir —Your residence at (he
South, your excellent character, and our
past correspondence on the subject of
Slavery, arc my reasons for addressing
this letter to you.
You will probably see, about this time,
11 c late annual message of the Governor
ol this Slate to the Legislature. 1 can
not expect, after having so completely
indentified myself with the “ Northern
fanatics,” to have much influence with
my Southern friends. Sutler me,however,
to warn them of some of (he misappre
hensions into which the Governor’s dis
cussion ol the final topic of his message
is calculated to draw the South. Had
this discussion proceeded from an ob
scure .source, (he grossness of its errors
would make them harmless. As it is,
the authority of his character and office
will go far to give (hem currency.
®n a subject so momentous to our
Southern brethren, as of the present
movements in relation to slavery, great
pains should be taken to have them lay
their account with the truth; and to
spare them from the unhappy consequen
ces of reckoning from false premises.
But Governor Marcy’s erturls, though
he may be unconscious that this is their
character, arc to shut out the truth from
these brethren and to deceive them. He
may, in this way, promote his political
views ; —but it will be at a great and cm
el expense to (hose who are misled by
him. Notwithstanding he esteems the
“ abolitionists” important enough to ex
tend his account o( them to more than a
fourth part of his message, he neverthe
less wishes the South to believe, that they
arc contemptible, both in number and
character:—and, (hat few as they are,
they are rapidly becoming fewer. Now,
the truth on this point is this, that the
“ abolitionists” are, for the most part, se
rious, substantial and wholesome citizens
—that there is probably nut one intem
perate, nor one profane person in all their
ranks—that their number, so far from be
ing small, is to be counted by thousands
ami tens of thousands in this Slate, and
so also in Ohio and New England; and
that, so far from undergoing a diniinu
lion, it is gaining, I doubt not, at the
present time, in this State alone, a week
ly accession, by actual connection with
the Anti Slavery Society, of not les
than five hundred. Excepting the case
of the unhappy gentleman from Maine,
who it is sani, was frightened out of his
abolition, whilst travelling in Virginia, I
have heard of none where a person has
desired to have his name stricken from
(he roll of the members of the Anti Sla
very Society. The South should know,
what is perfectly well known at the North,
that the men, who compose the Anti-Sla
very Society, are of the stamp of those,
who “ list during the war” and “ never
let go their hold —and that they are
men neither to be coaxed nor menaced
from the prosecution of their purposes.
The only warrantable hope of the South
in regard to these men is. that (hoy will
act prudently and kindly on the subject
of slavery: but, that they will cease to
act on it, or that the power and elficiencv
with which they act, will not be rapidly
increasing, is an utter improbability.
Most deeply do I regret, that some of
their proceedings have savored ofunkind
ness and imprudence."—though, it is am
’thing but strange, that their tempers
should hare given way occasionally be
fore the strong provocations addressed to
them. But, do you not rejoice with me
in the greatly improved spirit of aboli
tion ; and do you not see reason to be
lieve, that tins spirit will be entirely
blameless ?
It may, indeed, bo, that Governor Mar
cv’s ignorance on this subject is so great,
that he actually judges of the number and
character of the “abolitionists” as con
temptuously, as he speaks of them. I
would rather suspect him of even this
gross ignorance, than to charge intention
al decept.on on him. Be this, however
as it may, his aim, in thus speaking of
their number and character, is perfectly
obvious. It is to make the South be
believe, that the gag laws they call for,
are, at the present unnecessary, though
he impliedly admits for your consolation,
that, it may be, at the present only tliai
they are unnecessary.
The Governor knows full well, that,
though the enactment of such laws by our
Legislature might tend to conciliate some
portions of the South to his candidate
fer the Presidency, that gain from the
measureabroad would not equal the pro
bable loss from it at home. He is not
willing to hazard the vote of the empire
II —acT i
State for any advantage which might be cl
likely to accrue from the measure at the f
South. He has not yet forgotten the i
signal defeat of his party in 1824, for c
their tyrannical contempt of the popular c
will; and, though he knows how well j
the voters of New York bear, to be moun- i
ted by demagogues, with whip and spur, i
he knows equally well, that there are 1
provocations under which even these pa- i
fient drudges will be very apt to throw <
(heir riders. Moreover, (he Governor 1
may have the wisdom to argue, that should i
the North, to promote the success of her <
•Presidential candidate, be guilty of obey- i
ing the South, and violating the great i
and sacred right of free discussion, her
only recompense fortius unprincipled ser- i
vilify would be deeper contempt of those
who (Mealed it.' The South is not en
tirely unaccustomed to make extravagant
demands on the waxen principles and
morality of the North, and to honor us
with the appellation of “ dough faces,”
when wc have responded to those de
mands.
Let not the South flatter himself—let
her not be flattered by Governor Marcy,
or any other skilful politician, to believe
that the North will ever enact laws to
stop her citizens from talking and writing
about American Slavery, or any thing
else, which they may please to talk and
write about. Or if there should be mad
ness enough in any of our Northern Le
gislatures to carry through such laws, let
her not. flatter horsclf, that they can be or
ever will be, attempted to “be enforced.
Above all, on this point, let the South
know, that should any political party be
base and infatuated enough to pass such
laws, and press them to effect, the Peo
ple of the North would be sure to hold
American Slavery responsible for this
outrage on their rights ; and our efforts
in that event, to put down this great rob
ber of the white, as well as black man,
might not then, as now, he confined with
in the limits of talking and writing ! Our
present scruples to bear upon slavery
even with that political action, which is
i Constitutional, would then cease to be
■ fell; and so great might be our exaspera
tion, as not to respect even the barriers
of lhd*Cons(itutinn, Our patience with
the South is a!ready sufficiently tried by
the violence which she has been so for
ward and influential to excite against the
‘abolitionists;” and by her approbation
of that violence, when prepetrated. Let
the passage and enforcement of gag laws
at her call be added, and that patience
(though I trust not) might be quite ex
hausted :—and (lieu it would no longer
be the haired of a “few fanatics” but the
hatred of the whole North, that the South
would have to contend with:—and (hat
hatred would be no longer what it now is
, —the hatred of slavery simply—but it
would be the hatred of (he Sooth, by the
North—of yon, who were the first to pro
pose oor yoke, by us, whom it galls.
One thing more, —let not (he Sooth
flatter herself, that she will he able, af
ter this presidential canvass, to stir op
mobs at the North, and to employ as
many Northern lips and pens, as she is
now lining in praise of slavery and in
denunciation id’ abolition. When the
election is past, the loud professions of
friendship for you, with which our trad
ing politicians salute your cars, will die
away, and oor Governors and Legisla
tors and Editors will, in rapid succession,
be drawn into (he widening stream of
abolition. Rely on it, that, even amongst
those at the North, whose moral princi
ples hang most loosely about (hem, and
who are emphatically men of expedien
cy, perpetual slavery has no friends; — i
and such is (lie slavery for which the
Sooth, by her own abundant showing, is
determined to contend.
I say nothing in this letter about Go
vernor Marcy’s total misrepresentation of
the objects of the Anti-Shivery Society,
and of our perfect innocence of all of the
unconstitutional, wicked, and even mur
derous aims he imputes to os. On ano
ther occasimi 1 may speak of these things.
With great regard.
Your friend,
GERHIT SMITH.
—•Mi li
[/Vom the Standard Union.]
liendezi'titis at Macon. —At 4 o’clock
i P. M. on Friday last, llis Excellency the
, Governor, attended by two of his Aids,
■ Col. \N igg’ms and Col. Robinson, review
, ed (he troops assembled at Macon, com
< prising the following companies of Volun-
I leer Infantry—The Macon Volunteers
s commanded by Capt. Seymour—the
i Hancock Blues, commanded bv Capt.
Brown—the Putnam Fenciblcs, com
, manded by Capt. Merriwether—the Mur
, gun Guards, commanded by Capt. Foster
- —and the Monroe Musketeers, comman
. ded by Capt. Cordon,
r At the close of the review, the Gover
i> nor delivered the following eloquent and
1 patriotic address, which was received
. with universal applause :
i fellow Citizens, Soldiers, Volunteers;
1 This is a proud day for Georgia—a day
t that will long be remembered bv her
a people—And I, standing in the relation
r Ido to them, mid to you, esteem it one
v ol the most fortunate days of mv life.
Mhoam I now addressing? The gal-
I hint sons ol heroic sires, who nobly dared
t> nut on the armour of their country,
r anil stand forth in its defence, in “ the
s tint s that tried men's smth" —Sans who
. will establish their lineage by a be ter
i title than books of heraldry or traditional
e 1 ti*.
Y'es, my countrymen, your own strong
arms nod stout hearts, will prove that you
; are “of brethren and kin,” with those
who pledged “ their lives, (heir fortunes
. and their sacred honor,” to achieve the
, liberty we now enjoy.
I At the call of your county, and moved
by the applications of your suffering fel
low citizens, you have for a time, and
God grant it may be short, severed the
tenderest ties, and sacrificed the dearest
, interests.
i You have exchanged (he peaceful fami
ly hearth and the social endearments of
life, fur the privations and hardships of
, die camp, the dangers and sufferings of
i 'ho embattled field. You have not waited
, to bo forced by the strong arm of the law,
i to aid in avenging your country’s wrongs
-—No, you have Volunteered your ser
> VICOS > and have set an example to your
r countrymen, worthy of emulation, and
> worthy of all praise'.
. Yoii will very soon leave this flourish
ing city, which bears the name of one of
the purest Statesmen on earth, and em
bark for the scat of war, where vour safe
ty will much depend on your own con
duct. Subordination & discipline are the **
first and most important duties of a sol- ''
diet-—Without these, you never can act tl
efficiently as an army; and if you should a
encounter an enemy, you will discover, tl
perhaps too late, that numbers alone do
not constitute strength. A thousand b
men, without subordination to a common '•
head, make only a Mob, which maybe 1
easily dispersed by a well organized and •>
disciplined force of otje-fourth their iium- P
her. To act efficiently, you must act •’
unitedly. And this you can do, only by *
obeying your commander. Your safe- s
ty, individually, and as a corps, depends
mainly on the strict observance of these 1
first and ail essential requisites of a sol-
dier.
Your officers arc men chosen by your- '
selves, in whose valor, patriotism and r
honor, you have the highest confidence. '
As citizens, you are all equal; but as I
soldiers, you are bound to obey, most im- *
plicitly, those whose rank gives them au- '
thority to command. •
Let me exhort you then, by all (he tics
which bind you to your families, your
friends, and your country; by the respect
you feel for your own characters, as men
and as gentlemen; by all the pride of a ;
soldier and a patriot, to conform to the
laws of your country, obey your officers,
and in all things observe the rules and
articles of war.
You have volunteered to aid your suf
fering fellow citizens of an adjoining ter
ritory, which, together with your own be
loved Georgia, forms a pgrt of the grea
test and freest nation of the earth.—The
cries of defenceless women and helpless
infants, have culled you to protect them
from the tomahawk and scalping knife.
Yon have heard the call, and are now on
your way to their relief.
Go, patriot soldiers, go—Fly to the
rescue. The prayers of thousands and
tens of thousands of (he vidimus and the
good will ascend to Heaven for your pro
tection—Ami when you shall have re.
deemed (he pledge you now make, you
will return to (he bosoms of your families,
and the society of your friends, with the
laurel wreath on your brows, to receive
(he gratitude of a virtuous and enlighten
ed people.
Go, Georgians, go, and prove to the
world that no matter that may be your
party political dissensions at home, in
times of peace, when your Common
Country is in danger, all men of every
party will fly to the Standard, and rally
around the broad banner of the Repub
lic. And that they will never permit a
star to be effaced, or a stripe to be torn
away from that sacred spangled banner,
under which Washington and Lafayette,
and Greene and Pulaski, and Jackson
1 and Scott, and Perry and McDonough,
and Decatur, and Pike and Lawrence—
“ Aye, and your own Georgian, too, the
gallant Appling, fought, and bled, and
won for themselves and their Country
imperishable renown.
And now permit me, in the language
of an eloquent orator of your own Coun
try, to say, “Ifever the American Ea
gle shall be stretched bleeding and life
less in the dust, it will be, by a shaft
leathered from Ids own bright pinions ;
and bitter will be the curses of men, in
all ages to come, against the traitorous
heart and paracidal hand of him, who
shall loose that fatal arrow from the ,
string.”
My life on it, he will not be a Geor- ;
gian.” “
At ten o’clock, a. m. on Sunday morn
ing, (he five companies embarked on ,|
board four boats, provided for their ac- „
commodation, and departed amidst the |;
roar of cannon, the shouts of citizens ,and
I lie tears and benedictions of every spec
tator.
A few moments before their departure,
they were addressed by Gen. Robt. A.
Beall, from the wharf, on the part of the
citizens, in an eloquent and patriotic
speech, which was replied to,in a feeling r
and impressive manner, from the boats, bv <
Maj. Cooper, in behalf of the soldiers. ' I
Success to the gallant band. t
—■ -’t S ® 9*.... ■■ I
From Ihe Columbus Sentinel, slh inst. i
THE CREEK DISTURBANCES. ‘
The threatened war with the Creeks i
is over. On Saturday last Gen. Me- t
Dmigald received an invitation from the !
Principal Chiefs of the Nation, inviting j
him to a conference at Fort Mitchell, fir i
the purpose ol restoring peace between
. the whites and the Creeks. On Mon- (
■ day following, Gen. McDougald, in com- i
. pan v with Gen. Bailey commanding the i
Ninth Division, Georgia Militia, (who
happened to be at Columbus at the time,')
together with several other officers and
citizens, repaired to Fort Mitchell, in
accordance with the invitation of the
Chiefs, and after conference, the Chiefs
agreed to and signed the following stipu
lations:
We the undersigned Chiefs of (he
Creek Nation of Indians do hereby
pledge ourselves to restrain our young
men in future from passing over into the
territory of Georgia at any place prohi
-1 bited by Law ; that we will restrain them
from committing depredations on the
persons and property of the people of
that State, and it in future any such de
, predations shall he committed, we will
> aid with our tribes in arresting the ofl’en
i ders and delivering them to the civil an
• thority of Georgia; and wc further
pledge ourselves to cause all property
stolen by the Indians to be brought to
Fort Mitchell, and delivf red them to the
comm Hiding officer, i\ here the owner can
identify and get the same ; and that we
; will cause to be dispersed all such In
dians as arc now or may hereafter be as
sembled on the frontier of Georgia.
Signed by
Nehah X Miuco,
Efah X Emarthla,
Tucka X batcha fixico,
Yah ho lo X Harjo,
Nocose X Yoholah,
Nul kupke X Tustenuggec,
Yah hah X Harjo,
In presence of
B. MARSHALL.
Signed at Fort Mitchell, Feb. 1. 1336.
AVc have every confidence in the good
faith of the Chiefs who have signed the
foregoing instrument, and believe that i
they will use their host efforts to carrv
the stipulations of it into effect. The i
Creek nation as a body, are disposed to |
peace. But there is a party of lawless i
desperadoes among them who lead a c
vagabond life, and who live by rapine
and plunder. They comprise a consid- (
erable portion of the Nation, wander c
• ave.usTa. panorjrci.E.,
About in small bodies, hovering about the I
white settlements, and depend upon what t
they cau steal for a subsistence. They i
are considered as a kind of outlaws in s
their own territory, and the friendly In- |
dians,admit that it is impossible wholly (
to restrain them from committing depre
dations upon the whites. It will be ex
tremely difficult for the Chiefs, with their
best dispositions and endeavors for the
purpose, to keep them within the bounds
ol Ine Indian territory, and prevent them
from making incursions to the Georgia
side, for the purpose of plunder. We
have no doubt that the late invasion of
this county was made by a congregated
body of these Cree-boolers. And we
think an armed force should be constant
ly kept in readiness along our frontier to
repel them; From the prompt measures
which (he. Governor has already taken to
put the frontierin a state of defence and
security,-we have every confidence that
he will not relaxJiis ellbrts until he has
fully accomplished his patriotic purpose.
From the Same.
TO THE PUBLIC.
In the Recorder of the 26th ult. I see
in the editorial an article in relation to
the late Creek Indian depredations,
which self-respect demands of me to
notice, believkig that I am the individual
alluded to. it-is-this—“ln addition we
learn, in violation of the late law of the
Legislature, sQoli Win. Hardin invited
the Indians, among whom was a chief,
over the river, to help him to pick out his
Cotton, against which his neighbors seri
ously remonstrated without effect. Up
on which they collected together to drive
them off, when a rencontre ensued, in
which it is said the chief and another In
dian were killed.”
Nothing could be more destitute of
truth. That I ever invited an Indian
over (he river to help me to pick out Cot
ton, is wholly false; and I hesitate not
in saying, that I can obtain the certifi
cate of every citizen within five miles of
my farm to sustain me in (he statement.
I do not reside within two hundred miles
of the farm, but I know it has been the
practice for both residents and overseers
residing on either side of the river to em
ploy Indians to pick out cotton; and
that (Ids has been done on my planta(ion
is admitted. Hut (hat it ever has been
done in violation of any law is wholly
unknown to me. If the law of (lie lust
Legislature, forbidding the Indians to
cross the Chattahoochee, is alluded to,
the editor will find by reference to that
law, that it did not go into operation un
til the first day of February instant.
Some weeks ago there was an Indian
shot and wounded, and afterwards died
from the wound, at the road leading
round my plantation, who had picked out
cotton there and at other places on the
river. This was done by the spies while
in search of depredating Indians. They
had taken him prisoner, and were going to
turn him over the river. While the
spies were conveying him for (Ids pur
pose, (hey say he struck one of them,
and then attempted to escape, which led
to the shooting of him. I repeat, if
there has been any violation of law upon
my plantation, it is wholly unknown to
me.
I will also add, that that part of the
same editorial which states (hat the pub
lic arms destined for Early and (he ad
joining counties were taken by the Indi
ans. is equally false.
I hope the Editors of (hat paper will
do me the justice to publish this state
ment, and correct the error they have
fallen into by unfounded reports.
WILLIAM HARDIN.
Columbus, Feb. 2d, 183 G.
Home of Representatives.
ABOLITION DEBATE.
Mr. Pickens said, that the South must
not delude themselves with the idea that
this subject could be evaded. It must
be met, and they must prepare to defend
themselves. No man could disguise the
fact that any action by Congress on (he
subject here would shake the confidence
of the country in (he stability of our in
stitutions. He referred to a late vote in '
the legislature of Virginia of 115 to 13.
to show the unanimity of opinion at (he
South as to the right of Congress to le
gislate on the subject. He would not ,
discuss the right as to the territories.
When the South submitted to the exer
cise of (hat right they would have be
come the slaves of slaves, and deserving
their vile destiny.
Mr. Pickens referred to the cause of
the grant of the legislation over the Dis
trict. It was to enable Congress to pro
tect itself. The Congress in Philadel -
phia had been disturbed by mobs, and
this had given rise to the cession. The
object of the cession was to enable Con
gress to protect itself.
Could it be supposed when this was the
main object, that the States of Maryland
and Virginia intended to give the absolute
control over all the property in the Dis
trict ? He showed that property could
not be taken only for public uses; and that
Abolition could not in any sense of the
term, be considered as embracing pro
perty taken for public uses.
The Constitution was a compromise of
political rights, nob a compromise as re
gards right of property. He, Mr. Pick
ens, then entered into'an exposition of the
nature of social institutions showing that
wherever society has been formed, it has
necessarily divided itself into two clas
ses, one of which has always, in some
shape or other, been the masters of the
other, controlling and directing their la
bor by the operations of law, or by force.
The opinion advanced by Mr. Pickens
on this subject, will excite the deepest
attention at the North. It was felt in
the House; and wc think we are not
mistaken, when we sav that no speech
ever delivered in the House is calcula
ted to afford room for such reflection,
she events now progressing at the
North, and to which we have from time
to time called the attention (in vain, how
ever.) ol Editors at the North, will afford
a commentary on this part of the speech of
Mr. Pickens!
They talk to us. said Mr. Pickens,
from the North, about political liberty, ;
al| d equality. Why do they not prac
ticeit? Look at New York ! He ap
pealed to the minority in the House from
that State, if there was not a state of
complete political vassalage established
among them. A complete despotism on 1
one side, and complete vassalage on the 1
other; a despotism openly and avowedly I a
founded on the principle, that to the vic
tors belong the spoils. Mr. Pickens crea
ted quite a sensation in the House. No
speech ever delivered in Congress is like
ly to produce a greater sensation through
out the country.
AUcjiVfrT.i:
lATtJBDAV, FEBRUARY 13, 1836.
** lit jußl t and fear nut.'*
“MARK A. COOPER,
Os Putnam (says the last Southern Recorder)
was elected Major, by the detachment of Volun
teers which recently left here for Florida.''—We
are gratified to sec it, for it is a choice that cannot
fail to do honor to those who made it.
ABOLITION.
We earnestly recommend attention the letter
of Okbkit Smith, on this subject, which will be
found in another column ; and beg our readers to
mark how much it tends to prove the truth of what
we have long urged, & warned them of, in relation
to the Abolitionists. The U. S. Telegraph says,
“ Mr. Smith is one of the most intelligent men in
the State of New York, and of great wealth and
influence. His character stands as fair and as high
as any man in the State, for every thing except in
relation to abolition.”
CHARLESTON RAIL ROAD.
We regret to learn that much dissatisfaction has
been excited among the Georgia passengers on
the Rail Road, by the positive refusal, at the
Charleston Depository, to take Georgia bills, of
any kind, notwithstanding that they are Banka
ble in Charleston. Many, unacquainted with
this strange and unaccountable rule, have been
great annoyance and inconvenience,
just at the starting of the cars, for want of pre
vious knowledge of it, or the immediate means of
procuring others; and considerable prejudice and
ill feeling lias been occasioned thereby, which we
should have supposed it both the interest and de
sire of the Company to avoid. Are such things
to continue—and if so, why 1 Wo should like
to know the grounds of it.
SOCTI|ERN ROSE.
Tlie following is the table of contents fo r the
12th No. of this beautiful and interesting periodi
cal, published in Charleston, and edited by the
accomplished and talented lady of the Rev. Mr.
Gilman :
Original Sketches. —Recollections of a South
ern Matron, Chap. 16. An Alarm. Return from
the races. Jockey Club Ball. The Exotic.
The Hand Organ Player, from the German of
Trornlilz, Chapter 13tb. Moral and Religious.
Reflections on Death, by Orville Dewey. Se
lected Miscellany. Society in Chili. Euro
pean Customs in the East. Chinese Bill of
fare. Sagacity and beauty of Ancient Writings.
The Flower Vase. Original Poetry, to * * •
byE. M. P. Leaf and Stem Basket. Notice of
Books. The Natural History of Insects. The
Bad. Old Anecdotes for young readers. Ori
ginal Poetry. The Mother’s Grave, by Mrs. El
let. To Florence, after looking at her portrait,
by Mrs. Wells. Musings, N. F. 11. Which is
the beauty 1 C. G.
WELL DONE, OGLETHORPE!
Wo learn with great pleasure from a respected
friend in Lexington, that that Town and County,
have nobly done their duly in the present emer
gency, in a manner worthy of their proud names
and gallant people. On the 9th inst. when the
Regiment was mustered for a draft of 77 men, a
call was made by the Officers for Volunteers, to
supersede the draft, and at once 104 men march
ed out and enrolled their names! They then
proceeded to the election of Officers, which re
sulted as follows:
JOHN BILLUPS, Captain,
JOSEPH MOORE, Ist Lieutenant,
F. W. COOK, 2nd Lieutenant,
HENRY P. HILL, 3d Lieutenant,
JOHN G. MOORE, Ensign.
Excellent selections! men worthy to lead the
gallant volunteers of Oglethorpe to the defence
of their country —to battle, and to victory. May
God speed them, and their brave followers, and
make their future career as successful and glo
rious, as its commencement is generous, noble,
and patriotic.
Immediately after its organization, the compa
ny wrote to the Commandcr-in-Chief, requesting
orders to march instanter; and as we presume
they will pass through our city, and embark
here for Florida, wc hope our patriotic citizens
will give them a welcome worthy of such men—
of men who go to fight shoulder to shoulder
with our own gallant Volunteers.
POST-OFFICE,& ABOLITION PAPERS.
We have seldom read anything with more real
gratification and relief, tha n the following, from
the U. S. Telegraph ; for though we have great
confidence in the wisdom and judgment of Mr.
Calhoun, wc must confess that we noticed his
proposition to enquire into this subject, with anxi
ety—erroncoosly drawing the conclusion that
the enquiry was designed to suggest some legal
restrictions on the transmission of abolition pa
pers through the mail—and it wdl be remember
ed that wc have from the first, agreed with what
we now perceive to be the views of Mr. Calhoun
on the subject, in opposition to many respected
and intelligent friends, and have very much fear
ed that some restriction might be effected that
would amount to a censorship of the Press, and
thereby consummate the rapidly increasing des
potism of tlie Federal Government. The provi
sion mentioned, to render the Post Masters suboi
dinatc to the laws of their respective States, is
most wise and judicious, as it would bo salutary,
if adopted.
“In the Senate. —Mr. Calhoun, from the
Committee to whom was referred that part of the
President’s Message relating to the distribution of
incendiary pamphlets through the Post Office,
made a icport yesterday. The report takes the
broad ground that the General Government has
no constitutional power to interfere with the dis
tribution of pamphlets or papers, except in subor
dination to the laws of the Slates. It shows that
a power given to the General Government, to dis
criminate as to what publications should be dis
tributed through the Mail, and what should not,
would bo to give the Government a control over
the press greater than that given by the Sedition
Law of 1798. The argument on this point is so .
conclusive, that wc are induced to think that few,
after perusing it, will be found to urge the Govern
ment to assume the power, through the Post Mas
ter General, of saying what publications shall be
distributed through the Mail. The Report was
accompanied by a Bill, prescribing certain duties
to the Post Masters, and requiring them to act in
subordination to the laws of the Stiles. Wc
shall publish the Report, and Bill, as soon as we
can get if.”
i
COL. HAMMOND, OP S. C. I
The many warm friends of Col. Jamls
H. Hammono, of Barnwell, will read with ,
pride and pleasure the following generous (
and flattering compliment to that gentleman, I
which wc extract from a letter of the patriotic I
and intelligent Washington correspondent of '
the Baltimore Chronicle, dated Feb. Ist, and pub
lished in that paper of the 2nd.; and satisfied, (as
they will be,) no less from a knowledge of his
character, than from a hasty glance at his elo
quent speech in the last U. S. Telegraph, that it
is no less just, and well-deserved, than generous
and flattering, we hasten, with great pleasure, to
lay it before them. It is a compliment, too, not
more to the man, than to the noble, gallant, and
patriotic State,of which he is a true Representative;
and wo value it, not more on his account than
hers—adding, as it does, another to the many evi
dences of the distinguished station she holds and
has so gallantly won—the attention and confi
dence she commands—the splendid destiny be
fore her—the inspiring influence of these things
on the patriotism, public virtue, and eloquence of
her people and public servants —their happy ex
ample to the world—and the noble assurance
they give, that the path of public as well as pri
vate virtue, however seemingly perilous, is still
the path of true honor, safety, and distinction.
It will afford us great pleasure to publish the
eloquent speech of Col. Hammond, and also that of
his gallant and patriotic colleague, Col. Pickens,
as early as we can possibly find room for them.
And in the mean time we refer the reader to a
brief synopsis of the latter, in another column :
“ I have been listening to a most eloquent, a
truly eloquent speech, from a young member from
Carolina, Mr. Hammond, upon the abolition me
morials. He has taken a wide'and splendid field
of argument, and, rearing the edifice of his fine
and convincing argument upon the solid basis of
facts, he has presented new and striking features
in the project of abolition. I cannot omit to men
tion a striking beauty in his speech, a beauty
which pervaded it with the spirit of olden days,
when eloquence was the study of the mind, and
made to be the language of one heart speaking
to thousands. He abandoned the rant and la
ving of some of the modern orators, and though
he felt warmly, burningly, upon the subject, you
found it more in the matter of his words than
the manner in which he said them, or in the
words themselves.
“In speaking of the adaptationof the Slave to
the South, how indigenous he was, and how the
hand of a divine providence was evinced in the
fact, he used this delicate and striking figure :
“ The Camel loves the desert, the Rein Deer the
everlasting snow, the Marine animal the mighty
waters, and the Eagle makes his flight among the
mountains: the hand of nature had given to all
animals their elements, and the black man was
originally found amid the tropics of Africa.”
These words, this beautiful illustration, falling as
it did from a man whose face is purely intellectual
in its expression, and uttered by a voice that is
by far the finest I have beard in the house,struck
me as combining all the requisites of illustrative
oratory.”
MILITARY ORDERS.
The following Military Orders, which we copy
from the last Standard of Union, do much credit
to the patriotism, zeal, and vigilance of Gov.
Schley, which it is but justice to say, have been
manifested, in the present emergency, from the
first, in a manner worthy of such an emergency,
and of the Governor of Georgia. However much
we may differ with him politically, we will never
hesitate to do him justice. Our motto is, “Be
JUST AND FEAR NOT ” OUr object, tllC good of
the State, not of any particular men or parly ;
and never shall it be said that we withhold jus
tice, even from a personal enemy, or praise, howe
ver high, that is justly due to public worth or
service. It will he remembered that we set out i
on reading the Governor’s excellent Inaugural
Address, with the declaration of our determina
tion to judge him only by his acts, and an appeal
to our friends, generally, to give him a fair and li
beral trial. So far, wc must confess he has done
well—and in one respect, particularly, has reali
zed our best wishes, and decidedly surpassed the
merits of many of his predecessors, of both parties,
who have generally been controlled and directed
by an irresponsible junto of selfish, political parti
zans, regardless of every thing but their own self
ish, personal and parly purposes: we mean that
of fearlessly thinking, and judging, and acting
for himself—a virtue of the highest value in the
Chief Magistrate of a State—long a rare one—
and one too, without which, no man, whatever his
other virtues, is worthy of such a station, or capa
ble of rising superior to its many severe trials. No
man without this, and a mind, too, conscious of
rectitude and an honest purpose, would have
dared to take the course, and make the appoint
ments, which Gov. Schley has done. We un
derstand that when a Major of the Volunteer
Battalion which recently left Millcdgcvillo, had
to be appointed, instead of availing himself of his
right of selection, and appointing one of his poli
tical friends (from whom he doubtless had many
applications,) he generously offered the choice to
the Battalion itself, and commissioned the well
deserving officer it selected. And again, wc per
ceive by the second order below, that he has se
lected to command the Battalion therein men
tioned, one of the most decided and uncompromis
ing of his political opponents in the Stale—but one
admirably qualified—a brave, fearless, determined,
patriotic, and honest man, as ever breathed, in
whose capacity and fidelity men of all parties will
not hesitate to repose the most unlimited confi
dence. We confess this appointment has won
our kindest feelings—not merely because Col.
Howard is a politcial friend, but because ho is a
truly honorable,upright, gallant and chivulric man,
&an honor,not merely to his party, but to his State
—a man “without fear, and without reproach,”
who will never fail to benefit the country, in
any station he may hold, far more than that sta
tion can benefit himself. Gov. Schley must know
and feel this, and have looked to the benefit of
the country, rather than of his party, or he never
could have made such an appointment. It may,
and probably will, for a time, excite the jealousy,
doubt, and coolness of some few of his political
friends, till the motives and honest purpose of it,
protected as such always are by a just Providence,
shall properly develope and justify themselves.
It is the very last of all appointments that could
have been dictated by selfish motives. Col.
Howard is the last of men, as Gov. Schley well
knows, to be shaken in his political or party
faith by such an act; and wc feel assured, that
however Gov. Schley may feel disposed to do
justice to his political opponents, as “ the Gover
nor of the State, and not of a party,” he is equal
ly unlikely to faulter in his political opinions, or
his just and honorable parly preferences. For
our own part, if ho were of our political faith, wc
should be proud to see him deal thus justly and i
magnanimously by our opponents, as all doubtless ■
will do, on reflection, whose party pieferenccs arc i
not founded more on selfishness and prejudice, ’
than regard for the true honor and character of 1
their party, and the real welfare of the country. f
The following are the orders referred to, and I
we recommend the reader, after perusing them, 1
to turn to the spirited and patriotic address of the
Governor, which will be found in another column, I
to the Volunteer Battalion which recently depar
ted for Florida.
HEAD-QUARTERS,
Milledoeville, Feb. 9,1836.
Maj. Gen. Winfield Scott, nowin command
of the Army in Florida, has requested the Com
mander-in-Chief to furnish him with two regi
ments of Mounted Riflemen or Mounted Infantry.
About three hundred have volunteered their servi
ces and will immediately take up the line of march
for Picqlata.
The Commander-in-Chief now calls on the pa
triotic people of Georgia to come forth, and make
up the requited number. There are thousands of
young men, who are able to furnish themselves
with good horses for such an expedition, and
who, he doubts not, will lake pleasure in serving
their country in the hour of danger. He there- '
fore now invites such, to make a tender of their
services, by companies. Such Volunteers will
be allowed to elect their own officers of any grade
below a Brigadier General. By order ofthe Com
mander-in Chief.
BOLLING H. ROBINSON,
.Hd-Ue- Camp.
HEAD QUARTERS, GA.
Milleiigkville, peb. 9, 1836,
The Commander-in-Chief, having determined
to organize a Battalion of mounted Infantry, to be
employed on the western frontiers of Georgia, for
the protection of the people against the hostile in- t
cursions of lire Creek Indians, has appointed John
H. Howard, Esq. of Baldwin, Major of said bat 1
talion, with power to raise by voluntary cnlisP
ment, four companies, consisting each of one
Captain, one first, and second Lieutenant,-and
one Ensign, four Corporals, and sixty four pri
vates, making in the whole seventy-six men and
officers, to each company.
The Commander-in-Chief now calls upon the
people of the western counties, to form these four
companies as soon as possible, to elect their offi
cers, and report themselves to Head-Quarters,
They will be required to serve three months after
they appear at the place that shall be hereafter
designed as the rendezvous, unless sooner dis
charged. By order of the Commander-in-Chief.
BOLLING H. ROBINSON,
. lid-de-Camp.
TREACHERY! TREACHERY! !
We have read with no little astonishment aud
mortification, not to say indignation, the follow
ing Resolution, offered in the House of Represen
tatives of Congress, on the 4th instant, by Mr.
Pinckney, of 8. Carolina! That such a reso
lution should come from a Southern man, a
South Carolinian, and a Nullifier, too, almost
passes belief, and we arc almost ready to ques"
tion the evidence of our senses as we read it-
W'hat can Mr. Pinckney mean by it I He cer
tainly cannot be unconcious of the plain purport
and tendency of the Resolution, and that it strikes
directly at the peace and safely, yea, the very
existence of the Southern people; for he is an
intelligent man, and one long conversant with
the nature and tendency of constitutional en
croachments, and legislative usurpations ; and
must know, that to compromise our constitutional 1
rights on this question—to break down our con
stitutional barrier against thc interfercnce of Con
gress with slavery in the District of Columbia,
and barter it for one of mere temporary propriety
and expediency—is virtually to tie us hand and
foot, and surrender us into the hands of our ene
mies. We scarcely know how to speak of this
act- what to think of it—how to account for it—
or how to speak of it terms fitted to the respect
we have entertained for its author. Has he con
sulted his colleagues, and the Southern Repre
sentatives generally, on this vitally important
movement I Impossible ! Is he unaware of
the deep sensitiveness of the Southern people, on
this very point ? Oh no—ho cannot be ! And
has he had the temerity to make such a move
ment without such consultation, and in utter de
fiance of Southern feeling and Southern opinion ?
It must he so. It cannot be that any of his col
leagues, or the other Southern Representatives,
agree with him. Bo this as it may, however, wo
solemnly protest against it, and utterly denounce
it before the Southern people ; and warn them to
beware of it, and whosoever may approve it, as
they value their peace and safely, their property,
their liberty, and their lives. We care not who
is concerned in it. Though it were our own bro
ther, wc would say to the Southern people, beware
of him, be his motives what they may. It is a
deadly movement to the South, and we say it
boldly, for it is no time to mince matters, wa
have a slrong presentiment that there is more
in it than meets the eye 1 It is specious and
delusive, Jesuitical and suspicious in its language
—friendly, in its words, and inimical in its pur
pose. It “ palters with us in a double sense,”
and would “ keep the word of promise to the car,
and break it to the hope.” It talks of “ sustain
ing and preserving the just rights of the slave
holding States, and the people of the District,”
and yet at the same time voluntarily surrenders
to the enemy that sacred and strong constitution
al bulwark and safeguard of those rights, which
alone can sustain and preserve them. It would
barter a great constitutional right, for a tempora
ry favor —for a momentary “ re-establishment of
harmony and tranquility,” would place us forever
at the mercy of those who have distracted them
—and for present peace, would sacrifice all future
safety. It proposes, in fact, to merge a great and
vital question of constitutional right, in one of
mere temporary propriety and expediency; and
tamely, servilely, and treacherously, says, “ Con
gress ought not to interfere with slavery in the
District of Columbia,” when it should declare,
upon the faith and sanctity of the Constitution,
and the “ lives and fortunes, and sacred honor ”
of the South, Congress shall sot do so, with
the Union, or without it!
And why is Congress thus meanly and treach
erously solicited to declare that it “ ought not to
interfere” in a matter that involves every thing
dear and sacred to us T “ Because it would be a
violation ofthe public faith, unwise, impolitic, and
dangerous to the Union.” Ought not to violate the
public faith, too ! Very tender of Congressional
feelings, truly ! And pray, how happens it that
Mr. Pinckney, of all other men, after his argu
ments on the Tariff question has all at once become
so deeply imbued with confidence in Congressional
wisdom and policy, and regard for the Union and
the public faith, that he is thus desirous of staking
upon them, rather than upon the Constitution
itself, the peace and safety of the South 1 Where
was any such confidence manifested by him upon
the Tariff question 1 and what has he seen to in
spire it since, in a matter infinitely more vital and
important 1 He has become sensitive about “ the
Union,” too, on this question ! To interfere with
it, he says—that is, to join the Abolitionists, and
pass an Emancipation law ; would—what? Jeo
pard the liberties and lives of the whole South J
—Oh no—“ would be dangerous to the Union ” I
Faugh! what a mockery, is this ! What a fiddling,
while Rome is burning! Let Congress but “ in
terfere,” and a fig for the Union —for fifty thou
sand Unions, even though they were if possible
fifty thousand times more desirable, properly ad
ministered.
Mr. P. says nothing of the Territories, in his
Resolution; and why not 1 Os course if Con-