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CONGRESS OF THE l r . STATES, j Slavery Ik the District of Columbia. House of Jtejnrsentatixrei, February, 8, 183(). ! MR. PINCKNEY’S REPORT. ( Concluded from our latt.J Your Committee will now consider »!iis proposition in reference to the inter ests of the State of Maryland ami Air ginia. They were slavcholding States; nt the time they made their cession, and , they are so still. They entirely sur round this district, from jyhich they arc only separated upon all sides by imagi nary lines.—They made the cession for the great national objects which have been already pointed out, and they made it from motives of patriotism alone, and without any compensation from the Fe deral Got eminent for the surrender of jurisdiction over commanding positions in both States. The surrender was made for purposes deemed sufficiently impor tant, by all the original States, to be provided for in tbe constitution of the United States ; and it was made in con formity with that provision of the consti ■ tntion. It is surely unnecessary, after this statement of facts, to undertake to show that those patriotic States made this cession for purposes of good to the Union, and consequently to themselves; and that the Government of the United States accepted the cession for the same >od, and not for evil, purposes. if, then, it can be demonstrated (hat t: abolitioirof slavery in the district of Columbia would produce evil, and not good, to the States that made the cession, the conclusion is envitahlo that such an act on the part of Congress would be a violation of (he faith reposed in it by those States. To all to whom this is not peifeclly palpable without an argument, the following considerations are presen ted : It has been already said that the States ■Mar> land and Virginia surround the D trief.—lt has also been shown that, in lelercnce to slavery within the District, the relations of Congress arc. entirely those of a local legislature, and that its action therefore, in this capacity, should be governed by tbe same reasons which would have governed those States them selves in relation to (his subject, if their jurisdiction over this territory had never been surrendered. Let ns suppose, then, that this jurisdiction had never been surrendered by Maryland anil Vir ginia, and that it was now proposed (hat they should abolish slavery, and relin quish alt power of legislation over free blacks, within the portions of those Slates which constitute the District of Columbia, retaining their respective in solutions ofslavcry in all the remaining portions of their territory. Who is there that would not be amazed at the folly «l such an act? Who does not see (hat such a step would necessarily produce discontent and insurrection indie remain ing portions of those States ? Who does not perceive that under such circum stances the District would constitute at once a neutral ground, upon which hosts office blacks, fugitive slaves, and incen diaries, would be assembled in the work o( general abolitionism ; and that from such a magazine of evil, every conceiva ble mischief would be spread through the surrounding country with almost the ra pidity' of the movements of the atmos phere? Surely no one can doubt (he n tainly of the consequential evils in the rase supposed. How then can any doubt, or deny the dangers in the case before us? The territory is the same - , it is surrounded by the same portions ol Haw-holding Stales ; and the only differ ence is, that in the case supposed, the abolition would be the work of State au thorities, while, in the other, it is sought to accomplish it by the authority of Con gress, ’i lie condition of things before and after it is done, is the same in both cases, and the opportunities for mischief, in case the work he accomplished, arc equal in both. Can it be necessary to say more to establish the position, that any interference with slavery in the Dis trict ol Columbia, on (he part of Con gress, would be a violation of the public lailh, the faith reposed in Congress by those States, and without which they ne ver could have been induced to have made, that cession ? It only remains under this head to show that Congress could nut interfere with slavery in the District of Columbia, with out a violation of the public faith, in re fercnce to the slaveholding States gener ally, as well as to the States of Virginia anil Maryland. The provision in the Constitution authorising Congress to ac cept the cession of a territory fora seat of the Federal Government, and to exer cise exclusive jurisdiction over it, was as general and universal as any other pro vision in that instrument. In its nation al objects,all the States wore equally in terested, and so faras there wasany dan ger that the powers of local legislation conlerred on Congress-might interfere with, or injuriously affect, the institu tions ot the various States, each State possessed an interest proportioned to the probable danger to itself. As far as your committee know or believe, however, no apprehension of an interference on the subject ot domestic slavery was enter tained in any quarter, or expressed bv any statesman ol the day. An examina tion of (he commentaries on the constitu tion will show that various apprehensions were entertained, as to the powers con lerred on Congress, by the clause, such as that privileged classes of society might be created within the District; that nj standing army, dangerous to the liberties j ol the country, might be organized and 1 sustained within it, and (he like; but not. a suggestion can be found that, under the i local powers to be conferred, any attempt! would be made to interfere with the pn- j vatc rights ot the citizens who might be 1 embraced within the District, or to dis i tnrb, or change, directly, or by conse- ( quence, the municipal institutions of the i Btates, or that the subject of domestic j slavery as it existed in the States, could be in any way involved in the proposed session. At that time all the States held ; slaves. Many of them have since b> : their own independent action, without I influence or interference from tlif Foder-1 al Government, or from their sister States, effected, in (heir own time and way, the work of emancipation ; others of the original States, remain as they were at the time of the adoption of the Consti tution, in reference to this description of property, and several new members have been admitted into the Union as slave holding States. All the States which have held, or now hold, slave property,! j liavc invariably considered the institu- I ' tion as one exclusively subject to State ] 1 authority, and not to be affected, direct- I l ly or indirectly, by Federal interference. | j The practice of the Government, as well ] : as its theory, has established this doctrine, i and the action of the States, in retaining i ; or abolishing the institution at pleasure, ; has conformed entirely to this principle. ; Now the subject of Federal interference | has become one of some agitation, and | Congress is solicited to adopt measures in relation to the District of Columbia, which have been shown to be most dan , genius and destructive to the security i , and interests of the iwo slaveholding j I - Stales by which it was reded to the Fe- i . | dernl Government. Your committee | C will not trouble the house to prove, that I .any measure of the Federal Legislature; . j which would have this tendency in those two Slates, would from the very ncces , j s-ity of the case, and the unity of (he in - , j (crest v hcrever it exists, have the same . tendency', measurably, in nil the other slavehoUling members of the Union. This r i position is too plain for argument. If ~ then, all the States were equally intcres ,! ted in the national objects for which this e I ten itory was ceded as the scat of (he . 1 Federal Government; if that session was I! designed by the framers of (he cons'itu , j tion, to enure to the benefit of the whole j confederacy, and if Congress, contrary i | to the obvious intent and spirit of. the (• cession, shall do an act not required I jby the national objects contemplated , |by it, but directly regugnant to the in j (ercsts and wishes of die citizens of (he , ! ceded territory, and calculated to disturb v j the peace, ‘and endanger the interests ( | of the slaveholdiug members of the Un -1 ion, such an act. must be in violation of 'I the public faith ; of the faith reposed in | Congress by the States that made the s session, and which would be deeply in e j hired by such an exercise of power under ii j it; and also of the faith reposed in that . j body by all the States, inasmuch as no y independent Stale in the Union can he * s injured in its peace, or its rightful inter ,l ests, by the action of the Federal Govern 1, ment, without a corresponding injury to i. every member of the confederated Slates, c Your committee have already shown r j that an interference with slavery in the | District of Columbia, would involve a i-1 violation of the public faith, as regards . j the rights and interests of the. citizens I ] thereof. They recur to this topic, how , ever, on account of its importance, and c for (he purpose of putting it in another e light, and, as (hey consider, upon unan f swerable ground.—They are aware that, . under the constitution, Congress posses ir si;s, “exclusive legislation” over the aforesaid District; hut the. power of lu ff gislation was given to be exercised for it beneficial purposes only, and cannot, e therefore, be exercised, consistently with i- public faith, for another object that is at .i war with the great principles upon which . the Government itself is founded. The l constitution, to be properly understood, s must be taken as a whole. Wherever . a particular power is granted, the extent n to which it may he carried can only be ii inferred from other provisions by which . it may he regulated or restrained. The t . constitution, while it confers upon Con . gress, exclusive legislation within the . District, does not, and could not, confer unlimited or despotic authority over it. a It could confer no power contrary to the ,• fundamental principles of (he constitu tion itself, and ((inessential and unalien j able rights of American citizens. The | right to legislate, therefore, (to make the . constitution consistent with itself,)is evi- L . dently qualified by (ho provision that “no . man shall be deprived of life, liberty, or I properly', without due process of law,” 1 . and various others of a similar character. . We lay it down ns a rule, that no Govern- 1 i ment can do any thing directly repugnant 1 to the principles of natural justice and ol . the social compact. It would be totally , subversive of all the purposes for which Government is instituted. Vattal says: “The great end of civil society is, what . ever constitutes happiness with the pence . ful possession of properly.” No repub lican would tolerate that a man should be punished, by u special statute, for an . act not legally punishable at the time of its commission. No republican could , approve any system of legislation by , which private contracts, lawfully made, should be declared null and void, or by , which the property of an individual law . fully acquit' Oil. should be ne arbitrarily i wrested from him by the high hand of s power. Hut these great principles are . not left for their support to (he natural t feelings of the human heart, or to the . mere general spirit of republican govern < ment. They are expressly incorporated . in the constitution, and they have also . been recognised, and insisted on, by the .Supreme Court of the U. Slates, which . lays down the following sound and incon trovertible doctrine: “There arc acts which the Federal or State Legislatures . cannot do, without exceeding their au thority. There are certain vital'prinei- 1 , pies in our free republican Government, 1 ■ which will determine and overrule an , apparent and flagrant abuse of legislative 1 . power; as to authorise manifest injustice • by positive law, or to take away that sc- 1 runty lor personal liberty or private pro- I perly, for the protection whereof the Go- 1 vernnient was established. An act of ' <! the legislature, contrary to the great first A principles of the social compact, cannot 1 i j hr considered a rightful exercise of Lcgis- 1 i j ladve authority. The obligation of a * J law, in Governments established on ex * II press compact, and on republican jo in- ' | copies, must be determined bv the nature 1 ;of the power on which it is founded. A 1 j few instances will suffice to explain. A < I law that punished a citizen for an inno- I action, or that was in violation of an ex | isting law ; a law that destroys or ini- j | pairs the obligation of the lawful private i I contracts of citizens ; a law that makes a j | man a judge in his own case; or a law . j that takes property from A. and gives it . (toll. It is against all reason and justice i i tor a people to entrust a legislature with t 1 such powers, and therefore it cannot be t | presumed that they have done it. s 1 Ihe legislature may enjoin or permit, J j forbid or punish, they may declare nee • crimes, and establish rules of conduct t for future cases ; hut they cannot change tt innocence into guilt, or punish innocence t as a crime, or violate the rights of an an- ti tecedcnt lawful private contract, or tin ’! right of private property. To maintain d that our Federal or Stale Legislatures p possess such powers, even if they had ti not been expressly restrained, would ht » ! a political heresy! attogr f hrr inadmissa ai hie in our free republican government.'’' Now, every principle here affirmed by the court, applies to, and protects, the people of this District, as well as the people of the Slates. The inhabitants of this District are a part of the people of the United States. Every right and interest secured by the constitution to the people of the States, is equally secu red to the people of the District. Con [ gress can therefore do no act affecting property or person, in relation to this District, which it is prohibited to do in relation to the citizens of the Slates, j without a direct violation of the public lailh. For instance: it is a well settled | constitutional principle that “ private ! property shall not he taken fur public j use, without just compensation.” Now, j the true meaning of this provision ob viously is, that private property shall only be taken for public use, but shall not be taken even then, without adequate remuneration. It is evident, however, in reference to slavery, either that the Government would use the. slaves, or that it would not. If it would use them, then they would not be emancipated; and it would be an idle mockery to talk of the freedom of those who would only cease lif be private, to become public slaves. If it would not use them, Jiow could it be said that they were taken for the public use, consistently with the pro vision just recited? Hut even it they could be taken without reference to pub lic use, they could not be taken without just compensation. It is exceedingly questionable, however, whether Congress could apply (he public revenue to such an object, even with the consent of the ow ners ol the slaves. As to emancipation without their consent and without just compensation, your committee will not stop to consider it. It could not bear examination. Honor, humanity, policy, all forbid it. It is manifest then, from till the considerations herein stated, (anil there are others equally forcible that could he urged) that Congress could not abolish slavery in the District of Colum bia, without a violation of the public faith. Your committee will only add one or two reflections upon this interesting point. What is (he meaning of (he declara tion adopted by the House, in relation to the District of Columbia ? Is it not, that Congress cannot and will not d;> an act which it has solemnly proclaimed, to involve a violation of the public faith? Does it not utibrd every security to the South which it is in (he power if the Fe deral Government to afford ? Is it not tantamount, in its binding obligation up on the government, to a positive declara tion, that the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia would be uncon stitutional ? Nay, is not even more ef ficacious in point of fact? Constitu tional provisions are matters of construc tion.—The opinion of one house upon an abstract controverted point may be overruled and reversed by another. But when Congress has solemnly declared that a particular art would be a violation of the public faith, is it to bo supposed that it would ever violate a pledge, thus given to the country ? Cau any aboli tionist expect it ? Need any citizen of a slave stale fear it? What is public faith but the honor of the Government ? Why :ire Ircuites regarded as sacred & unv:;?!?.- ble ? Why, hut because (hey involve (he pledge, and depend upon the sanctity of the national faith ? Why are all com pacts or promises made by Governments held to Ijo irrevocably binding? Why, but because they cannot break them without committing perfidy, and destroy ing all confidence in their justice and in tegrity? Surely then, your committee may say with the utmost confidence, (and the sentiment will be ratified by every American heart) that the declaration now promnlged in relation to this subject, will not be departed from by any succee ding legislature, except under circum stances (should any such ever arise in the progress of our country) in which a departure from it would not be regarded by the slave-holding Stales themselves, as a wanton or arbitrary infraction of the public faith ? Your committee arc further instructed to report that, in the opinion of this House, Congress ought not to interfere itt any way with slavery in the District of Columbia— 2dly. Because it would be unwise and impolitic. it will be palpable to the minds of all, that i( the committee have succeeded in establishing, as they think they have, that any such interference on the part of Congress would be a violation of the public lailh, it would be a work of super erogation to attempt to show that such an act would he unwise and impolitic: as there may be some, however, who may not agree with them in their argu ments or conclusions upon that point, they (eel bound, under the instructions ol the House, to oiler a few suggestions under this head. The Federal Government was the cre ation of the States of the Confederacy, and (he great objects of its creation and organization “were to form a more per fect union, establish justice, insure do mestic tranquility and provide for the common defence and general welfare.” Apply these principles, then, to an in terference by Congress with slavery in tte District of Columbia. Such action, to be politic, must be in accordance with some one of these groat objects; and it will be the duty of the committee, in ns concise a manner ns possible, to show that it would not be in accordance with either of them. First, then, as to the District itself. It has already been shown, that any interference, unsolicited by the inhabi tants of the District, cannot “establish justice,” nr promote (because of justice, within it. hut directly the reverse. No greater degree of slavery exists here now, than did exist when the constitu tion was adopted, and then the inhabi tants of the District were citizens of the states of Maryland and Virginia, and had a voicej in the adoption of that instrument. Surely (heir subsequent transfer to (he jurisdiction of Congress, made in conformity with that constitu tion, could not deprive them of the pro- l tection to which they were entitled by these great leading principles of it. On i the contrary, they had every right to ex- t poet that Congress would “establish jus- ( lice,” as to them, in strict compliance ’ with (he great charter under which it ; ictod, and by which it is forbidden to in- i Agggftm ee.&oatafep. tcrfere with their rights of private pro ' perty, without their consent, or in any • way to alTect, injuriously, their domestic ; institutions. Os those institutions, sla > very was, and is, the most important;! : ami any attempt on the part of Congress, I acting as the local legislature of the Dis-| > trict, to abolish it, would not only be im-i - politic, but an act of gross injustice and - oppression. ? Secondly, as to the States of the Union. • Here again, your committee have hut to > refer to their former remarks, to show i that the abolition of slavery in the Dis trict would not “establish justice,” but 1 work great injustice to the surrounding J States in particular, and to all the slave e Stales in general. And in a degree pro > portioned to their proximity to the Dis-1 - trict, and to the influence upon the insti-I 1 tution of slavery in the Union, of such 1 action on the part of Congress, They e have also shown, that the abolition of slavery here, so far from tending to “en e sure domestic tranquility,” would have f a direct tendency to produce domestic I. discord and violence, and servile war, i in all the slave-holding Slates. Asthese 4 consequences, then, would follow such y action in reference to the Stales, your c committee need not say, that, instead of v providing for “the common defence” by f it, Congress would be called upon “to >• provide for the common defence” in enn- 1 y sequence of if, anil to an extent which j cannot now be foreseen. Seeing, then, it that the American Confederacy was y formed (or the great objects of providing is for " the common defence and general n welfare,” it follows, necessarily, that - Congress is not only restrained from the n commission of any act by which these it objects may be frustrated, but that it is it bound to sustain and promote them. The if same provision of the constitution which '. requires it to call out the militia to n “suppress insurrections,” unquestiona d hly imposes the corresponding obligation it upon it, to which an insurrectionary spl it rit may be excited. The same provision - I which enjoins it on the Federal Oovern c | ment to “guarantee to each State a re -1 publican form of Government, and to if aid and protect each State against do g mestic violence,” evidently implies (he correlative obligation to take no step, of - which the direct and inevitable tenden -0 cy would be to overthrow (he State Go t. vernments, and to involve them in wide ti spread scenes of misery and desolation. " one word, if it be the duly of Con ‘ gfess. as it most clearly is, to support e and preserve the Constitution ot the • Union, then it is manifest, that it is it hound to avoid ihe adoption of any legis >- lation which may lead to (heir destruc i- lion. Your committee consider it equal c lv manifest, that any attempt to abolish ■ slavery in the District, would necessarily tend to the deplorable consequences to i‘ which have adverted. Congress, therefore, is bound, by every principle o! 1 duty which forbids it to interfere with e slavery in any of the States, to abstain • from any similar interference in the Dis- I trict of Columbia. [ V our committee have already adverted to the evils that would necessarily result s to the surrounding States, and” to the slave States generally, from any inter -14 fcrcnce by Congress with the institution h of slavery in the District of Columbia. f The nature and magnitude of those evils, ■ however, require, that they should be os- 1 e hibited more fully and distinctly. The • question is, whether slavery ought to be ■ abolished in the District of Columbia? 1 Now suppose the affirmative of this pro . position were sustained by Congress, what would it be but indirect legislation, or rather direct interference, as regards ■ the rights and property of the Southern ' States. And can any one imagine that such a state of things would be patiently borne ? lint (his is not nil ; nay, it is not halt the evil that would follow. Could . slavery be abolished in the District with out leading directly and inevitably to in ■ subordination and revolt throughout the South ? And can any one desire to pro duce such results ? Is there a man who has forgotten the history of St. Domingo, of the insurgent attempts at Charleston, or (he tragical scenes at Southampton ! or the recent and lamentable occurren -1 ces in the States of Louisiana and Mis ' sissippi! or is there an individual who would wish to see them repeated and extended throughout (he entire region ot the South? Why, then, will infatu- , ated individuals persist ill pressing a scheme which is not only impractica- i ble, as regards the States, hut fraught 1 with evil to the very objects it is pro- 1 ; posed to benefit. True philanthropy would avoid this subject, seeing (he dis traction it creates,and the dreadful con sequences it involves. It would leave it to those whom it most concerns, and 1 who alone are competent to act upon it. ! It would trust to time, and the gradual operation of causes which may arise of 1 themselves, but which can neither be | produced, nor hastened by foreign in- i terference or the power of ibis Govern- < ment. I Why then, your committee earnestly 1 repeat, why urge a measure which is 1 clearly impracticable in itself, which none \ but the slavchqhling States have a right i to act on, mult which has increased, and t will always increase, the hardships and !l restraints of those for whose imaginary * benefit they are waging this cruel and c and fanatical crusade? J We have said that the scheme of gen- s neral emancipation is impracticable. The i slightest reflection must satisfy every > candid mindol the truth of this assertion. 4 Admitting that the Federal Govern- f ment had a right to act upon this matter, J. which it clearly has not it certainly ne- f ver could achieve such an operation with- a out full compensation to (he owners.— « And w hat would probably be the amount i: required ? The aggregate value of all 1 that species of property is nut less pro- s habl v than four hundred millions of dol- ,| lars ! And how could such an amount g be raised ! Will the people of this conn- s try ever consent to the imposition of op pressive taxes, that the proceeds may be - I applied to the purchase of slaves? The idea is preposterous ; and not only (hat, *' but it is susceptible of demonstration, ( | that even if an annual appropriation of a ten millions were actually applied to the n purchase and transportation of slaves the ii whole number would not be sensibly di- « minished at the expiration of half a cen- e * fr° m the natural growth and mul- *, replication of the race.—Burthen the Treasury as we might, it would still be an endless expense and an interminable si work. And this view of the subject sure- ci lv is sufficient of itself to prove, that of all the schemes ever projected by fanati cism, the idea of universal emancipation is the most visionary and impracticable. But if the scheme were practicable) what I would be gained by effecting it t Suppose that 1 Congress should emancipate all the slaves in the ! Union, is such a result desirable ? This ques j lion is addressed to the sense of the people oi A } nftericai Would it be politic or advantageous? | Would it contribute to the wealth, or grandeur, or happiness of our country 1 On the Contrary would it not produce consequences directly tho reverse? Axe not tho slaves unfit for freedom; notoriously ignorant, servile and depraved ? and would any rational man have them instantane ously transformed into freemen, with all the rights and privileges of American citizens? Are they capable of understanding correctly the nature ol our government, or exercising judiciously a sin- I glc political right or privilege? Nay, would ' they even lie capable of earning their own Uvcli : hood, or rearing their families independently by | theic own ingenuity and industry ! What then ; would follow from their liberation, hut the most deplorable state of society, with which any civi lized country was ever cursed 1 How would vice and immorality, and licentiousness, overrun the land ? How many jails and penitehlianes that now seldom hold a prisoner, would he crow ded to suffocation ? How many fertile fields that now yield regular and abundant harvests, would lie unoccupied and desolate ? How would the foreign commerce of the South decline and dis * appear? How many thousands of seamen, ot , whom southern agriculture is the very life, would bo driven for support to foreign countries ! And how large a portion of 1 the Federal revenue, dc | rived from foreign commodities exchanged for | southern products, would be lost forever to this Government! And in addition to all this, what would be the condition of southern society, were . all the slaves emancipated ? Would the whites 1 consent that the blacks should be placed upon a full footing of equalit y with them ? Unquestion ably not! Either the one class or the other would he forced to emigrate, and in either case, the whole region of the South would be a scene ; of poverty and ruin. Or, what is still more pro . bablc, the blacks would every where be driven before the whites, as the Indians have been, until they were exterminated from the earth. Ant)sure ly it is unnecessary to remark, that decay and desolation could not break down the South, with out producing a corresponding depression upon the wealth and enterprise of the Northern States. And here let me ask, too, what would ho the con dition of the non-slaveholding States themselves as regards the blacks ? Are they prepared to ie ccive myriads of negroes, and place them upon 1 an equality with the free white laborers and me chanics, who constitute their pride and strength? Will the new Slates consent that their territory shall he occupied by negroes, instead of the enter prising, intelligent, and patriotic white popula tion, which is daily seeking their borders from other portions of the Union ? Shall the yeoman ry of those States he surrounded by thousands of such beings, and the white laborer forced into competition and association with them? Are they to enjoy the same civil and political privi leges as tho free white citizen of the North and Weft, and to he admitted into the social circle as their friends and companions? Nothing less than this will constitute perfect freedom, and the principles now maintained by those who advo cate emancipation wowld, if carried out, necessa rily produce tliis state of things! Yet who be lieves that it would he tolerated for a moment ? Already have laws been passed in several of the non-slaveholding States to exclude free blacks from a settlement within their limits; and a pros pect of general and immediate abolition would compel them, in self-defence to resort to a system of measures much more rigorous and effective than any which have yet been adopted. Driven from the South, then, the blacks would find no place of refuge in the Noilh ; and as before re marked, utter extermination would he the proba ble, if not the inevitable, fate, of the whole race. Where is the citizen then, that can desire such results. Where the American who can contem plate them without emotion ? Where the Abo litionist that will not pause in view of the direful consequences of his scheme, both in *\- iQ a, v! the blacks,both (o the North and the South, and to tho whole Union ut large ? Your Committee deem it their duty to say, that, in their opinion, tho people of the South have been very unjustly, censured in reference to slavery. It is not their purpose, however, to de fend them. Their character, as men and citizens, need no vindication from ns. Wherever it is known, it speaks for itself, nor would any wan- I'mly traduce it, hut those assassins of reputation, who are also willing to he the. destroyers of life. Exaggerated pictures have been drawn of the hardships of the slave, and every dibit, made to malign the South, and to enlist against it both the religious and political feeling of tho north. Your committee cannot too strongly express their unan imous and unqualified disapprobation of all such movements. The constitution under which wo live, was framed by our common ancestors, to preserve the liberty and independence achieved by their united efforts In the Council and in the field. In all con tests witli foreign enemies, tho .South harf’exhibi ted an unwavering attachment to the common cause. Where is the spot of which Americans are prouder than the plains of York town? Or, when was Britain more humbled, or America more honored, than by the victory of New Or leans? All our history, from tho revolution, down, attest the high and unifoim and devoted patriotism of the South. Her domestic institu tions arc her own. They were brought into the Union with her and secured by the compact which makes one people; and he who would sow dis sonsion among members of the same great politi cal family, by assailing the institutions, and im pugning tho character of the citizens of the South, should be regarded as an enemy to the peace and prosperity of our common country. It there is a feature by which the present age may be said to bo characterized, is it that sickly sentimentality, which disregarding tho present claims and wants of its own immediate neighbor hood, or town, or State, wastes and dissipates itself in visionary, and often mischievous entcr pnzes, for the imaginary benefit of remote com munities. True pliilauthrophy, rightly under stood, and properly applied, is one of tho purest and most ennobling principles of our nature; hut misdirected or perverted, it degenerates into that f II spirit of fanaticism which disregards all ties, and tramples on all obstacles, however sacred or venerable, in the relentless prosecution of its horrid purposes. Experience proves however, that when iiiillviilualw in one true character of benevolence, rashly undertake, | at the imminent hazard of conflict and convul- , sion, to remedy what they are pleased to consider . evils and distresses in another, it is naturally re- , garded by those who are thus injured, either as u j species of madness which may he repelled or re- sisted as any other madness may, or as manifest- \ ing a feeling of hostility on the one side, which < must necessarily produce corresponding alicna- t lion on the other. It is all important, therefore, j that tho spirit of abolition, or in other words, of t illeg il and officious interference with the domestic t institutions ofgfhe South, should be arrested ami f put down; and men of intelligence and influence ( at the North should endeavor to produce that \ sound and rational state of public opinion, which j is equally due to the South and to the preserva- , tion of the Union. And this brings your committee to the Inst po- j sition they havd been instructed to sustain; and j that is, that in the opinion of tliis House, Con- j gress ought not to interfere, in any way, with , slavery in the District of Columbia. 3dly. Because it would be dangerous to the t Union. ij The first great object enumerated in the con- s stitution, as an inducement to its adoption was to c “form a more perfect union.” At that time, all r< the States held slaves, to a greater or less extent; fi and slavery in the States was fully recognized g and provided for, in many particulars, in that ri instrument itself. It was recognized however, h and all the provisions upon the subject so regard- li ed it, as a Slate, and not a national institution, o At that time, too, as has been before remarked, the District of Columbia constituted an integral fi part of two of the independent States which be- ii :ame parties to tl\o Confederacy and to the con- n stitution itself. Since that time an entire eman- F 'ipation of slaves lias taken place in several of F the old States ; but in all cases this has been the work of the States themselves, without any in terference whatever by the Federal Government. New Stales have also been admitted into the Union, with an interdiction in their constitutions against involuntary servitude. In this way, the slave States have become a minority in represen tation in the Federal Legislature. Their inter ests, however, as States, in the institution of do mestic slavery, as it exists within their limits, have not diminished, nor has their right to per fect security under the constitution, in reference to this description of property, been in any way, or to any degree, surrendered or impaired, since the adoption of that instrument by themselves and their sister States. The operation of causes, to a great extent na tural, and proceeding from climate, soil, and con . sequent production, has rendered slavery 1 local and sectional Institution, and thus added another to the most alarming apprehensions of pa 1 riots for the perpetuity of this Union—the apprehen sion of local and geographical interests and dis tinctions. How immensely important is it then, that Congress should do no act and assume no jurisdiction, in reference to this groat interest, by which it shall ever appear to place itself in the attitude of a local, instead of a national tri bunal—a partial agent, providing for peculiar and sectional objects and feelings, instead of a general and paternal legislature, equally and im partially promoting the ceneral welfare of all the Stales. No one can fail to see, that any oth -1 er course on the part of Congress must weaken ' the confidence of the injured Stales in the fciA*- al authority, and to the same extent, prove “dan gerous to the Union.” Since the adoption or the Federal Constitu tion, the District of Columbia has been ceded to r the United Slates, as a scat of the Federal Gov i eminent; but not only many eminent statesmen 1 of the country, but all of the slave-holding Slates, 3 speaking through their legislative assemblies, 3 firmly believe and insist that the cession so made 1 has conferred upon Congress no constitutional power to abolish slavery within the ceded territo r ry. Your committee have abstained from an cx ’ animation of this question, because they were 3 not instructed to discuss it. But they have no hesitation to say, that, in the view they have la -1 ken of the whole question, the obligations of Con -1 gress not to act on this subject are as fully bind ‘ ing and insuperable as a positive constitutional interdict, or an open acknowledgment of want fcf power. 1 Considering the subject in this light, your • committee have already proved, that any inter ference by Congress with the subject of slavery, 5 would bo evidently calculated to injure the inter ests and disturb the peace of the slave-holding Slates ; and if they have succeeded in establish ‘ ing this position, no argument is necessary to show, that sueli consequences, springing from the 7 action of Congress as the local legislature of the District, would eminently cmlangerlhe existence of the Union. It has also been shown, that 1 Congress, as the legislature of the Union, can ' have no constitutional power over this subject; • and that its powers as a local legislature of the ’ District, were grunted for the mere purpose of ' rendering its general powers perfect and free from conflict and collision with State authorities. It has also been shown that these local powers s should be so exercised as to confer the greatest 3 benefits upon the citizens residing within the Dis -1 tritt, with the least possible injury to the peculiar interests of any State, or the general interests of all the States. Your committee have also shown, as they think successfully, that the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia would be a 3 deep injury to the citizens of the District, and, 3 therefore, a violation of the trust reposed in Con gress os the local legislature ot the District: and, also, that it would inflict an incurable injury up -1 on all the slave-holding States, and would, thcrc -3 fore, he an equal violation of the trust reposed in 1 that body as the Legislature of the Union, If, ’ then, they have established these positions, as they think they have, can any one doubt that the ac tion contemplated would he “dangerous to the • Union V* being directly calculated, as it would 1 he, to weaken the confidence' of the district in Congress as a safe and faithful local itm [ am l the con , fulcnco ot »l«v; , „o’«jffis States as . -'"‘partial §u«rJ„ m 0 f their interests. Important as the Union is'to each State, ami ’ to the whole American people, every one will ad mit that, as far ns possible, strict impartially and 1 kind feelings to all the interests and all the sec tions of (he country should characterize the action of the Federal Government. The Union was formed for the common and equal benefit of all the States, and for the perfect and equal protec tion of the l ights and interests of all (lie citizens of all the States. Its only strength is in the con fidence of the Stales, and ot the people, that these great benefits will continue to he secured to them, and that these great purposes be accomplished by its preservation. Any action therefore, on the part of congress, which shall weake n or destroy that confidence in any portion of our citizens, or in any States of the Union, must inevitably, to that extent, endanger the Union itself! Who docs not know the agitation of any question connected with domestic slavery, as it exists in this country, among any portion of our citizens, creates appre hension and excitement in the slaveholding States! Who does not know that the agitation of any such question in citherbranch of Congress shakes their confidence in the security of their most im portant interests, and consequently in the contin uance to them of those great benefits to secure which they became parties to the Union! Who, then docs not believe that any action by Congress, having for its object the abolition of slavery in any portion of the Union, however narrow or limited it may ho, would necessarily impair the confidence ot the slave-holding States in their security in re lation to this description of property, put an end to at! their hope of benefits to ho derived to them from the further continuance of the Union, and alienate their affections from it! Were Con gress, in a single instance, to suffer itself to ho im pelled by mere feeling in one portion of the Union, to attempt a gratification of that feeling at the sacrifice of the dearest interests and most sacred rights of another portion, who can doubt that the Union would ho seriously endangered, if not dis troyed! - lint this conclusion does not depend upon reasoning alone. The evidences of public sentiment on this point are equally abundant and decisive. Your com mittee having already extended their report be yond the limits to which they could have wished to confine it, will enter into no details upon this portion of their duty. Suffice it to say that the Legislatures of several, if not of all, the slave-hold ing Stales, solemnly resolved that” Congress has no constitutional authority to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, “It would be utterly impossible therefore, that any such .u.,,,,,,. ..t.„„iU be made by Congress without producing an ex citement, and involving consequences, which no patriot can contemplate without the most painful emotions. It would he regarded by the slavehold ing States as an entering wedge to a scheme of general emancipation and, therefore, tend to pro duce the same results, in relation to the Federal Government and the Union, that would he pro duced by the adoption of any measure directly af fecting the domestic institutions of the States themselves. Your committee will not dwell upon the picture that is thus presented to theii minds. The reflection it excites is one of unmingled bit terness and horror. It is one, they trust which is never to lie realised. Looking upon their be loved country, as it now stands, the envy and ad miration of the world; contemplating as they do, thatunrivalled constitution, by which a becatcous family of confederated states, each independent in its own separate sphere, revolve around a Federal head With all the harmony and regularity of the planetary system; and knowing, as they do, that under the bcnoficiont influence of our free institu tions, the people of this country enjoy a degree of i liberty', prosperity, and happiness, not only unpos- J sessed, but scarcely imagined, by any other upon earth ; they cannot and will not advert to the hor rors, or depict the consequences ofthat most aw ful day, when the sun of American freedom shall J go down in blood, and nothing remain ofthisglo rious Republic but the bleeding scattered, and dis- J honored fragments.—lt would indeed, he the ex- , Unction of the world’s last hope, and the jubilee 1 of tyranny over all the earth 1 1 1 But your committee feci, that with these pain lul impressions on their minds, they would but ( imperfectly discharge their duty if they did not I make an appeal to the patriotism of the American I People to sustain the resolution adopted by the a House. And they would also appeal to the good c sense and good feelings of that portion of the abo litionists, who acting under a mistaken sense of moral and religious duly, have embarked in this crusade against the South, solemnly invoking them in the name of our common country, to ab stain from a system of agitation which has not only failed anil will always foil, to attain its ob jects, but has even brought the Union itself into a state of imminent and fearful peril. It is confi dently believed that this appeal will not be made in vain, and that hereafter all who truly love their i country will manifest their patriotism by avoiding , this unhappy cause of discord and disunion; and • that they will make no further exertions upon a : subject, from the continued agilalion of which nothing but augmented evils can result. Your committee conclude by reporting the fol - lowing resolutions, conformably to the instructions given them by the House: Resolved, That Congress possess no conatilu r tional authority to in any way with the ' . institution of slavery in any of the States of this • Confedciacy. , Resolved, That Congress ought not to intcr > sere in any way with slavery in the District of , Columbia. i And whereas it is extremely important and de ■ sirablo, that the agitation of this subject should be r finally arrested, for the purpose of restoring tran i qnilily to the public mind, your committee Ics - pectfully recommend the adoption of the following 1 additional resolution viz: Resolved, That all petitions, memorials, resn i lotions, propositions, or papers, relating in any r -way, or to any extent whatever, to the Subject of J - slavery, or the abolition of slavery, shall, without being either printed or referred, bo laid upon (hd - tabic, am) that no further action whatever, shall 3 he had thereon. 1 J'o the Editors of the Globe: • Gentlemen; Having declined voting on the' ’’ two following resolutions of Mr. Pinckney, and “ being deprived by the House of making known my reasons fordoing so, I now feci it due both tor myself and my constituents, to make them public through the columns of your paper. Respectfully,your ob’t sorv’t, 3 _ THOS. GLASCOCK. Ist Resolution. That Congress possesses no' constitutional authority to interfere in any way T with the institution ol slavery in any of the States J. of this Confederacy. 2 J. That Congress ought not to interfere in any way with slavery in the District of Columbia.- I I declined voting on the •first, because I con sidered the resolution in its origin as wholly gra ’ Unions ami uncalled for, and can never consent to make or argue a question, as to the right of ’ Congress to abolish slavery in the States, and be cause Congress has no jurisdiction Over the suli- II ject; and any resolution either disclaiming or af-> !! firming jurisdiction, is'virtually an admission of it. e I did not vole on the second, from a full convic c lion that it rs an implied admission of the right of I Congress to interfere with slavery in the District J of Columbia, and adopted to evade the constitu ’ tional question, and because the committee failed e ( , to incorporate into the resolution, as they were II specially instructed to do, “ That to interfere in e any way with slavery in the District of Columbia '■ would bn a violation of the public faith, unwise, ® impolitic, and dangerous to the Union,” without 1 assigning reasons for the same, leaving it wholly ’ unexplained and unaccounted for, notwithstand ing it is fully argued in the report itself. —■•►♦Mi if From the Columbus Herald, Hth hist. a CREEK WAR INCIDENTS. A battalion of Cavalry, 330 strong under the ' command of Major Howard, left on Saturday ’ morning for the vicinity of Mr. Boykin’s planta tion about 20 miles below this place, where it was understood tb-it a large parly of Indians were fm . dcavoring to cross the river, supposed to bo on ’ their way to Florida. We presume this to have ' been Jim Henry’s band, and we invoke all tire good fortunes of war upon the head of Howard, I that ho may fall upon the nail; JJcnr' awl i usc up,’ Wo await news from this , •ote.C.uncnt with a great deal of interest. The entire force now on the Chattahoochee ia not less than 2,000 effective men—men who have voluntarily travelled from 50 to 200 miles, with the sole object of fighting our savage foes; tho ' question is no longer, are tho Indians hostile 1 B ul shall we, can Wo get a fight is heard from each soldier. ’ We stated in a former number, that Gen. ? Woodward had visited our city, together with 8 1 Indians and 11 while men. Gen. W» made ail ' effort to heat up Volunteers during his visit, with ’ a view to scour the Nation, but his exertions prov nd abortive, there being no spare arms or ammu nition in town at that time; and he returned, we ’ believe, with but 8 men. We had entertained [ some fears for his safety, as his route homeward lay directly through a section of country, whera the Indians arc known to be hostile. It was ) with pleasure we wore ifnormed on Saturday last, that he had reached home iit safety. He however discovered a small party of Indians on his wav, who were standing on the (op ofa hill watching ’ his movements ; from their position Gen. W. hail j good reason to believe that there were probably a largo number of hostilos on the other side of the hill. After a moment’s reflection, Woodward con cluded to charge upon them, and on doing so the Indians fled to the thicket; I Ire steamboat Metamora bn her passage from } Apalachicola was fired on by the Indians about 8 miles above Roanoke. The Metamora was press -1 fid at Invinton by Capt. Wood, who had under his command two volunteer companies from Ran dolph county, Ga. and the “ Volunteer Guards ” commanded by Capt. Booth, from Tike countv, Alabama,—in all about 130 men. Their object was to run up to Columbus on the steamboat, with a view to pick up a fight with the Indians if possible ; and as they desired, so they had it. About 20 hostiles appeared on the west bank of the river, and pulled trigger on the boat; three individuals were wounded among the whites Messrs. Owens, Smith and Butler; Mr. Owens dangerously ; Capt. Booth was smoothly shaved by an Indian bullet, it passing over the surface of his chin, and leaving not a whit of beard behind. In this “ sharp shooting,” there wore from 10 to 15 Indians killed. From the Savannah Georgian, 7th inst, Jsdtestfrom the St. Johns. —By the steam packet \ lorida, Capt. Jlchbard, anived last night Irom Picolata, via Jacksonville, wc received the Jacksonville Courier of Thursday last, (which paper wc arc pleased to see rc-publishcd.) The command of all the country between the Su wannee and St. Johns has, it appears, ho.cn given »y uuv. wll 10 warren and MiHs.—Gen bcott has also ordered Capt. Curry to scout upon the South and East of the St. Johns., From the Jacksonville Courier, 2d inst. Most ot the temporary forts erected by the in habitants m Alachua, have been deserted, and the people are flocking to Black Creek, twenty-five miles from tins place, and some few families have reached here. j An express arrived here last week from New nansvillo, thirty five miles north of Micanopy, bringing news of the murder of Capt. Gibbons and Nero, as they were collecting cattle on Praine’s prairie on Thursday previous. GEORGIAN OFFICE, 2 Savannah June 8, 1836—12. M. 5 By the Sclir. JMotion, Capt. Willey, from Jack sonville, we learn that Mr. Hidgely, the owner of the steam saw-mill at the mouth of Black Creek, was shot by Indians on Saturday last within a few hundred yards of the mill—his scalp taken, and begd shockingly mangled. We learn from Capt. Hebbard, of tho steamer Florida, that he had not passed the mill one fourth ofa mile on that after noon, when he head the report of the fatal gun. 9,, A noxviUe Rail Road Convention, —The ci tizens of Lumpkin County, in this State, have had a meeting, and appointed the fallowing gen tlemen delegates to the Knoxville Convention. Messrs. Henry M. Clay, Alfred B. Holt, John N. Rose, N. B. Harbin, and H. B. Shaw.— Consti tutionalist. At the late Public Meeting of the citizens of Charleston, Titos. Gznsnstr and Dane. Blake, Esqs., arc appointed Delegates to the Knoxville . Convention, to supply tho places of Ker Butce and T. Tupper, Esqrs., who have declined ac cepting the appointment.— Charleston Mercuryt