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BY A. 11. & W. F. PEMBEKTOX. AUGUSTA, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 24, 1886. VOLUME 50—HO. 52* Published every SATURDAY Morning. No. 361 Broud-street, opposite the MASONIC HAM.. ' TERMS. SEMI-WEEKLY PAPER, FIVE DOL LARS pei i.mum, payable in advance, or SIX t»OLI .ARS at the end of the year. WEEKLY PAPER, THREE DOLLARS fccr annum, payable in advance, or FOUR DOL LARS at the end of the year. _ Nd filler will he discontinued (except at the Choice Os publisher.) until all arrearages are paid. ADVERTISEMENTS arc inserted semi-week ly at 62 j cents per square, for the first insertion, AAd 4SI| cents for bach succeeding ihserlioh— •weekly, at 62 J cents per square for each insertion, hnd monthly (when not exceeding one square) at 1 for each insertion. None, however small, is 'charged less than one square. Those intended 'to he limited must have the number of insertions, homi-weekly or weekly, written on them, or they will be inserted semi-weekly till forbid, and char ged accordingly. The publishers take upon themselves the risk of All remittances of money made to them by Mail— Vhe peison remitting, first paying the postage, and detaining from the Postmaster, a writteil of verbal Acknowledgement of the amount, dild of its depo sitor Id Ills olftbe, lo tic given to the publishers in base of miscarriage. To Kxeculors, Administrators, ami Guardians SALES of LAND or NEGROES, by Admin istrators, Executors, or Guardians, arc required by law, to lie held on the first Tuesday in the month, lictwccn the hours often in the forenoon, •ud three in the afternoon, at the Court-house of the county in which the property is situate.—No tice of these sales must be given in a public gazette, SIXTY days previous to the day of sale. Notice of the sale of personal property, must be given in like manner, FORTY days previous lo the day of sale. Notice to the debtors and creditors of an estate, must be published for FORTY days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell I, AND or NE GROES,must be published for FOUR MONTHS. AUGUSTA,! WfiDNESDAV, SEI’TEMBE R 31, IR3O. ** lie just , and fear nut. 1 * HEALTH OF SAVANNAH. The Sexton of Savannah reports the inter ment of seven persons in that city during the week ending on the 13lh instant—4 whites, and 0 blacks. * - - White electoral ticket. The Rev. Jesse Mercer, in a loiter to the editor of the Washington News, requests that his name may be withdrawn from the White E lectoral Ticket, and positively declines being con sidered a candidate. Theatrical. Mr. Haßt lias relinquished his Intention of go ing lo the North, having succeeded in making such additions to his “Corps Dramatique,” as will render it perfectly efficient. The great musical talent he has engaged will be a rare treat to our western neighbors. Mr. H. proceeds immediate ly to Macon, where |je intends opening the The atre on the first Monday in October. Mrs. Hart, wc learn, is an established favorite there, as is also Mr. Charles Young, the Stage Mana ger. Wc heartily wish Mr. 11. and his company success. WITHDRAWAL OF COL. HOWARD. The Constitutionalist, wc perceive, has the following singular and significant strictures on this withdrawal, and the conduct of Gen. Glas cock : “CC/”W« publish below the letter of Major Howard, declining to he considered as a candidate for Congress on the Slate Rights ticket, and re commending the adoption of the name of Gen. Glascock on that ticket. Should, therefore, the State Rights party agree to this transfer, Gen. Glascock's name will stand on both the Union and State Rights ticket. This political movement cannot have been made without Major Howard consulting with some of his friends, before it was determined on ; but we cannot believe that General Glascock was apprised of it, nor that he was consulted about it. If we are correct in this view of the case, and we enter tain in our minds no doubt of it, for what pur pose is such a movement made I Certainly lo doleatthc success of the Union ticket, or to create in the minds of the Union men such doubts, as to the political integrity and firmness of Gen. Glas cock, as might lead to divisions in the union ranks, Tlte state rights men are in (he minority in the slate, they arc striving for the majority ; •U means are resorted to in order to accomplish this object. One of these means is the taking up of Gen. Glascock, and placing him on their ticket. It is well that this plan of the Slate Rights party has been adopted one month before the elec tions ; it will give time to the union men to put themselves fully on their guard, and to counteract the effects which it is Intended to be produced by . the tranfer of Gen. Glascock’s na ,« for that of Maj. Howard on the State Rights ticket. This ' movement plainly tells the union mt.v that they I must keep themselves firmly united, and that di visions among themselves may seriously injure the success of the Union ticket. This movement is a warning to the union men; let them profit by it. Let them vote only for men j who are known to be immoveable in their princi- { pies; who will ably and truly represent in the federal councils, the feelings, the interests, and political principles of those who will have elec ted them. They must not vote for men who arc not true to themselves, to the parly to which they pretend to belong, and to the principles by which that party is governed. The times demand no tergiversation. We have most important politi cal objects to accomplish, and they can be accom plished only by a strict adherence to principles, and by the choice of public men, who will faith fully co-operate in carrying out those principles, and who will proceed steadily forward in searcli of the public good, without looking to the right or left for personal advancement and interest. If the union men arc watchful, and keep uni ted, all is safe; but let the least political division be produced among them, and their success in October and November may be endangered.” The first paragraph is an unfair and disingenu ous statement of the address of Col. Howard,' which the wiiter must have seen does not “re commend the adoption of the name of General Glascock on that (the Stale Rights) ticket,” but, acknowledging and approving the “ ardent desire” manifested by the friends of that ticket, “ to give him (Gen. G.) their support,” withdraws lo as- • ford them an opportunity of doing so without | foaling the whole ticket thereby ; or, in his own Words, “ that the general ticket may not bo af fected by the vote given to Gen. Glascock”—a “vote,” not “recommended” by him, but rccognis ! ed to have been previously determined on by the Slate Rigltts parly —and, while a recommendation ’ of such a vote would therefore have been altogeth er superfluous & ridiculous, not “recommending” ■ anything, but merely waiving his own individual • interests to lire evident inclinations and wishes of his political friends, and sacrificing his own politi | cal elevation and aggrandizement to the evident interest and benefit of the ticket, his principles, I and his country. J Now. as to the next suggestion, though “ this political movement” coiiid “ have been made without Major Howard consulting his pdlitical friends,” sO far as the act itself is concerned, (for, . Mr. (li tfu well knows that Ire is ns little likely to be swayed by them intd the adoption of any tiring unmanly, iiltrigucing, or indirect, ot Id need their suggestion or encouragement in any thing gener ous, disinterested, or self-sacrificing, as any man living;) yet itris highly probable, cousidciing the decided interest which “ iris political friends” have iu it, as well as himself, and tlieploforenoo he al ways manifests toward their opinions and wishes, as far as consistent with his superior devotion to his principles, that it was not so, and that he did “ consult some of them.” And, where was the harm of this I Nay, was it not strictly right, just, and proper, that he should fust ask and hear their opinions and objections I But if it was meant to be insinuated, as it evidently was, that the act is one of parly intrigue and stratagem, originating with and suggested by them, then we say, no man knows better than Mr. Guieu himself, from his former political intimacy and co-operation with Col. Ho ward, the improbability, yea, im possibility of (his, and that no man would more promptly and indignantly scorn silch a sugges tion, for such purposes, dr Could be more unlikely, from his well-known elevation of sentiment and character, and disgust of intrigue 6r indirection, to be approached with such a one. And the time has been, when he would have been among the last to make such an insinuation, and tire first lo scorn and discredit it. But things arc altered sadly since then—or rather men. Why is he not now co-operating with Col. Howard, as when they so zealously and cordially advocated to gether the doctrines and measures of Troup I Docs he believe Col. H. has changed, since (hen; and if not, who has I You “ cannot believe that Oehi Glascock was apprised of it, or that he was consulted about it.” Indeed: then wherefore this gratuitous and unne cessary remark, unless to excite a suspicion in others, against Gen. Glascock, which you dared not openly declare yourself? “For what is such a movement made?”— “ Certainly,” as you say, “ to defeat the success of the Union ticket,” by the aid of Slate Rights votes—or rather, to prevent the defeat of the State Rights ticket, by those votes, as declared by Col. Howard himself, and sometime past shewn by us. Is it less a merit in us, than in Union men, to struggle, by all honorable means, for the suc cess of oUr own ticket and principles, and “lo defeat the success” of those of our opponents? Is it not honorable to desire, that all onr own strength should be devoted to the success of our ticket and principles, rather than partially and certainly, though indirectly, lo that of the oppo sition ? And is not an honorable, and noble, mean, for one of our candidates to withdraw, in order toscarry their desire into cdect, and parti cularly when it is the only one left to secure it? “To create, in the minds of the Union men, such doubts, as to the political integrity and firmness of Gen. Glascock, as might lead to divi sion in the Union ranks”?—No, sir; it was actu ted by no such motive or “purpose,” but by high er and nobler ones, consistent with the piinci ples and uniform professions of the State Rights party. Professing to be governed by “principles, not men,” is it not their duty to support those who support their principles, regardless of party; and should (hey not be proud of qn opportunity to prove their sincerity, by voting for opponents who honorably advocate their principles, when ever an opportunity occurs ? Has not Anti-ab olition, and a devoted, unshrinking support of Southern institutions, in acts as well as words, become the great pivot and test question of the South, upon which all others must iifimediately or ultimately turn, and by which all politicians must bo tried and proved ? Has not the Stale 1 Rights parly been peculiarly zealous in pressing | this question and its tests upon both friends and opponents, as the only means of peace and safety jto the South ? Has not Gen. Glascock proved himself, his patiotrism, and devotion to the South, mostnobly on this question? And would they not, therefore, be false to their principles & professions if they did not applaud and support him for it, 1 promptly, and zealously, so far as they can do so ! consistently and justly —the only impediment to which lias now been generously removed by Col, How Aim? Is it not, as he says, “safer to roly on the actions, than the professions of public l men”; and perfectly natural, since “ Gen. Glas ' cock’s conduct during the last session of Con gress, on the abolition question, was perfectly satisfactory to the State Rights party, that our • friends, influenced by the integrity of their prin -1 ciples,” should “ manifest an ardent desire to give t him their support?”—more natural, too, from a love of country than of party ?—Did not the same ■ men, too, who applaud and admire the conduct of Gen. Glascock, in a political opponent, de nounce that of Mr. Pinckney, (which is the ve . ry reverse,) in a political friend ! And, as ano • thcr evidence of their patriotic, rather than party, . motives, while they would support the former, 1 do they not utterly discard the latter, ns a false hearted Southerner, and foul traitor 1 Could any ” thing prove more strongly than this, that they go c for the South, and its peace and safely, and all •. those who support them, and not for parly, or | any mere patty considerations ? ! \ Is it to “ create doubts, in the minds of thi . Union men, of the political [qu. parly ?] integri i. ty and firmness of Gen. Glascock,” for his op . ponents to applaud and support him for his devo . tirtn to his constituents, his State, and the South 1 i Should it create such doubts, in such minds ? . Should it not rather excite their gratification and 1 pride, that such devotion is acknowledged and applauded in their public men, and stimulate oth ’ ers to follow his example, proving, as it docs, that their reward would then be certain and general, and rendefed by the -whole people of their Slate, rather titan Ihdsli of a there party ? “ Create doubts !” Why is his noble and gen erous advocacy of the South and its institutions, inconsistent with his “ political (or parly) integ rity” ? Is his duly to the whole people of Geor gia, his State, and the South, at war with his du ty to his party ? Say you no Then why should a jUst and natural applause and support For such advocacy, and the fearless performance of such duty, “ create” such “ doubts'’? Can he not be a Southern man and a patriot, as well as a Union man ? If you say yea, is it not you, then, and your conduct, tliiit should “ create doubts,” rather than wc and ours ? “ Lead to divisions in the Union ranks 1” Why, and how, sir, in the name of reason and common sense ? Has he violated; or opposed, any of the principles of yolir party; or excited its just, honest, and open censure ? Nay, has he not received the official and general approbation of your party, in common with all his colleagues for his late career in Congress—as manifested by the declaration of your leading party paper, co pied in all the others, and even permanently af fixed to the Ticket by some, that the “ Delega tion,’ ‘has ably sustained the rights of the South, and vindicated the reputation of the Stale, a gainat the assaults of Whig and Nullifying agi tators”—“ fully justified the confidence of the people who called them to this important post; and we trust they will be re-elected by Increased majorities.”—lf, then, lie has violated or infrin ged no principle of your party, and received thus its general and open approbation, is it not a signal honor, not only to himself, but to bis party also, that he should have so acted as to command the open approbation and support of his oppo nents, also ? If his conduct is right, iu itself, as you have thus said it is, can it be made otherwise by the approbation of his opponents? Do you know no rule of right in yourselves, but the censure of others ; and fbd si) dohbtftll of yotlr own principles, opinions, or party policy and safely, that you should be alarmed for tbc one or the other, liy the temporary concurrence of your party antagonists ? True, it is utterly incottiprc siblc lo us; hoW you can so reconcile the diamet rically opposite conductor him and his colleagues, as to render your approbation alike to both, and to declare that they have alike “sustained the rights of the South,” “justified the confidence of” their parly, &c. Ate. This, however, is your business, not ours. But for tills, wo might haply have suspected that you honestly, but liberally and tolerantly, differed from tho one or the oth ers ; or, peradventure, siding with the more nu merous party, on the principle of your favorite maxim, “ the majority must govern,” had harass ed him with letters of complaint, remonstrance, end threat, but prudently bottled up your secret wrath till you had fully exhausted all efforts of coaxing or forcing him into the drill fine of his more supple and obedient colleagues: for all this might well have been suspected of a Van Buren party and its rigid discipline. It would have seemed impossible, too, that you could reconcile black and white, right and wrong, light and dark ness ; or that his colleagues, and others at home who sustained them, could fccljaltogether easy and well satisfied, under the influence of conduct re flecting so forcibly and directly on their own, and disposed to give him an honest and positive sup port at the polls, in opposition to themselves, ( however they might fear to openly withhold it, and thereby come into direct conflict with him: And, under this view, wc might have felt bound lo sustain him against them, since, having llobly sustained our opinions and principles against them, his defeat would be our defeat, and his tri umph our triumph. But all this could not be so —your general and entire approbation of his conduct as well as theirs, is conclusive —for you could not have had the barefaced impudence lo make such a general and positive declaration, un less consoled for its utter improbability, by a con scious sense of rectitude, and deep conviction ol its truth. Our support of him then is altogether gratuitous and generous, since you would ol course all vote for him and re-oject him without that support; and is it more unnatural lhatwc should approve the conduct of him alone, of all your candidates, and support him for that reason, than that you should approve that of both him & his colleagues, diametrically opposite as they arc, and support both ? or more improbable that our approbation and support should be founded on principle and patriotism, than yours I Lead to divisions in the Union ranks.” Wei? sir, and suppose it should; whose fault would that he—ours, his, or yours? Wc have alrea dy shewn that your conduct is more calculated to excite suspicion against him than ours ; and can it be a fault, in him, that he should have se cured our open, unsolicited, and voluntary appro bation, as well as yours ? Is not ours, a support of his conduct and principles, and not of the man, since *a like course iu cither of his colleagues must have produced the same result? Andean • his conduct be attributed to any selfish or trcacb - etous motive against Iris own party, and in favoi of ours, when, the former having a majority, and , all the offices & honors at their disposal, lis would , seem lo have everything to lose, by such a course - and nothing to gain ? It is most unjust and un , reasonable, then, to suspect or insinuate suspi , cions against the integrity and firmness of hit I party faith ; and, fw our course toward him, hi r can neither he such a fool or madman as to permi it to draw him from the elevated, distinguished, ie and commanding position ho occupies, iilto the i- ranks of our party. No, no, sir, if ho properly )- understands and appreciates that position—and •- It would seem impossible that he could have taken I it so nobly and gallantly, without fully compro ? bending and estimating its great distinction, il strength, and putver—ho ia not so shallow and d wretched a partisan as to abandon it for the i- Shackles and trammels of any party. Identified, it as his course is, with the best interests of the /lea 1, pie, they must and will sustain him, regardless Os >, parly, so long as he is true to them; and, with their confidence, what has ho to hope or fear from i- party ? The bold and fearless manner In which i, ho has struck fur their interests, regardless of con ;- sequences, cannot fail to secure him their un - bounded regard ; and should his party dare to as i- sail him, the contest will lib; not between them y and him, but belwCbti them and the people—a t contest by no means doubtful in Its result. Thus a situated, his posllidli is one of the most elevated n and gratifying that any statesman could desire ; || and with a popularity above the degrading train !, rnols of d mere partlzan, and that “ will follow,’* e instead of needing to be “ run after;” Who call suppose that he will sacrifice the confidence And " regard of a grateful people, for the precarious «Up- J port of any party? , You say “it is Well that this plan df llic State ] Rights party [again insinuating that it is a party t movement,] has been adopted one month before i the elections; it will give time to the Union men s to put themselves fully on their guard, and coun- I leract the effects intended to be produced,” &c. - Now do not the facts mentioned plainly disprove - the purpose insinuated ?—for, ifany mere parly - effect had been designed, how easy would it have , been, instead of giving time to guard against and ■ counteract it, to have published the address at • such late period, as would have prevented that guard and counteraction ; and also lo have wholly i disguised the true cause of the withdrawal, by at ! tribilting it to some other, and placing its relation ■ to Gen. Glascock altogether out of view. The 3 veriest tyro in politics could not hut have seen 1 and adopted all this, if any ruse had been intend -1 cd ; but, always incapable of practicing er coun • tonancing any indirection, and believing that • “ tho truth can never do injury lo a virtuous ' cause,” Col. Howard wrote “to tho people of ’ Georgia,” as he would have spoken privately to i his nearest friend. 5 \Vo recommend particularly to tho attention of r the reader, the entire next and fourth paragraph. 1 If it be not directed against Ofp. Glascock him r self, wc aro Wholly unable to liartiprobend it, or r any part of iti Who else, arc the Union men i* warned to exclude, by voting only for men who - are known to bo immovable in their principles ; , who will truly represent in the federal councils, I the feelings, interests, and political principles of ! those who have elected them ”? Who else, can I possibly be meant by the insinuation about “ men r not true to themselves, their party, or its prliict r pies,” artd Whom “ they must not vole for”? Who l else, is here charged with “ tergiversation”? That - he, and he alone, is meant and thus assailed, no - intelligent reader can doubt; and Wc defy the 6 Constitutionalist to deny it.—So, then, the over ■ charged vials of yoUr wrath Me even bursting thus i prematurely ; and So far from really looking upon tho withdrawal of Col. Howauii as a party ruse, • designed “to create, in the minds of the Union 3 men, doubts of the political integrity andfirfflness 3 of Gen. Glascock, *’ and “lead to divisions in 1 the Union ranks,” or sincerely regretting it as 3 such, you thus seize upon it as a pretext lo ere -3 ate those very doubts yourself, and product) ■ those very divisions ! Truly, gentlemen, your 3 recent impudent and hypocritical pretence of ap • probation of his course, alike with that of his col ■ leagues, is fast recoiling upon yourselves, and so ? will these covert and cowardly blows, also, or we • are greatly mistaken.—And, for your precepts '-I about party unity and division, in the succeeding > and preceding paragraphs, how beautifully and • consistently they harmonize with your practice 1 in this! f Gainesville, Sept. 10, 1636. FOR THE AUGUSTA CHilOXiriE. 0 Sc it i vex County, Sept. 17th, 1836. s To Joshua Hill, Augustus W. I.axe, Jehe -1 mi Air Peausox, Thomas 11. 13. Rivers, James 0 B. Lewis,and H. P, Kirktatkick, Esqrs., of Monticollo: ” Gentlemen: —Your note of tho Oth instant, in the Georgia Journal, addresaed to the State Rights ;r candidates for Congress, was handed to me for ,f the first time yesterday. Recognizing to its full d cst extent, “ the right of tho Constituent to rc e quire of the candidate for Ilia suffrage, an open II avowal of his opinions, on any political subject,” i, I lake great pleasure in responding to the irnpor k taut questions you have propounded. ), You ask if I believe tho Congress of the Uni r ted States has the constitutional poorer to abolish n slavery in the District of Columbia, or in any of the territories of the United States, or to legis- I, late on that subject at all; and whether, if lam d elected a Representative to the next Congress, I r- will vote to receive petitions for tho abolition of d slavery ?—To both these questions I Unhesita d tingly answer in the negative. If Congress has s- the right to abolish slavery in the District of Co )- lurnbia, or elsewhere, or to legislate upon that rt subject at all, that right must be derived alone r, from the Constitution, for from no other source s, can any department of tbc General Government n derive any right or power whatever, under its pre i- sent organization. The only clause in that in >r struinent upon which the Abolitionists, and those d who act with them, ground their claim of power, Id to legislate upon tlie_ subject of slavery, is that c, which authorizes Congress “to exercise exelu i- sivc legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such i- District not exceeding ten miles square,” as may is be ceded to tho United Slates for the purpose of ie establishing a permanent “scat of Government.” it To my mind, this claus ■, instead of conferring, di rcotly prohibits, the exercise of such a power; I for although Congress may exercise "exclusive legislation,” these words can never be tortured to mean an unlimited, and undefined legislation. Such a construction would be to subvert the re strictivc operation of the Constitution, and con found the meaning of words—it would be to make “ exclusive ” and “ unlimited” or “ unde fined" convertible terms, for which, other author ity than the present standard lexicons of our language must bo produced. Nor docs the seemingly comprehensive plirass “in all cases whatsoever'’, which immediately follows, at all unhinge this operation : No de partment of the General Government possesses, or can possess, any inherent, or utlderivcd power. All its powers are delegated to it by the Stales, and the Constitution is the written instrument en tered into by those States, wherein those powers are specified and enumerated. It is not suffi cient, therefore, that Congress is not prohibited the exercise of any particular power, but the right to legislate, must be specially delegated before the action of the federal government can be Icgitt rriatc, Whence it follows, that the words “in all cases whatsoever” mils! be construed to mean in all cases whatsoever, Wherein the Constitution authorizes the action of the federal legislature) If these premises lib true, it follows that Con gress cannot, under that clatlse, legislate Upon tiny and every silbject whatsoever, cilhet within the “ ten miles square,*’ or the lortilrilica. If the opposite construction prevails, then the Con gress of the United States would indubitably have the power to ctfcale titles of nobility, and establish a Religion ih the District of Columbia j nay, they could do any and every thing else that the whim, caprice, or interest of an unprincipled majority might suggest. Who, at the South, would openly contend for such a right 1 And yet there is no difference in fact between the two cases. Look then, gentlemen, to the Constitu tion—that instrument is silent upon the subject of slavery, and no whore confers upon the Feder al Government the right to legislate upon the subject at all. Under this view of the case, it is altogether immaterial whether Maryland and Vir ginia ceded, with the District, the right to abolish slavery therein. These two States could not ci ther make, alter, or amend the Constitution so as to give that right. The treaty of cession duty conveys to Congress the right to govern and con trol a certain district of country so far as it was previously constitutionally empowered to do. But, neither Maryland or Virginia ever intended to confer such a right Upon the Legislature of the Union—a right which would have been suicidal of themselves, and destruction ilself to their own people- The- intention of the grantors was sim ply to cede to the confederation a scat and loca- Cilliotl for their general agent, the Federal Gov ernment, and if they could have believed for a moment, that Under that clause of the Constitu tion which authorises tile acccplioll of the land ceded, a claim Would have been ret up for Con gress to legislate upon slavery, that body might still have been holding its sessions in Philadel phia, or perambulating the country from Maine to Georgia- Isl were at Washington, or at ally Other place, in my private, individual capacity, I could not tjjmely sit by and hear the State of Georgia abused, and her people vilified atld slandered ; mUch less could I, as a Representative in Congress, vote to receive a petition replete with the grossest calum ny, not only of nty constituents, hut of myself. If I am told that the Abolitionist has the consti tutional right to petition the government, and that therefore Congress is bound to receive ills petition, my answer is to be found in tho very clause under wliich lie seeks to introduce tils prayer. The people have the right peaceably to assemble and petition the government for a re dress of grievances; but of what grievance ? their own surely. Accordingly to the abolition ists themselves, slavery is a Southern wrong, and a grievance to the Southern slave, It is not their own grievance, nor do they claim it as such — they are not held in bondage ; they commisscr ate, at a distance, as they say, a sore grievance inflicted upon the slaves In Georgia. The people of Massachusetts and Connecticut arc not one and the same with the people of Georgia—on the contrary, so far as this internal municipal in stitution of slavery is concerned, they are wholly foreign to us. Then, these Fanatics might, with as much propriety, petition Congress to abolish the horrible Suttee of the Bast Indians, or the slavery of TimbUcloo, as slavery in the Stale of Georgia, to which they arc total strangers, and which belongs exclusively to us. Besides, the Constitution only prohibits Congress from pass ing any law abtidging tho right of the people peaceably to assemble, and petition, &c. Is the bare refusal, upon motion, in one house, td receive a villanous petition, the passage or enactment of a law, abridging the right of petition 1 If these cosmopolitan philanthropists are such pretended sticklers for constitutional rights, why let them take those rights as they find them written—let them have their “ pound of flesh but no more. I would vote for no law abridging, or interfering with the light of petition, although that right lias availed the Southern people but little heretofore —to us it lias indeed been but an “empty name”—- but, at the same time, 1 would not receive a peti tion grossly abusive of my constituents, and rela tive to a supposed grievance, which the petitioner disclaimed as his own, and over which Congress lias no earthly jurisdiction." Another, and not the least objection to receiv ing abolition petitions, is this : if Congress re ceive the petition, it must pass upon its contents, and dispose of it in some way or oilier, either by adopting of granting tho prayer of the petition, or ( rejecting it. Now, to do cither, would bo aclti- , ally to assume, and exorcise jurisdiction over < the subject matter of the petition, which, in my J opinion, would be not only "a violation of public ( faith,” as Mr. Pinckney would sny, bat an actual t and (hejiant violation of the Constitution itself. J ■% 1 These, gentlemen, among others,' which the limits ol this article will not permit me lo urge, 1 are the reasons why I have given a negative an swer to your important enquiries; and at the same lime that 1 hope they may be sufficiently explicit and satisfactory, permit me to express my regret that smh a stale of things exists at the South, as renders it ilcccsrary for the cohslltucnt to catechise tile candidate for office, upon the sub ject of Slaveui ; especially when it is done, lo expose, by contrast, the delinquency of dtleof our public servants: With the question of abolition, the politics of the day should not be permitted to interfere—tiro foe is at bUr door, and the danger ul hand. If wc are wise, let us bo united, and as one man, iii our opposition to the alarming en croachments of the Fanatic; and he who falters, when the hour shall come, in the defence df but homes, our altars, and our domestic institutions, should ho spurned from bUr cotlncils, and oxberd ted ns a man, I have the honcr, very respectfully, to bo, Your obedient servant, EDWARD J. BLACK. CHARLESTON CHOLERA REPORTS. Office Board of Health, 7 Charleston, Sept. 10—1 o'clock, V. M. 5 The Special Committee of tho Board have to rbpnrt for the last twcnly-four hours, 6 cases of Cholera ; 3 whiles, 3 blacks and colored, 4 dead, the, others Uhdor treatment. Os the cases reported yesterday, no iriore deaths have been returned. By order. TIIOS. Y. SIMONS, M. D. Chairman Special Committee. A. O. Ifovk.tnb, M. D. Clerk: September 17, 1 o'clock, /’. .If. The Special Committee of the Board have to report for the last twenty-four hbUra, 8 cases of Cholera; 1 while, 7 blacks and cdlorod, I dead, the othera under treatment. Os the cases reported yesterday, no more deaths have been returned. By order. September 18, 1 o'clock, V. ,M, The Special Committee of the Board, have (o report for the lust twenty-four hours, 8 cases of Cholera, 3 whites, 5 blacks and colored, 1 dead— the others under treatment—of the cases reportud yesterday, none have diedi By order, September 19, 1 o’clock ; P, J\i, Tho Special Committee of tho Board have to report for the last twenty four hours, 19 cases of Cholera; 6 whiles, 13 (darks and colored, 4 dead, tho others under treatment. Os the eases repor ted yesterday, ho illorb deaths have been return ed. By order. THOS, V. SIMONS, M. D. Chairman Special Committee. A. G. Howard, M. D. Clerk. Tho Board of Health report forty-nine deaths as having occurred in Charleston during the week ending on the 18th—16 whiles, 43 blacks—-34 died of Cholera. Charleston and Liverpool Line of Packets, — Wo congratulate the public on the fact that the Line ol Packets between Charleston & Liverpool, projected by our butciprlsiiig fellow-citizen, J. On amd eh lain, Esq. is to go into immediate oper ation. A Letter was received Gil Thursday, ela ting that the arrangements have been made in New-York with certain capitalits; according to which the ship Byron, to arrive hero shortly, will sail from 11110 port for Liverpool on the Ist of November. The ship jVorlh America will Bail hence for Liverpool on the Ist of December—and a new ship to be succeeded by twd others, will sail on the Ist of January—making in all Jive Packet ships, of tho burden respectively of from fiOO lo 700 tons. A Ncw-Vork Capitalist, inter ested in the enterprise, will establish himself In this city, as Superlntcndant, for which business he is said to be admirably qualified.— Charleston Merctlry. Charleston, September 10. Cholera on the Plantations, —An endorsement on the Way Mail from North Santee says—“Two cases of Cholera on Otfl. T. Pinckney’s Plantation, South Santee, Loth dead. A letter received from South Santee, slates that six cases had occurred at Col. Pinckney’s Planta tion, four of which terminated in death—the oth er two under treatment. Charleston, Sept. 19. —The Cholera, —An endorsement on the way bill from South Santee, states that on tho Islh and IGlh instants, there were fourteen cases of Cholera dti Col. Pinckney’s plantation—three deaths at tho lust accounts. We learn that a gentleman from Daniel’s Is land states that eighteen deaths have occurred from Cholera on Titos. F. Capers’ plantation ; and there are now twenty seven negroes sick, 4 of them dangerously so.— Courier. Inwrxrox, Ala. Aug. 30th, 1836. The first hale of new Cotton that has reached onr market, was raised on the plantation of Maj. John H. Howard, near this place, and wasrotd lo Mr. A. McKenzie, on yesterday, at public sale, for forty-three cents per pound. It is said that a severe frost prevailed through out New England on the night of the 6th inat. < '0.1315 BQgSUI Y l>. LATEST hate from i.i fkiii’uul, aro IST S. Latest date from iiaviip, ami cst 2. Maios Market, Sept: 15. We notice the receipt of about 75 bales of the new crop of Cotton, which have been disposed id from the Wagons at 17c.. being an advance of Jc. on last week’s prices. Pales have Ixou made this ( morning at 17‘0., With a good demand.— sles- sengen \ CuAntasTox Market, Sept. 17. Gotten —Arrived since onr last lo yesterday * morning inclusive. 297 bales of Upland the prin cipal part of which was of the last years crop.— Cleared in the same lime, 153 bales. On ship board not cleared, 164 hales. The sales have been 53 bales of Upland, of the old crop, at ISj I cents. We have beard of no sales of Long Cot ton, nor any of the present years crop; holders of tins description arc not disposed to sell without obtaining 21 cents —and purchasersrloriot at pres ent feel disposed to enter the market. We have | one vessel up for Liverpool, which is the only one : p now offering for that port in all tin- Southern sec-. J tion of the Union. MV have adjusted the last | veers crop together w ith the receipts of the present 4 3 up to the dates in our Tables. They amount id , 1 - 331 ■ s ‘l ß bale ß “f all descriptions. From all that we can learn the quantity that may be expected to arrive to the Ist October, will not possibly ex : cecd 3or 40t)0 bales—as die season is generally j admitted to be backward. r Groceries —The sales of Coffee have been lim tied, about 20 bags Culm, at 13j, hut there is i better enquiry. , In Sugars, 20 hhds Muscova t dbs at 12 anil a few hhds. at prices not transpired, . comprise the sales of the week. Molasses, non* , received, nor have wo heard of any skies.—-Mer cury. r - ’ New Orleans Market, Sept. 16, ; Cotton —Arrived since the 2nd instant, 343 bales (of which 300 bales arc of the new cropV. Cleared hi Ihb same time, 383 bales making i. I reduction in stock of 41 bales, A leaving on hand, , inclusive of all on shipboard riot cleared on the tllh instant, a stock (as corrected) of 3940 hales. ; The occasional arrival of new Cotton, and the readiness With which buyers conic forward in oi , der to secure it, is causing thb market gradually to assume a more interesting character, and more lively (one than has lately parked its Operational So far, the purchases have been made exclusively for homo consumption-, at the north; and tho sales, no doubt, would have been more extensive hud the receipts been larger. The prices paying correspond, of course, to the quality of the Cot ton, say for Middling to Fair, 17 to 17J; Fair to Good Fair, 18 to 10 cents; or, to use out; home quotations, say for Prime 18 cents, and other kinds more or less in proportion to their , Oneness. No strictly Choice Colton has yet been received. We give the following particulars of sales, via; 28 bales at 18,10 at 18, 50 at 17*. , 35 “» 17j, c at 18, II at 18J, 9at 17j, 4 at 17, 20 at 18, 10 at 17J, 17 at 18, 35 at 17, 16 at 18t 68 at 18J, 14 at 19, ami.43 at 19 cents. Levy's Price Current ; -5 MARRIED; In Marion, Perry county, Ala. on the Slh inat. by tho Rev. Peter Crawford, Mr. Alxred C. McKern, formerly of Augusta, Ga. to Miss Lc etnna, daughter of Cupt. J. T. Simms, all of this place. Pit Ol* OSaIJLS ~ sm FOR furnishing 60,000 good hard BRICKS; to ho delivered at the U. S. Arsenal naar tbia city, will be received by Major N. lUnfcrr, cOrti tnanding at the Arsenal. OC/” Workmen to construct a Cistern, will find employment by applying as above. Augusta Arsenal, Sept 19, 1836 4t 102 (scorgln, Lincoln County: jSBw Jesse Willis, of Capt. An t/VPV Hiony’s Diatritt, tolls before me; afl|W ,n . H. Norman, a Justice of tho Peace in ami frit adit! county, it KV3SQSBSO Strawberry Koan HORSE, sovert years old, five fact high; no marks ettfccpt d black spot on his right flank. Appraised to sixty . five dollars by Zaclmriah Grinia and Peyton W; . Norman. A true extract from tho Eatray Book, Os Lin coln county, Georgia, this 12ltl day of SepteHl ber, 1836. JOSHUA DANIEL, Dep. CTk.lnfr. Cl. Sept. 21 3lw 102 .fn •Irmorcr or Jllacksmith WANTED! WANTED at the U. S. Arsenal, near this city, an Armorer or Blacksmith. Ton good workman, Immediate employment and a li beral compensation will bo given. Apply to Ma jor N. U aiimv, eomrtmmlnlg at the Arsenal. Augusta Arsenal, Sept 19, 1830 4t 102 PLANTATION nyjlj ran thitm. - fB^HE Subscriber offers for sale, the Planta- B lion on which he now resides, containing 750 or 800 acres of Oak and Hickory Land, ait- . dated in Jefferson county, on tho waters of Dry Creek, eight miles from Louisville, on the Savan nah road, and forty-three from Augusta. Thcro isa good DWELLING on tho premises, also a new framed Gin House, thirty-two feet square, and all (necessary out houses; A tcmsidcrablo | portion of the land under cultivation is fresh. ALSO, 350 acres of Oak and Hickory Land, lying iri Burke county, on the waters of Spring Creek, and adjoining lands of P. B. Connelly, Bas«, anil I others. i ' ami, Also, , 2PO acres lying in Burke county, adjoining lands of Rollins, Wood, and others, known as 1 the Summerset place. cry- HOP to 1000 bushels of Corn, Fodder, Peas, Ac. also, Horses, Cattle, Hogs, and all ne cessary Utensils, will be disposed of With ths plantation oh which Inovv live, if desired. DAVID CAVEN. Sept. 21 3tW 102 New Arrangements. PE.IWTEIVS HO TEE, Marion, Alabama* The undersigned having pur- CjpfVnJa chased the above Establishment, bega MlInM leave respectfully to inform the pub mUMß lie at large, that ire is ready at all times to accommodate those who may favor him with their custom. Thb house is at present un dergoing a thorough repair, and he hopes ih a short time, to make it present an appearance in ferior to none in the country. 'I be health and location of Marion, make it it desirable summer retreat foi rill tlrosc who may feel disposed to seek a healthy residence during the prevalence ofsitk noss in the lower country. The house shall, at nil times be supplied Willi the best that this and the Mobile markets afford, and rio pains nor ex pense Will be spared to render comfortable those who may call upon him. His Dar is inferior to none iri the Southern country, and shall always be supplied with the choicest Liquors. His sta ble shall be constantly supplied with plenty of provender, rind good and careful Ostler;. . Persons travelling earl bn ocenwmodslbd at all times with HA CA's kept for that purpose. The Oflice of the Northern and Southern IHn* °> s, “" ges is also kept ut the Planter’s Hotel, sons wishing can procure scats. ■ m mm "y There is also a Barbel’s shop attached to the establishment. vVHEELER. August 24 6m 34 Cotton BtngstinSe PIECES heavy Dundee DAG- S SB B GL\ft, 42 mchca wide, fpr sale by J. & S. BONKS. August 13 _ IS. d B iLDttl*. I-NANCV AND STAPLE DRY GOODS, as 4 Wholesale. , 234 Broad-street, Augusta-Oco. Jan 13 * J 1 "