Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

I ■ - - „ — —IT wrase mi— i■ m - ■ , , i r»«v>'« i* n*i*i i"” rrwr j ITS _ * *m*"**mmmp**™*mmmmm-Wim » inmm m the south—abolition* “ I consider slavery a curse —a .curse to {he master— a wrong, a grievous wrong | to the slave. In the abstract it is am. ■ wrong,, bud no possible contingency can i make it right.” —Extract from day's ; speech, delivered ala meeting of the ( Colonization Society in Lexington, Era- I lucky. “I had a conversation with Mr. ClayV ; son-in-law. whom you know to be violent-1 ly opposed to the Administration, lie i said there was no chance for While or j Harrison ; that he considered Van Burcn | had no opposition, for neither of those , men could run. lie communicated some 1 facts in relation to Mr. Clay's |K>litical course of which I was ignorant; and which were calculated to remove in a very great degree, some of my ancient preju dices against that distinguished individu al. Clay’s abhorcnce of nullification and the South Carolina doctrine palliates ninny of his political transgressions.”— Extract | of a letter to the editor of the Federal \ ( Georgia) Union, doled Saratoga, -V. Y, COMMENT. We insert three extracts which, al the present time, deserve the special attention of the people of the sbvcliulding Stales. These are Mr. Clay’s speech on coloniza tion—an editorial article from the Boston Atlas, nnd a letter addressed to the editor of ihe Federal Union, dated at Saratoga. In Mr. Clay’s speech we have the bold declaration that colonization is intended j us a measure of emancipation, mid that it receives Ins support upon the principle j upon which ho acted “ forty years ago, to I procure the adoption of a gradual system ! of emancipation, on such terms, under ; such regulations us might consist \\ ilii { the good order and the highest interest of the commonwealth.” Coupled with'these extracts, wc give nu article, from the Baltimore Republi can, in which that print, the leading or ganoftho dominant parly, urges the mi nority m (he State’s Electoral College to dissolve the Slate Government upon the ground that thu refusal to elect a Senate would authorize Congress to consider Maryland, ( one of the old thirteen,) as a territory, nnd ns tuch to organize such a Government as the present dominant fac tion may desire to create. Those papers,furnish much mailer fir serious reflection. If slavery be u curse— a wrong —am, wrong us Mr. Clay asserts it to he, the only question to be consider ed is the mode of emancipation—and the only 'difference between Mr. Clay and the abolitionists, whom lie now denounces, is the rime. They have both the same end, | and it requires lint little experience in poli- , tics, and lens knowledge of men, to know, that so far as it relates to the people of the , non-slaveholding Stales, colonization will bo absorbed by abolition. Wo beg our southern readers to look at the article from Ihe Boston Adds, The question (hero has already assumed the shape to w hich , wo have long foreseen it would come. ( The bill for the suppression of jncendiury , publications is denounced an llio “most , important and obnoxious southern measure , that came before Congress and Mr. Van c Huron’s voto fir its third reading is used as an argument to show that he is not enti tled to the support of the abolitionists in ( preference to Mr. Webster nnd Everett, , who, it is affirmed, are more in favor of . abolition than Mr. Van Burnt. Will Mr. Pinckney’s constituents road , those extracts and believe that his measure of non-resistance is (hn best measure of defence against abolition? When both parties are contending fur abolition votes, on the ground that slavery is a curse— does it not follow that both parties will be infected and ultimately controlled by abo lition principles ? The abolitionists argue thus. The free States are a majority in the United Stales —they can elect the President, and (hey j can control the legislation of Congress ; if ( the free States are united a favor of aholi- , lion, tho abolitionists can control the U- ] nion. Such a Union would necessarily exclude (ho South, as such, from all poli- t tical power, and by bringing all (ho patron- | age of the Government under tho control of tho abolition society, enrich the aboli tionists at the expense of the South. Al though lliis argument is not in terms, yet it is in fact addressed to both parties now contending for power in New England; nnd Mr. Clay conics to their aid by de claring that he considers slavery a curse —an evil—all wrong; and denouncing those who are opposed alike to his and all other schemes of emancipation, as “ n new school” recently “ sprung up.” Wo do not hesitate to slate our belief that, ol the two, Mr. Clay nnd ids ussoci catos arc much tho most dangerous aboli tionists. They come to us in tho guise ot friends ; (hey mingle professions of love, patriotism and religion, in their crusade against our rights and institutions. They appeal to our sympathies—they disarm our fears—they appeal to our interests and consciences—and they are tho more dan gerous the greater the sincerity aiid'puritv | ot their motives. This is a question which j it becomes the South to understand—if slavery is a curse—if it bo wrong, in any { sense, in politics, morals or religion, it I should be abolished—and 'as the South I cannot prevent its becoming, in (lie other States, the question 'absorbing all others, nnd as it depends upon themselves, they should understand it and meet it now. Wo have quoted (he article from the Baltimore Republican to show-how futile i is the barrier set by (ho “ submitsionists'’ \ ot the South. It has already been deci- j ded by the court in Now Jersey, that no master can retake a runaway slave ; and 1 the court in Massachusetts have decided that a slave coming into (hat State, by the 1 consent of his master, becomes ipso facto 1 free. The Republican shows that the : party would dissolve iho Slate govern ment-resolve society into its original < elements, for the sake of power; and Mr. ' Dallas in a lato parly letter argues that the party can repel vested and chartered I rights; and that the party can create a : supreme court of the United States toen- < force their mandates; for says he, Gon. I Jackson has already appointed five of the ii seven members of (hat court. Is there a j slave-holder in (lie South who would place j ■ his political rights knd the power to pro tect them in such a tribunal I We say again, let the South read—and remember that if the South are united, | the moral influence of that union will crush I abolition, and preserve (ho Government. We will say more—wo must look to tho ' South to protect us not only against auo- ' mtios hut against agrarianism. In tho • South, the distinction between master and t slave U color; there is ao conflict between IL in nsOi—i iii ii .my ■— nmm ■mmo » capital and labor ; (he slave, is excluded | 1 from the polls, and hero there is more ' firmness and stability in our institutions — \ i there is no war upon properly. In the i North, this war arrays the community in -, ;to two nearly cquaLparties, and experi- ( once proves that thtfjp parties are so near ly balanced, that The moral influence ofi J the South thrown into the scale of either! will make it preponderate. Let Ihe South | ; lie true to herself and we have nothing to j fear. United wo stand, divided wc fall, j Let this he our motto and the republic is 'sate?— U. S, Telegraph. j From the Jacksonville Courier, /■] r/ra, Sfpt. 11. LATEST INTELLIUENCE. We arc happy to learn that (Jen. Call, in person, at the head of sixteen hundred .Tennessee Volunteers,is (o take the field, and to open the winter campaign imme diately. I he above intelligence is just furnish led u.s.—lt is probable that the inlelli- , j Hence derived from the Mail currier from Ncwnansville, given below, may not, > owing ip Us being verbally communica- 1 ted from one to another, he strictly cor- 1 reel in its detail. No letters arrived in ; (lie Mail by which we could contain di-; red the precise stale of allairs. To (he ! general outline, it may, undoubtedly, be ' relied on as correct. " Ihe following extract from a letter I was politely furnished us by a friend, to whom we lender our thanks for his kind- I ness and attention. It cot,firms thestale j merits given us by Caps. Feck, and con j tains particulars better and more correct j ly expressed, than they are in our own I article cn the same subject, j “On the ?>(h hist, a train with a supply ol provisions, arms and ammunition, lei; Garey’s Ferry for Ncwnansville. under (he command of Maj. Fierce. Expect ing to cncounter the Indians on the march, Maj. F. directed all the effective force of I” companies to accompany the train,] The command consisted ol* about 150 j Regulars and mounted Florida Vidtiri j •eers, and two pieces of Artillery. It reached Ncwnansville on (ho evening of the nh, and supplied that post with mb sislcncc for two months, one howitzer, with 110 rounds of ammunition, caimis ter shot and shells, and 10,000 musket hall cartridges, and as large a reinforce ment ol regular troops was also left as the commanding officer of that station considered adequate to its protection. It is highly gratifying to he enabled to slate that Ncwnansville continues healthy.” To the same gentleman we are indebted fur the copy which will be found below of a letter from Gen, Call to Maj. Fierce. It gives us great pleasure to publish in our columns such letters from officers of the Army. Wo sincerely hope that the officers will permit our 'friends to take copies of them fop us. The approbation expressed in the letter, colliers great credit on Maj. Pierce, nnd had not our friend furnished us with a copy, wc pre sume Major P. would not, though his mo desty (such is a sort of false modesty as we think) have insinuated even a desire 1 of its publication. 1 . “Tallahassee, Cth Sept. 18.3(5. 1 Sir —l have received through Col. ' Crane, a copy ol your Official Report, of the battle at Fort Diane. Your conduct, and that of the, officers and men under your command on that occasion, reflects on you and upon them the highest credit. To have beaten Powell, with one-third of ' his force, was a proud achievement— ami 1 take this occasion to tender my acknowledgements to you mid to your command for this gallant service. I am, sir, very respectfully, Your obedient servant, 15. K. CALL, i Commauder-in-Chief,” i Maj. R. K. Fierce, U. 8. Army. T'he Mail carrier from Novvnansville - via Garey’s Ferry arrived yesterday, re ports (hat Col. Rawlks left Tallahasae, last week, and was at Black-Creek on Monday just. Col. Rawles stales, that throe officers nl the Tennessee troops had arrived at Tallahassee, and that 300 ol the troops were expected to reach there the second day after he left; and that 300 more were expected in a day or two there alter. Great preparations are being made at Suwantoe Old Town for their reception'. They are to march, attended by the Governor from Tallahassee to that Post, and thence to the Ouiihlachu chy. Some regular troops are goin-'' a . round by water to join them at some, point I in the vicinity of that river. I he campaign is vigorously opening— the curtain is rolled up, and the people ot Middle Florida are crying “ all hail to the Tennessee volunteers” advancing to the front of the stage. East .Florida, the theatre of the princi pal part ol the war—of the devastations —the sufferings—will add their “ all hail’’ to swell the shout of joy at their ap pearance. May they not retire from that stage, nor the curtain drop, till the j drama is performed— iinishVd ; and not a | Seminole left to prowl though the ham I mucks, “ sacking whom he may devour.” I ami to make their blood-stained foot l prints in the sands of Florida. The Mail carrier also states that Ma jor Fierce has now the command of the troops in lids section. MoxoraeuU—luainoti Army, .Ac. Wc are indebted to the politeness ofj j Capt. Peck, of the steamboat Essay ons \ | for the following which he derived from i i the officers at Black-Creek. 1 On Thursday, the Bth inst. Maj. ' ! Fierce returned to Garey’s Ferry from : Ncwnansville, whither he had been to escort supplies to Fort Gilliland at that! place. No Indians or Indian signs were [ seen cither going or returning—aud it! was the opinion that the Indians had left nt that time the vicinity of Ncwnansville, otherwise it was the intention of Major Fierce to give them battle. Tho Major found Ncwnansville in a salubrious slate, j ami tffi; troops and citizens healthv—in circumstances far more easy, comforta ble, cleanly, and healthlul than those who are assembled at Black Creek.—Cols. ,33 All HEN and Mills arc there, active, I jaud doing credit to themselves. i V\ e were most agreeably disappointed ( m hearing that the people assembled at I - ewiiansville are in circumstances com- l paratively so comfortable. M ijor Fi eboe lelt two broken companies of the U. S. j i 1 coops, making 63 men under Capt. j \ 1 omkins, that number being all Capt. T. wished. He supplied the Fort with a- j nqtlicr piece of ordnance and l,>o car-I s fridges—also 10,000 rounds of musket - ball cartridges. He left 7 wagons and i .* horses for the use of the Post, and pro visions for two months. On Sunday last, Capt. Peck,-of the stcamb.it Essayons informs us that as he was going up Black-Creek, he saw an Indian standing on the south hank, not 1 more than 25 steps from the boat, it being j then close to the shore. The Indian, a nobly and beautifully formed man, miked except the breech cloth, a tuft of hair tied in a knot on the top of his head,— : stood resting on his rifle, and as the boat passed him, crossing his legs with, the 1 greatest nonchalance, viewed the boat and crew as she passed. Capt. P. re -1 marked that he seemed to he smiling at j them, as he could plainly see his teeth. On reaching Garey’s Ferrv, the Captain reported immediately to Head Quarters I tiif i e. Ma, jor Pierce ordered down several of (he companies stationed at that Post to I scour that section. A thorough search ! was made on Monday last, and a small i sign of Indians was discovered, but no Indians nor trail sufficii utly distinct for i the troops to follow. This was undoubt | l-dly a spy, or he would have tired on the - boat, as both (he Captain (who was ill | that day) and (he Mate were exposed to j a fair shot from the red skin’s rifle. XewnmsvtUc. —ln a letter from Lt. I Col. Mills, dated Fort Gilliland, ‘Jlh ! inst., he says ••—“An expedition under Capts. Beckham and Gilliland, (during my absence) an Sunday pursued a party of Indians, killed one and took six hor ses from them. No loss on our side. —«*»###(!— From thu Southern Kcconler, TUB MO.NtIttRU.OINTKRKOIJATOmKS We are requested by Gen. Glascock to stale, in answer to tho first of the ques tions propounded by Dr. Lucas Powell, nnd six others citizens of Jasper, that lie has stedlaslly and earnestly combatted for the doctrine that the people have the right { to instruct their representatives, and the | representative is hound to obey the will | nl the people, when that, will is clearly as certained, or to resign, if in any instance he shall believe (he act required of him by the pooplepa incompatible with the obli gations of conscience or of honor. He re gards this as one of (he leading principles ol (ho Union or Democratic party: and sin h iu his own attachment to the principle, • hat he would not abandon it even for the advancement ot a political friend, however great his preference might be for him. He will, therefore, in Iho event of tho elec tion of President ol the U. Slates devol ving upon thu House of Representatives in the present ease, vote for Judge White if he shall receive a majority of tho Eleu torul votes to carry his name before the House of Representatives. In answer to Iho second enquiry, wc nrn authorized to slate, that ho believes that the Congress of tho U. Slates docs not posses the Constitutional power to a bolish Slavery in (ho District of Columbia or in any of (ho Territories of Iho United Stales, orin any manner to legislate on the subject. His opinions in relation to this matter have been so fully and publicly expressed, and are now so well known to the people ol tho State, that n further reply on his part is deemed unnecessary. From Ihe Georgia Journal. THOMAS BUTLER KING, ESQ. This gentleman is at present absent from (he State. He has been indefatigablv ' engaged during the past summer in effect ing the accomplishment of works of inter nal improvement in this State, in this lie lias succeeded, as will be seen by his ' letter on this subject. His absence we , presume will urevent his seeing in time , to answer it, the question propounded to the Anti-Van Btiren candidates for Con gress. 1 From our acquaintance with Mr. King’s 1 opinions on this subject, we can take the ' liberty, in his absence, of responding to the Interrogatory. We have frequently 1 conversed with iiini on the subject, anil I lake great pleasure in assuring our tel- ! low-citizens, that he does not believe that Congress has (ho constitutional pow- 1 er to abolish slavery in the District of ' Colombia, or in any of die Territories of the United States. Neither does he con cede the right to that body to Legislate on the subject of slavery in any way ; and it elected to Congress, wo have no hesitancy in saying, that we believe lie would vote against the reception of any petition lor the abolition of slavery. We lake the occasion to mention our know ledge ol Mr. King's opinions on this question, presuming that the rest of our ticket will speak for themselves; and , knowing las entire concurrence with (hem on this subject, we arc, unwilling that he should sutler any prejudice bv reason of his absence from the State. M adison, Ga!, 15th Sept. 18.36. Gentlemen— Your letter of the 9th inst., communicated though the newspa pers, is hot ore me, and 1 hasten to mako to it an early answer. To myself, and thy other gentlemen composing (he State Rights Congressional ticket, you pro pound the following interrogatories— " Do you believe that the Congress of the United States possesses the Constitution al power to abolish Slavery in (he Dis trict ol Columbia, or in any of the Terri tories ol the United Stales, or to legis late upon that subject at all ? And will you, it elected a representative in the next Congress, vote to receive petitions for the abolition of Slavery?” 1 recognize cheerfully and fully the right ot the people, thus to question those i wlio seek to represent them, in relation i toidl matters involving political princi- ; pie and public policy, and therefore re- i sponded briefly as follows— I do not believe that Congress posses - i ses (he constitutional power to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia or in i (lie Territories of the United States; and i I do believe that the exercise of such a < power will be a palpable infraction of I the Federal compact—a breach of public I faith, and will of necessity dissolve the i Union. Ido not believe that Congress has the I right to legislate upon the subject of Sla- | very in the States at all; hut on the con- i trary, Ido believe that (he right of legis- s lation on that subject, belongs alone to t the Slates respectively. i It elected a representative of the peo- 1 pie of Georgia in the next Congress, I | will not vote to receive petitions for the \ Abolition of Slavery: a Because, in my opinion. Congress pos- i scsses no right of jurisdiction over the I sufficed matter of such petitions: f Because, (he reception of them creates « the necessity, and recognizes the expe diency of discussion upon their character and contents; and I hold that the slave question is not open for debate : Because. I would not lend my aid to make the halls of Congress, the theatre of Abolition agitation, and the Congress itself, the instrument l»y which the re pose ot the South may be annually dis turbed. Because, I would from a solemn con viction that the rights of the South—the sovereignty of the States, and the perpe tuity of the Union, depend upon the in tegrity of our domestic institutions, resist from any and every quarter the begin ning of aggression upon them. Respectfully, your fellow-citizen, E. A. NISBKT. Messrs, Joshua Itill, Aug. \V. Lane, Jeremiah Pearson, Thou. If. IK Rivers. Jus. IK Lewis, H. l\ Kirputriek , of Jasper county. 10 Joshua Hill, Augustus IV, Lane, Jeremiah Pearson, Thomas 11. IK Rivers, James IK Lewis, and 11. P. Kirkpatrick, oj Jasper county, Geur. p in : ' , Gknti.kmbn:—l find in the Georgia rournal an article bearing your signature, addressed to myself among others, re requiring me to answer the following question: “ Do you believe that the Congress of the United States possesses the constitu tional power to abolish slavery in the District o<'Col umbia, or any of the Ter ritories of the United Slates, or to Legis late on that subject-fit all ? and will y° 0 u, if elected Representative of the next C ongress, vote to receive petitions for the abolition of slavery r : ’ Recognizing, gentlemen, to the fullest extent, your right to propound thisintcr ogatory, and believing it to be my doty to answer you unreservedly, and enter taining not one political sentiment which I would conceal from my fellow citizens of Georgia, 1 proceed to say, promptly; that in my judgment, Congress has not the constitutional power to abolish slave ry in the District of Columbia ; that Con gress cannot, constitutionally, deprive all, or any, of the citizens of that Dis trict <d property in slaves; that the right ol property in slaves in that District is a vested right, as sacred as - is the same right in the slaveholders of the States ; and that it is the solemn duty of (he peo ple of the South, to (he performance of winch they are pressed by every consul elation that can weigh with a free people, i esolved to maintain their own, and the rights of posterity, (o present, on this point, forthwith, a determined, unyield ing, and united opposition. I believe, gentlemen, (hat Congress' cannot, con stitiuionally, abolish slavery in any of the territories ot (his Union—nor can they impose as a condition of admission of any territory into the Union, the previ ous abolition ot slavery therein—nor can they, either in (he District, or in any Ter ritory, so legislate as to impair, or in the least altect, the right of property. Con gress may, as a local Legislature for the District of Columbia, pass all necessary police Laws, and laws for the good order and government of slaves, ns'does the State ol Georgia, ami each of the other Southern States—but the of proper ly im a subject they jUanmit touch, w ith out a violation of (fiSf provision of (he Constitution which declares (hat “private property shall not be taken for public use without just compensation.” Abolition emancipation is not f< public nsc** within the meaning of (he Constitution. I u emancipate or abolish would be no public use ’ it Would be a public curse; throwing upon the District and the Terri tories, multitudes of paupers and felons, impoverishing and demoralizing instead 01, as now, enriching and improving them. 11 elected, gentlemen, I shall be found the uncompromising opponent of abolition petitions. I should vote for their rejec tion without hesitation— as soon as I would for the rejection of a Petition' to abolish by Act of Congress the Federal Constitution, or a Petition to throw the Revenue ol the Country into the Poto lomac, or a Petition for the estabishment ot a National Religion: nor shall I be lieve the right of petition affected by such instant rejection. J I am, Gentlemen, Your fellow citizen, JOSEPH W. JACKSON. Newman, 7th Sept. 1836. Gentlemen; \ our letter of to-day has just come to hand informing me that at a meeting of the friends of the Union par;y m tins place, on the 6th instant, who en tertain the opinion that Congress has no authority under the constitution to abol- slavery in the district of Columbia, or interfere therewith in any manner’ vou were appointed a committee to ad dress the several candidates for Congress, now before the people upon that subject and that you are instructed to ask me whether in my opinion,. Conoress lias the constitutional power to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, and requestim-- an early answer. ° I assure you gentlemen, I have no dif ficulty in answering your enquiries im mediately, and I am happy to see the pco pte amused upon this most important ot all the political questions of the day. IJo not believe that Congress has the right under the Constitution to abolish slaver}/ in the district of Columbia . and 1 will add, or any where else, and I more over believe that he who would claim that right under the constitution for Con gress on the one hand or concede it upon the other, is an enemy to the South, and a traitor lo the Constitution. 1 am also of opinion that slavery as it now exists in the United States is a great political ben efit to die people of all the various sec tions ot our common country, and espe cially to the people of the South, and that not the least of these blessings is the comparatively happy and contended condition ot the slaves themselves. Sla very always has ami always will exist in . tact, it not in the law, in evqry nation of people, and flie most deplorable condition ot slavery is in that country where neccs sitv lorces men to be slaves, where it is forbidden'by law, and the most cruel of masters is he, who has not right to the labor ol his servant and qp interest in the property. lam also of opinion that sla 'toy is consonant with the scriptures and that oar maker contemplated its ex- 1 istence in his command to servants to o bej their masters, &c. &c. From these tacts and opinions, gentlemen, vou may easily perceive that which is my true o pinion, that Congress has no right under j the constitution or under any other au- , thority human or divine, to abolish sla- j very in the district of Columbia or any where else. . I Connected with this subject is the j measure ot thy last session ol congress in which Mr. Pinckney, and other southern members voted to consider, and report upon petitions praying congress to abol ish slavery in the district of Columbia. I consider this a most fatal step, the con summation of the final designs ot the ab olitionists. The history ot the federal government lias proven already that when once a measure can be brought before congress to be considered and debated, the Constitution can he construed to fa vor any doctrine which an interested or ambitious combination wish to carry.— This proposition is abundantly proven by the passage of the various tariff acts in violation of the letter and spirit ot the constitution and if after Mr. Van Daren should he elected President (if lie should) his only friends were to rally around, and desire other Missouri restrictions, other laws to grant free negroes to vote in elections will lie not in pursuance of the same measures favor the abolition ol slavery? Will not the same spirit that prompted him to support the right of free negroes prompt him still to encourage such measures qs will secure their free dom ? the conclusion is natural at id irre sistible—and I greatly (car that the south has conceded too much already, and 1 am deliberately of opinion that we should lose no time in redeeming ourselves from this condition by enforcing in congress and every where else, our constitutional rights to hold our property inviolate. Very respectfully vour oh’t servant. JULIUS C. ALFORD. ,d. M. England, Wm. i\immnns, W, Kilgore, Committee, MiLLEmffevn.LE, Sept. ID, 1836. To Messrs. Lucas Powell, (I. Simonton, ; James McKennie., David Meriwether, William Jl. Moore, John Hines and c. ji: c. might. Gentlemen: —Acknowledging in its lullest extent the right nt the constituent to be informed of the political opinions of candidates fur office, 1 cheerfully re i spond to the question* propounded in your communication of the Bth inst. ; In the event contemplated in your first enquiry, of the election of next President f devolving upon the House of Represeu . tatives, I shall consider it my duty to , conform to the will of the people of the State as it may be expressed in the choice i ot Electors in November next; and I shall vote for (he candidate who receives the electoral vote, of the Slate, .whether it be Mr. Van Huron or Judge White, not only on the first ballot, but so long as there is any prospect of Ids election. This I believe to be the intention of all the members of our representation, as several of us had a conversation on this subject before we left Washington, and all were of opinion, that obedience to the will of our constituents was, in this, as in other cases, a paramount duty, to which our personal predilections must yield. To your second inquiry, I reply that Congress does nnt, in my opinion, pos sess the constitutional power to abolish slavery in tfie District ol Columbia, or in any of the (efritories of the United States, or in any manner to legislate upon the subject. I am, gentlemen, with great respect, your oh’t. servant, S. GRANTLAND. Sparta, September 14, 18.36. Messrs. Lucas Do welt, If. Simonton, James Me Aclinic, David Meriwether, II illiam Moure, John Hines and C. W. C. Wright. Gentlemen :—I recognise, to the ful lest extent, the right ot the constituent body to instruct the representative, sub ject to the single condition, that the latter shall resign, if he cannot conscientiously obey—and in whatever mode the people of Georgia shall express their will, touch ing any public act to be performed by me as their representative, I will obey that will, or resign. So much for the general doctrine, lying at the root of the first interrogatory contnaied in your com munication of the Btli instant, addressed to my colleagues and myself, as publish ed in the Southern Recorder of yesterday. Presuming that you exclude Mr. Web ster and General Harrison from the con tingency contemplated in vour first in terrogatory, I answer, that if the election of President of the United States shall devolve on the House of Representatives, and the candidate voted for by the Elec toral College ot Georgia, ora majority of them,-shall be one of the three highest on the list, I give my vote for him, so long as his name may be run,.unless it is clearly ascertained that by so doing, an election will be entirely prevented. lo vour second interrogatory, I an swer, tiiat I do not believe Congress pos sesses any constitutional power to alter or abolish slavery in the District of Co-' l umbin, or in any of (lie Territories of the United States—nor power so to le gislate therein, as to aflect (lie institution of slavery in any manner whatever. Very respectfully, Vour obedient servant, CHARLES E. HAYNES. fj) ®«*- Lowndes County, Aug 30th, 1836. His Excellency Governor Schley; Sin-—I have to inform you that a party ot Indians were seen in (he upper part of this county on Wednesday evening, 2 Uh instant. Next morning, an hour by sun, there was a company of eighteen or twen ty men of us in pursuit of them. We trailed them about lliree miles when we came to their camp where they encamped for the night and appeared to have col lected together at (hat place. We sup posed from the there were about sixty-five or seventy of them. We pur sued their trail, after dispatching an ex press to captain Knight at his post to join us with his company, which he did forthwith. We pursued' them until Sa turday, 2rth instant, about half past two o clock in the evening we came in si'dit of them where they had stopped to re fresh themselves near the line of Ware - and Lowndes counties on the side of a 1 large cypress swamp, known bv the name 1 of the Cow Creek. A\ hen we first saw t lem at the distance of three or four hun dred yards, they were running some for the swamp and some from the swamp, i As we were marching by heads of com- t panics, a charge was ordered at full s speed, which soon brought us within for- i ] ty or fifty paces of their line where they j l had posted themselves in the swamp—a j battle ensued which lasted for ten or sis -1 teen minutes, which was fought with ' much bravery on the part of the whites. | We completely routed die enemy and | gained the victory. The loss on our side was one man wounded & one horse kill ed. On the part of the enemy, was two killed in the field that we got.one woman wounded that we captured that died the next day about eleven o’clock. There were signs seen where there were two more dragged into the swamp that we supposed were killed. We succeeded in taking six prisoners with the ond that died; the other remaining five, for their better security and safe keeping, 1 have sent to Thomasville jail, Thomas coun ty, Georgia, where your Excellency can make that exposition of them that is thought most requisite. The information obtained from the pri soners, with regard to the number of In dians, was thirty-three warriors, thirty live women and children—sixty-eight in the whole. Our forces consisted of a bout sixty or sixty-five men; the ad vance commanded*by Capt. Lindsay, ■ and right Hank by Caps. Levi J. Knight, and left by myself. Very respectfully, vour obedient ser vant, ‘HENRY BLAIR. Col. Commanding Qlul Regiment % G. M. AIJOUSTA: SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 21, IS3B. “Be just, and fear not.' 1 CONQ RESSIOsrA L TICK BT. JUI.IUS G. ALFORD, of Troup, EDWARD J. BLACK, of Scrivon. W. T. COLQUITT, of Muscogee. WILLIAM C. DAWSON, of Greene. R. W. HABERSHAM, of Habersham. JOSEPH W. JACKSON, of Chatham. THOMAS BUTLER KING, of Glynn. EUGENICS A. NESBIT, of Morgan. THE MAIL. No Mail yesterday, north of Fayetteville, N. 0. We have no Northern papers later than the 14th, when we ought to have been in possession of those of the 16th, yesterday morning.—By the way of Charleston we have intelligence from New York as late as the 17th. TENNESSEE VOLUNTEERS, Sic. The Tallahassee Floridian of the 17th instant , states that the Tennessee Brigade had arrived, and were encamped six miles east of that place.— Gov. Cali,, commander-in-chief, and Gen. Read, were at that time, confined by indisposion. The Floridian supposes that offensive operations will commence shortly. TROOPS IN FLORIDA. A letter to the editor of the Jacksonville Cou rier, dated “Garey’s Ferry, Sept. 13,” says:— “ The condition of the troops at this post is de plorable beyond description. It is now expected that the winter campaign will open on the 25th inst., and out of tho eleven companies of Artille ry now at this post, (the quota of which is GOS men) wo have only 110 fighting men; and whore wo should have 55 ufiieors, wo have only six for company duty. There arc eight compa nies at this post without an officer,” WILSON LUMPKIN. The Georgia Journal of tho 20th hist, says : 'Ye sec tins gentleman’s name still held up as a candidate for elector of President on the Van Boren Ticket. Does ho not know that lie is con stitutionally ineligible to that office, or has not tho profound constitutional knowledge of his ‘ad visors’ discovered the fact. No man holding an office of profit under the Federal Government shall he an elector of President and Vice President. Mr, Lumpkin is Cherokee Commissioner, with a salary wo believe, of eight dollars a day.” MORE STORE BREAKING. Pile shoe store of Messrs. Robertson- & Benedict was broken open on Tuesday night last, and robbed of sundry articles. The rascals rummaged every drawer and desk in tho store, but fortunately found no money to reward their labor. Tho store of Messrs. Beard & Pitts, three doors above, in the same range, was also broken open some time last week, and the robbers succeeded with hammers and chisels in forcing open the Iron Sale, hut hero again they wcro*uu rewarded for their labor, for they found no money. c notice tho breaking open of the above stores in order to put our citizens on their guard—if they wish to secure their properly, they imrst not place too much reliance on our City Police. — Consti tutionalist of yesterday, MEETING IN CHARLESTON, A meeting of the Stale Rights party was held in Charleston, on Tuesday last, and Is vac E. Holmes, Esq. was nominated as a candidate for Congress, in opposition to Mr. H. L. Pinckney. The following resolutions, among others, were a dopted by the meeting : “ V Resolved, That in tiro opinion of this meeting tire only safe and honorable contest for a ■ Southern Representative in Congress, is to resist at the threshold, every interference witlr slavery ; that the ground occupied by the majority of our delegation, .with reference to the Petitions for the Abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia was the true and only safe ground, and that in de serting that ground to conciliate a parly majority, tho Hon. Henry L. Pinckney has compromised our rights, disappointed our confidence, and mis represented our opinions. 5. Resolved, That as the rc-election of Mr. Pinckney, will and must be regarded as a surren der by this District, of tire principles of the Stale Rights party, and as a transfer of its inlluenco to to the interests of tho Executive nominee for the f residency, it is duo to the principles of that par ty to oppose his re-election.” GLASCOCK. All objections being now removed, by the gen erous and disinterested withdrawal of Col. How- Ann > t(> ; ' lO Slat « Eights men voting for Gen. Glascock, wc hope they will all do so, to a man. Tire admirable course pursued by him on the Abolition question, strongly contrasted as it is with that ot all his colleagues, and a large por tion of his party, and dccidly in accordance with the views and principles of ours, eminently enti ties him to our regard and support—particularly, , too, as no other political principle or opinion he , entertains is likely to come in conflict with any , of ours, in the Congressional term, for which he \ is a candidate. Were it otherwise, we would - be among tho last to recommend him to the sup- i port of our friends, or to vote for him ourselves • < and it is well known that no one has more uni-’ , formly and rigidly adhered to our principles, re- , gardless of men, and of all consequences, than , wo have. Could we perceive the slightest incon- tl ststency m supporting him, or the remotest like- f, luood of its prejudicing our principles, or bring. I ing him in conflict with them, we assuredly would not only not support him, but earnestly urge all other of our friends to a like course. But; so far from this being tire case, situated as he and us now are, every principle of consistency, pro pnety, prudence, justice, and safety, require us to' give him our open approbation and support.' I rue, lie is no Nullifier, but when or how can he come in conflict with the doctrines of nullification,' in Congress, in the term for which he is a can didate 1 and, while all action on those doctrines' must sleep in ail probability for many years, the question of Abolition, on winch ho has acted so intrepidly and nobly, (and on which he has gone, and evidently will and must go, as far as the most devoted and ultra of our public men possibly can go,) is now the great test question of the South and the whole country—the most vital and impor tant of all others to the Southern people—and the very one of all others on which parties must here after form, and all elections turn. Ours is em phatically the Southern' partt ; it mailers not how decidedly a man may be "a nullifier, if he hesitates on this question, he is opposed to us; and to that party; and however opposed to nulli fication, if he comes up to us, shoulder to shoul der, iu opposition to Abolition, lib is virtually with us, and with that party, for the time. It i3f impossible for us any longer, with justice to our selves and the South, to exclude all who are op posed to nullification. Wc must stand by that,' when it becomes a question, and this now, while it is so; and should nullification become the main question again, when it does so, we shall be a raong tile first to raise its glorious standard, and rally its old friends around it. As tire Southern party, inflexibly devoted to the South, its interests' and institutions, we must, now, and always, pro-' sent our front to the point of danger, whichever,’ and wherever, it may he ; and though, if true to' ourselves and our principles, no one of those points will ever be inconsistent with any other, or bring us in conflict with ourselves,“yet we must not exclude others from acting with us on any one point, who cannot do so on others, but should promptly sustain them, so far as they sustain us, our principles, and the South, and leave them to do lire same. Looking to ‘‘principles, not men,” wc should unhesitatingly sustain any man, wluy sustains our principles, and, so far as they sustain our principles, and no farther—openly applaud ing and voting for them when they do so, and withdrawing ail aid and countenance when they do not. On these grounds should we support Gen. Glascock, regardless of ids party views or opin ions on other subjects; and how else can wc prove ourselves more devoted to principles, than men or party, or encourage others to support our principles, when they approve any part of them in opposition to their party 1 If we now with hold our support from Gen. Glascock, when wc can honestly and consistently give it to him, will not such conduct give the lie to our professions, and shew that wc value party toorc than princi ple—and at the same time discourage all others from doing as he has done, from a fear of tho consequences—the enmity and abuse of their own parly, unopposed by the sympathy and sup port of any other 1 Such a course would not only be ungenerous and unjust, hvft impolitic in the extreme, as well as deleterious to our princi ples, and discouraging and destructive to ptibliO virtue. He is therefore justly entitled to our sup port, and we earnestly hope will receive it— all of it, to a man ; for it is not to tho large majority of our friends (who already agree with us,) that we address these remarks, but to the very few of them who do not —anxious as wo are that every one of them should vote for him, and thereby pre sent, at these polls, the only correct and unques tionable evidence that can he given, of the light in which his conduct and principles, on the Aboli tion question, in contrast with those of Iris col leagues, arc hold by tire people of Georgia I Is not this an object of the deafest importance to us and our principles! What if he can and will be elected without it; that is not the point; for, merely to ho elected, without a triumphant majority, will ho claimed by his party friends as a mere party triumph, effected by themselves, and not indicating any approbation of his conduct and principles over those of his opponents This would he virtually a defeat of the former, as contrasted with the latter, and claimed as shewing that his party tolerated it, though they did not ap prove it, and had re-elected him in despite of it— when in all probability a large portion of his parly expecting him certainly to bo elected with the aid of ours, and fearing the contrast just alluded to— a contrast so fatal to them,'and triumphant to us! will silently drop him, at the polls 1 Yea, unless we support him waimly, and unanimously, they may, in this way, even defeat him, or at least give him such a vote, in contrast with those of his col leagues, as would seem a defeat of his conduct and principles, and humble him before them. Is it not natural, disapproving of his conduct as they and his colleagues do, that they should de sire (if not to defeat him,) allcast, to humble him and his opinions, lest they otherwise stand forth with such a majority as would be the most popular and Humiliating censure of them and theirs I And would not tho humbling of him and his.principles, on this point, at the same time equally humble us and ours, and discourage him and others from supporting those principles hereafter, and the people of Georgia from looking up to them witlr a favorable and confident eye T Would not his and their defeat, be oar defeat, and his and their triumph, be our triumph; and is it not theiefore of the utmost importance to us and our principles, that wo should give him every vote wc possibly can, and as large a majority as possible over all his colleagues 1 Is it not highly desirable, that it should ho perfectly understood by the public, and all parties, that all our party vote for him, to a man, and that each one of it should not only so declare himself to our oppo nents, but shew his ticket openly at the polls, so that it he does not then got the entire vote of both parties ,'as shewn by tile vote for botli tick ets, it will be evident that his own party friends have dropped him at the polls, and even discard ed him, if it shall be found that ho has not votes enough to elect him, exclusive of ours, or as many as his colleagues, with that exclusion I Let them but -do this, and though there is every reasonable hope of success for our ticket, yet even if it should be defeated by a mere party vole, the great majority of Gen. Glascock, over Ins colleagues, will he a glorious triumph of his and our principles, over those of his colleagues and his parly, and put them and their principles completely down, in future ! Is not this a great, a glorious triumph to be gained, for Southern in terests, principles, and institutions, over Aboli tionism, Van Unrenism, and Pinckeyism ?—a triumph worthy of a great and glorious struggle for its attainment I But there is reason to believe that the Union