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THE ALBA “ Winlom, Justice, moderation.” VOL. I- ALBANY, BAKER COUNTY, GEORGIA, SEPTEMBER 24,1845. NO. 24. THE PATRIOT, n H!.yllF.P EVERY WEDNESDAY rJORRIXO, BY NELSON T1F7 & SETH N. BOUSHTON, EJtiors and Proprietors. T ERM S. c\VO Dollars per annum, if paid in advance, or -i . Dollars at tlic end of the year, yikrrtispmpnts net exceeding twelve linen, will ,"in«-rt<d »t One Dollar for the first insertion, and r-s.rentslor inch continuance. Advcrtineiocnts ' "having the numlier of insertions specified, will y puUisl^d until forbid. 9 of Land and Negroes by Executors. Adtmnis- ' tor . anti Guardians, arc required by law to he >n a p'dtlic gazette, sixty days previous to .wiiv of sale. Tbe sale* of Personal Property must be advertised litc manner forty days. "yctice to Debtors and Creditors of an estate must wiMWicd forty days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Otiitnry i>>r leave to sell Land and Negroes, must i, nublifhid weekly for .four months. ’ MitiJilv Advcrtiseiuents,One Dollar per square fercirh insertion. IT AH Letters «m business must be post paid. POETRY. WASHINGTON. Great were the hearts and strong the minds, Of those who framed, in high debate, The immortal league of love that binds, Our lair broad empire, state by state. Aad deep the gladness of the hour, When, is the auspicious task was done, La solemn trust, the sword of power Was given to glory’s unspnil'd son. That noble race is gone; the suns Of fitly years have risen and set; But the bright links those chosen ones So strongly forged, are brighter yet. Wide—as our own free race increase— Wide shall extend the clastic chain, And bind in everlasting peace, State after state, a mighty train. COMMUNICATION. To (if Editors of the Albany Palriut,— Gestlemes:—A paper has been handed to us, containing a communication from an anonimous ■ inespondctit of the “Courier,” signed “A Farmer,” and as many portions of it have offered ns some groat amusement, wo.trust the writer will pardon us fuc desiring to extend our feelings to the readers of your paper. Let us add that we do it in ail kind ness—for even were wo disposed to feel otherwise, the quiet beauty of this moonlight evening, would ; Kuril every hitter or unkind emotion in our bosoms, let us mv further, that it is our earnest endeavor t all times to avoid any uncourtcous expression, and to meet our whig brethren, armed with calm aad dispassionate afWumcnt; not with the wolfish ferocity of Gladiators. Extending then, to our "Fanner'’ friend the right hand of fellowship, it is our desire to unravel, “ in all amity,” the sad maze of perplexity in which lie is placed. We love fanners! there is something bluff and open ai l manly about them. But this one becomes nest irresislabiy rcdiculous, when- he falls into a Ihinder, seeing that he makes matters still worse t; his comical attempts to get out of it Farmers ire certainly by far the most estimable class of our citiims; not so much the “hone and sinew,” as the veins and vitals or the country—and it is there to' with pleasure that wo listen to their remarks, subjects which are often rendered much clear er by means of the practical knowledge they bring to bear thereon. But our triend of the “Courier” would understand more, we hope, of cotton, tlian of phtical economy, and could much better raise a fi id of com, than he could direct the logic of Lcgis- ivhon. He will pardon ua if we suggest that tho’, when he sat down to write tho communication re- I hired to, he evidently meant to bo very sarcastic and bitter towards the democrats: ho has succeeded only so tar, as to be quite sarcastic upon the | 'big*. Poor fellow! wo quite feel for him. It is this slight want of discrimination, which we kave already said is so amusing, that prevents him I &>o discovering the intentions of the democratic i*ny, in requesting a clear statement of the princi- I Pta °f both candidates for the Senate. He seems absolutely to labor with a whole litter of thought, jn regard to this dull and mysterious proceeding. He imagines a host of dreadful thiugs in regard to >f. »nd finally stops, quite overpowered by tho fears ml mystery in which it is enveloped. We wish to Heaven that before enduring so much agony, ho | “A *rplied to us at once, and we should have re lieved nim; but in the hoprs that it is nut yet too I “to, wo tender him the following information, in ttgard to that very mysterious proceeding: In tho fed place, Mr. “ Farmer,” let us tell you that tho Lommittco were perfectly aware of Ur. Williams’ | Pt'Ufiples when they nominated him, but they were tot satisfied that every other poison was, and it was I Utir desire, as they nominated him for his princi- plu, that they should be well understood by erory so that none could eay they were ignorant of wbt they voted for. The Committee felt that they •“d nothing to conceal, but they were equally well •ware, that often persons were excluded from the tanvledge of the political position of • person, from r* fact that they lived in constant attention to their household duties, and did not take the time to in- “nn tlicmselres correctly; and that therefore they *<»ld give their vote ignorantly, lor a man who opposed to all their dearest interests. The Lounaittco were further aware, that sometimes a ° nn ’* principles were incorrectly represented by t ’ et * on * ignorant on the subject, or who gave them ,u ™ * coloring ae to distort them completely. An is before us in the manner in which Col. IT® Dixon’, views hare been misrepresented in "P** to his vote for Ur. McAllister; tad the democratic party therefore Wished to show their colors fairly and openly, “leaving Cod,” in the pious language of ancient chivalry, “to save the right.” Such were their views in interrogating Mr. Wil liams. In regstd to Col. Mitchell, they did not deem that even he had any right to exempt himself from an examination into his principles—indignant though his friends have been at tho presumption, (llcavcn save the mark!) of those who asked it They had been brought up, Mr. “ Farmer,” in a good old Republican School, where they were taught to believe that a would be Represcntativcfa-as bound to answer the demands of the omnipotent people. It was not from the mouth of a party, calling them- sclvca Republicans, that wo expected to hear bursts of indignation, because certain gentlemen, of as high standing as even Col. Mitchell, had; in a cour teous and manly spirit, asked from the candidate of their opponents, an exposition of their principles, while at the same time, tliey tendered, through their questions to Mr. Williams, an explanation of their own. The Committee also felt that desire which is honorable to every patriot, to see their own princi ples triumph -, and knowing that many persons voted from personal feelings, or without enquiring, they wished simply to mpke the contest one of principle, not of men. Tliey knew Col. Mitchell was a very great man—very; hut tliey wished him to bo elect ed, not from his elevated position in talent, and as a great statesman—but for his political creed. The democratic party were not afraid to risk it upon that, or to show their hands. Not so with your party—O, my clod-compelling friend! Tho canons of their political faith are things of the grave and darkness, like tho mysterious rites of the ancient Druids. Like the Holy of Holies of the Hebrew, we dared not raise the curtain to gaze upon the object* of your political faith. I'srdon us for saying, tint when lifted, we should be left some what in the position of tlic Roman General, who in vaded its sanctity only to behold— nothing, for we have sought in vain for your principles. We have been utterly astonished at the mortification of our whig frier*ts, (for we have some very warm and estimable whig friends) because the gentleman on tint Committee had actually questioned Col. Mitchell in regard to his political views. Now my dear “Fanner,” suppose you were applied to by an individual for tlic birth of overseer—would you not ask him a few questions in regard to his capaci ty ? We should tnink so, and tve pronounce tlic cases exactly parallel. Col. Mitchell has requested to be employed by the people to oversee their inter ests in the Senate. “ Wall, but Colonel, we wish to employ a man to do such and such a tiling, and wo wish to knoflr whether you can do it,” say the people. Then let the Colonel come out like a man and answer at once. But perhaps you say the analogy docs not hold good, because none of that Committee would vote for him. Now suppose you had already employed an overseer at tlic time of the application, and told the applicant of it—still, would it not be rational for you to ask him a few questions in regard to his ability ? And what would you think, if the said applicant threw himself upon his dignity, and pronounced it insolence, whilst a friend present, proceeded to throw himself into a boxing attitude forthwith? Why, my dcarMaj., (are yon a Major?) you would be inexpressibly indignant, and should set him down as a fool at once. Just so with us, with this exception, that wo feel confident. Col. Mitchell’s friends arc anxious to withhold liia prin ciples from the public eye, lest there be a flaw some where. We can sec the “galled jade wince,” and smile calmly to witness it. Tim democratic party have no such policy; tliey fight for their principles, and tliey b’azon tliem forth boldly,—they feel confi dent that tliey are right, tlrnt their position is founded in truth, and in the language of a quaint old author, of tlic century before last, whom wo have just been reading,—“Truth is their Mistress, whoso beauty they dare justly against all the furious tilting* of her wandering enemies; it is the buckler under which they lie securely covered from all tho strokes of adversaries.” We arc sorry that to tlic enlightened mind of our friend, the Committco have not made themselves intelligible when they asked whether the candidates were in favor of a Tariff for protection, or one. sim ply for revenue—bat wo will not stop to oxplain. We are toe much surprised at the statement follow ing, viz: That tho whig party are simply “ in favor tfa judicious Revenue System." This is some thing new, and we deny it, broadly, distinctly, cm phstically. We assert, that jf they were siui|dy in fiivor of a Tariff for Revenue, they did then, cither most ignorantly, or most shamefully, cast their votes for Henry Clay. That distinguished person is well known a* an advocate of the doctrines of protection, and the whole force of his brilliant ener gies and consummate talent, have Jicen boot to es tablish its principles in the land. Mis letters in tho public prints have emphatically avowed it as the warmest wish of bis heart; at one time, (last Sep tember, wo think,) he presented resolutions at a public meeting in Virginia, in which he states— “ Protection of our manufactures and national inde pendence to be synonimous terms,” in his letter from the “Blue lacks” he extols the principles of a high rate of protection, as the basis of national prosperity; and in a letter written immediately pre vious to the election, be states that he is opposed alike to the modification end repeal of the Tariff of ’43. Each of these statements were blazoned in public prints, and can now bo produced, and Col. Mitchell therefore, and every one else who voted for Henry Clay, voted to support tho iniquitous ex actions of that Tariff. To confirm tho assertion that the whigs are in favor of protection, Judge Berrien, the bead of the whig party, doclares that sustain life. Well may the Senator declare that the opponent of protection may be a good British snhject, for he has been taught by tho cruel bosoms of experience, to curse it. Col. Mitchell, it is well known, used his wholo influence to support Clay, and of course it follows inevitably that he is in favor of a high system of Protection. A whig friend informs us that ho was once a Nullificr and still continues so!!! And yet ho casts his vote for a man who is opposed alike to tlic modification and repeal of the Tariff Act of ’43— a species of bastard Tariff forced upon our hands to avoid an adjournment of Congress with an empty Trcasuiy, which was only carried by a majority of one, and which was higher in some cases than the Act of ’28, to which the advocates of Nullification were so warmly opposed. We are perfectly aware that it has been recklessly asserted that the rates of the Act of *43 arc beneath those of ’23, because the asserter, we presume, was either ignorant of the fact, or know that few persons uxiuld take tlic trouble to investigate it But we assert, my sapient friend, that the Tariff of’42 is as high, and in some cases higher than that of ’28, and of this, to speak legally, “ wo put ourselves upon the country.”— Henry Clay never could have approved of that Act, were it not so, and therefore Col. Mitchell, wheu ho voted with the whig party, voted directly in favor of those very principles, for the subversion of which he was once willing to unrivut the bands of our glori ous Union. IIo will pardon us if we say, that in contemplating these facts we are irrcsistably re minded of “ the dug returning to his vomit again.” We say it in no oflensive sense. A single glance at the impost duties of a few articles, will give an idea of how far we are right We only wish we had time to dissect the whole Act—but we shall only select the following articles: Articles. Act of 1829 Cordage, tarred, 4 cts pr lb. Cottons, 80 pr cent Cotton Bagging, 31 cts ?q. yd. Glass, some, 400 pr cent Shoes, 25 cts pr pair, Crockcry-ware, 20 per cent Woollens, 50 per cent Woollen Camlets, 15 per cent Steel, per cwt $1 50 cents, Twine, 5 cts per lb. These are but a few of the articles which we might quote if wo had timo to spare, to show thaVin a great many instances, this Act, belofed of Henry Clay, is higher in its exactions than tho Act of ’28. We could quote as many tiiat are precisely as high, among which arc ready made clothing, sugar aud salt. All tlic articles which arc the simple neces saries of lile, are scarcely one of them taxed below 50 per cent, by this “ Revenue” Tariff of tlic whigs; and these facts are not rash statements, but are duty. They are chiefly articles of machinery, bo- we should more desire as a hlghmlrahd and gentle' sides, nuts, vegetables and log wood, used in dyeing. I manly opponent, than GovernmCneTford. tore. Colton bagging, of almost exclusive consumption in ganl to Coi. Mitchell, we also esteem him highly the Sdflth; the cottons and woollen* which are ne-! and though our principles forbid ua to wish him c- ccssary clothing for ourselves and children; the salt. lectod, we extend to him our Hearty good will, and and sugar which are necessary to the tablo,of all; I desire that if beaten, the mortification of defeat may the vciy iron which forms the plough of the hus-j be as trifling as poesiple. Wo should also, for his bandman, or the axe with which ho clears the un- 1 own sake, wish him lets floundering supporters than cultivated land, are heavily taxed, that a set of arti- \ you. cles may lie admitted free, into the manufactories of a set of citizens for more woalthy in their pursuits than the unpretending former. Wo do not know you, my dear “Fanner,” but we are disposed to think well of every human being, whetlicr whig or democrat, and therefore recommend you to peruse these facts with an unprejudiced mind. For our own port, wo are not persons who form our opinions without a dear knowledge of what we are about, and we tell you in tho same spirit of frankness which lias characterized us from the first, that when you have so examined, if you do not at onco pronounce tho Tariff a High Frotcctivc one in its most odious sense, then you are not in a fit state to superintend your form, and had better leave it to an overseer— j ly removed from party politics. If Judge Colo were somewhat in the fashion that many of your political [ a Whig, we should just as earnestly desire to see friends have left their principles to Henry Clay’s su-! him re-elected. pervasion. | You desiie to know what tho Committee mean by You indulge in a little humor in regard to the sales! inflicting a wound upon tho integrity of tho Consti- of the public lands. Pardon us if the joke is lost j tution, and yon are right in supposing that they re- upon us, and only seems to confirm ns in the opinion • lerred to its proposed alteration; and not only an al- we had already formed, that yon were a bluff, hear-! tcration, hut ono in a part of it which is necessary ty old follow, who knew much better how to raise a! to the very vitality of that Constitution—the Veto in good crop, than to “ wade the sea of politics.” You the bands of tho President. The wisdom of far In tho re-election of Judge Cole, the Democratic party desired to make that a test question, simply because they were warmly attached to him aa it Judge. Your whig brethren concede to him emi nent legal abilities, and an earnest desire to meet out stern impartial justice. It was rumored that another gentleman was to take his place in the event of tho Whigs being elected, and though we have not a word to eay against him, still wc believe that ho himself will concede that Judge Cole could much better administer Law than he. Upon this point we deemed that an expression of the public opinion would he satisfactory to our Representatives, tho election of a J udge being a matter which ought to bo entirc- Act ef 1812 •ll ctsprlb. 100 pr cent. S 4 c. sq yd, 5 l if Gunny. 500 or mure, 30 cts pr pair 30 per cent. 40 to C7 pr ct. 20 per cent $2 50 cents, G cts per lb. end by begging us to excuse you. It is not at all necessary, for we ourselves have been laughing at you. Under these circumstances, wc shall see v. hat you have got to say to Texas. Y’ou begin by referring to a “young and gifted orator,” who dratted those questions. To whom you refer we do not know, but wo beg to inlonn you that these questions were tlic work of one of the Committee; that they were carried by him, in his pocket, into tho town of Tbomasville, w here they were adopted by his brethren,and were thence trans mitted to Decatur. Whether the member of that Committee referred to is a gifted orator, we expect neither we nor himself knows, bnt one thing we ore certain of, is, that the last time wc saw him, wc thought him rather in the “ seer and yellow leaf.” These facts however arc of little moment. It seems tiiat you regard the annexation of Texas as a tlu-ft. And pray, who nre you that thus charge theft upon so many of your fellow-citizens ? Yon call yourself a former. How strange ! Ought you not rather to he an incarnation of learning in regard to interna tional law; one whose experience had stretchod hack for cdnturics—one who held communion with the God of nations himself—you who thus daringly charge a nation with theft!! Wo confesB we are stricken with awo when we think wo have underta ken tho task of replying to a man who must possess gleaned from a careful perusal of the records them-’ vatt resources of knowledge as to brand the selves. They, Mr Farmer,” you will allow ns to. nct of to maJly ^od and g rcat men-* forge' major- observe, are much better authorities than cither ] ity of an i n toligt nt and civilized nation, as a theft!! you or Col. Mitchell, much as wc respect you both, j But upon reflection, we are satisfied that yon arc The only wonder with us is, how such a Tanff can muc h better fitted to handle a plough, than to med- be advocated for one moment by a lover of justice, dic in you know nothing about Gross when its oppressive exactions are brought to light.! ignorancc U o(ton far more presuming than the most Look at the articles from which the revenue is ; enlightened mind, and it has proved itse lf so in your drawn almost entirely The annexed statement is care . Y ou say Col. Mitchell will “ be behind no from a table compiled by a distinguished Senator, <lomocrat in defending” this Texas which yon say with much care: j was stolen. If you call yourself a friend of Col. Sugars, yield of Revenue, over $3,500,000 yearly. Mitchell, ho may well say, “defend me from my 3.500.000 “ friend.” Ho has not stolen the goose, but he helps 2.000. 000 “ to keep it after it lias been stolen. He sees his conn- 2,COO,000 “ trymen steal a country, and after the theft has been 1.500.000 “ committed, ho tries his hand at defending it. We 500,000 “ are no lawyer ourselves, nor do wc know the “young 1,500,000 “ and gifted orator” of whom you speak, or we might 1 “09,000 “ apply to him—and therefore wc cannot say what is 1.000. 000 “ the amount of his guilt, who helps to retain stolen goods after they have been stolen. He retains them Being a Revcnne in all, of $16,700,000 from.tlic real owner, knowing them to be stolen, and raised from eight articles, which are the very nccessa- wo should liko much to know what you call that, tries if existence. Add on to it the amouut arising my learned friend ? Is it not something just about from tho duty on cotton bagging, of almost exclu- as bad as the thief himself ? Col. Mitchell must be live consumption in the Southern States, and you much obliged to you for calling him a thief, have on ample Tariff for all the wants of Govern-1 You are a little given to what is popularly called ment, tlic luxuries of life and the tools of the manu-1 “ flummery,” oh! my friend of the hoe and spade, focturcr utterly untouched by it. Why is it that no! and there occur a few ridiculous specimens of it, luxuries have been the subject of this “judicious” j which answer tho purpose of making your own par- Silks, Spirits, “ Woollens" Iron, “ “ Manufactures of Cottons, “ Linens, “ tariff? The gems that sparkle upon the hands of wealth—the golden chains that encircle the neck of beauty—the gorgeous velvets that decorate the forms of the rich, are forgotten or taxed at mere nominal rates, and the princely manufacturer revels in splen dor and luxury, while the farmer toils unheeded be neath the sun of summer and tiie storms of winter. Such is the tariff which you are pleased to call a “judicious revenue system;” for being the tariff which the whigs supported by voting for Clay, it must come under that denomination. There are other features about it, which stamp it as a shameless friend to the manufacturer, in dero gation of the rights of other classes. Many articles go with a trifling duty upon the raw material, which is swelled into protection as soon as that material is manufactured. The' following articles will serve as an example: Agricultural and raw material Hides, S pr. cL linseed, 6 “ “ Wool, 6 “ “ Ilemp, 30 to 32 “ “ Quills, (unp’d) 15 “ “ Silk, raw, 50 eta. per lb. Cotton, 3 cts. or 33 to 35 per cent Wood, (rough) 20 pr. ct The manufactured mate- • rials. Leather, 35 pr. ct Linseed Oil 25 “ “ Woolens, 28 to 60 “ “ Cordage, 100 to 130 pr ct Cot bagging 50 to 80 do Quill, (prep’d) 25 pr. ct Silks, manufr.’d $2.50 lb Cot cloths, 80 to 120 pret Wood, manufe’d 30 pr ct 1—1T i lMn _ t and so on with a number of other articles, by for too the opponent of protection “ may be a good British I numerous to quote. Here is the tyltcm ct proteo subjeetbut swears he is not an American patriot” ’ tion (allowing it to bejadicious) which is advocated Alas! we admit tho former part of the distinguished' by your friend Mr. Clay. Where is tho honest til- senator’s declamation. Many of tbo«rannest op-jler of the toil protected here? Alas! the manufoc- of protection may indeed bo good British turer ip the person upon whom its blessing* are •□Meets, when they turn their haggard eyes upon 1 showered, ami which we are still mounting over tire land of their birth, and behold tho gaunt thou- j tho spectacle of a tariff weighing the heaviest upon Biat walk the streets by day, or lay them- articles the most necessary—wc find a list ofTtux- aelvcs down by night to die of hunger—sad victims ty-two articles of daily use in tho shop of the man- of a "protection" which denies them bread even to| ufocturer, which CDter our porta without d cent of ty exquisitely amusing. You ask in one of yonr question which yon are pleased to propound, wheth er Mr. McAllister did not associate with that “ rank abolitionist,” Bancroft. We answer no. Mr. Mc Allister associated with that ripe and brilliant sqhol- for, Bancroft, but not abolitionist, to charging him with being an abolitionist, you do it in just as reck less and wanton a spirit, as you accuse Col. Mitch- cl of being a protector of thieves. Mr. Bancroft is no abolitionist, but since you have made the charge, favor us with the proof. A man of your legal at tainments must know that a man is presumed inno cent until ho is proved goilty. If you should fur nish os with such proof, let us recommend to you, os your faculties are none of the brightest, to consider well first the meaning of the woid abolitionist If you desire to mako any such charge, turn to the ranks of your own party, and let it foil on Judge Berrien. On the 19th of September last, you might have seen that gentleman, walking throogh tlic streets of Boston in a procession, where the un holy banners of abolitionism were streaming upon the air. Such a charge against a man, born and reared in the South, is too invidious, especially when it comes from one who can manage no better than to accnso his own candidate of being something very much like a thief. In asking the candidates whether they would sup port Judge Berrien for tho Senate, tho Democratic party did it because they considered that individual -as unfit to represent the State of Georgia, and they therefore desired to bring that question directly be fore tho people. They had at time* observed a singular devotion among your party towards men, in distinction to principles, and if that devotion was to prevail in tho present instance, it was but right that it should be rebuked. With tho exception of that om instance, they viewed your other candidates with kindness, and if wo should be aUowod hero to speak our awn fooling*, we kntovofno person whom more profound men tlian even such distinguished gentlemen as yourself and Mr. Clay, have pronoun ced upon the wisdom of that restriction; the most learned jurists of the land have exhausted every term of eulogy upon its influence as an aihniratiu check upon the power of majorities; and the present desire for its restriction is too much tainted wit.i pique against John Tyler’s Administration, to re ceive much attention from the thinking portion of our citizens. Its operation it indeed admirabloin our scheme of government Suppose the case of a certain interest which was confined only to a small sectiun of our vast republic—suppose that in the clash of more powerful interests which meet in Congress, measures are adopted which tend to op press that small interest, to whom are tboy to look to shield them from this oppressive majority ? Not to the Representatives of other States. The people cf Georgia cannet expect die people of Massachusetts to protect their slave interests, and rice versa. There fore wherever there is a majority, tlic weaker pow er would be hopelessly crushed, were it not for this very Veto power. Tho l’rosidcnt is not elected for any (articular district or State, but ha is elected ty the wholo Union, and therefore when ho secs any particular interest oppressed by the act of tho ma jority, he can interfere and prevent it. Remember it is no active power; he can do nothing himself—it is simply a preventive power. And then if the wis dom of the law is imperative upon the people, a mac jority of two-thirds of both Houses can pass it, with out the assent of the President, and such coses havo already occurred. What further restriction would yon have tlian this? Rest assured my friend, that tiie framers of tiiat Constitution had a lynx eye to our liberties, and-tliey were not the men to place in the lands of any one individual, an arbitrary power, unchecked by a legislative balance. It is a striking commentary on its democratic features, that in Eng land, the King has not dared to use it for more than two centuries. You wind up in a spirit of cutting irony—as you think, and ask a few questions of the Committee.— The first is, Why Col. Dixon will not vote for Mc Allister ? It would become yon in the first place, to prove that John Dixon will not vote for McAllister. The necessity of the question is entirely done away with, when wc inform you tiiat in a recent conycrsa- tion which a friend of oure had with Col. Dixon, ho indignantly repelled the charge, and assured him that he would cast his vote cheerfully for the dem ocratic nomineo at the proper time and place. We arc very sorry to inform you of this, as it quite des troys the sting of your question. In regard to the other questions you Lave asked, with just as much prudence as you have charged Col. Mitchell with being a protector of stolen goods, let us recommend you to say as little as possible.— They arc intended to be very funny and very sarcas tic, and no doubt are so—to yourself. But you have not reflected, that to others they seem very like tho last resource of a desperate man, who cannot meet the issues with his opponents, and who takes up tho weapons of ridicule and personal abuse, to conceal his own weakness. You have mado a ghastly ef fort to bo funny by asking how much interest Col. Williams intends to charge next year, Stc. Poor fellow! havo you then sunk so low as to be obliged to meddle in the private affairs of an honorable gen tleman, in order to support a foiling cause? Havo you at last become the being who will leave argu ment in order to assail the blameless reputation of a bighminded opponent,** remarkable for his un assuming integrity, as for tho kind philanthropy of his heart. A word or two e’er wc close. A space of noar two columns has been occupied by your exparte re marks, which have had the c fleet of exposing your self and your party to ridicule. Yon havo wound up by accusing yonr candidate of a crime as nearly akin to theft, at it can be: and we now ask you what you think of yourself. Put these matters into your pipe and smoke them, unless yon have raised toft large a crop of tobacco to use any thing clso; and then oblige ns by exsmining your law library, and tell us what is the amount of your candidate’s guilt in connexion with the splendid theft you have *1- ledged in your brilliant remarks. Whether your life is spent at the handle of tho plough, wo do not know: pardon ns for saying, that judging from tho specimen yon have given of your political talents, it ought to bo. We will now let you go; and let us add further, that you have reason to be happy that we have treated you so leniently. If ever wo chanco to meet again we may not feel inclined to treat yon with so much forbearance. A Part or the Commutes. Thomas County, September IZth, 18451