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•• ALBANY, BAKER COUNTY, GEORGIA, OCTOBER 29,1843. NO. 29. THE ALBANY PATRIOT, .. j ; j EVERT WEDNESDAY MORNING, BY NELSON TIFT & SETH N. BOUGHTON, Editors and Proprietors. teITms. -cotton ! Wlmt would her merchants be; us. Tlic emancipation of slavery in her with liim l nre.alsoiunde poor. in the marts of '.lie world, without our col- j West India Islands, cerlninly followed up- ' " L ’ ton 1 Where would he her thousand ships, j on our enactment of higher duties, in many which bear her dag to every seal and leases prohibitory, upon the importation of where the steamers which plv, almost I her,manufactures, at the very lime when, tores ana Europe, to! from the rapid increase in the production weekly, Between our shores and Europe, to! from the rapid increase in the production p,it!i\r» per annum, if paid in advance, or tell of the condition of the cotton market! of cotton, her market was becoming more otlai* at the end of the year. in the two hemispheres? All this, anti and more necessary to us. This njanifes- miioh more,arc lobe traced directly to the ‘ ? 1 ” industry of the cotton planters, TV. 4 T , _ r Dollar* 1 "\JnTti»inenU mit exceeding twelve lines, will '"inserted at One Dollar for the first insertion, and Viv cents for each continuance. Advertisements .. ii'ins tlic number of insertions specified, will ’ liilwished until forbid. ' djcsofland and Negroes by Executors, Adrainis- rr , nI1 ,| Gnard'ans, are reqnin d by law to lie ' i I rtist d in a public gazette, sixty days previous to , Jj, of sale. lie sale* of Personal Property roust bo advertised p, r.iar.ra r forty days. ^ \oiire to IJelitors and Creditors of an estate must vM.bHd.rd forty days. \Mice that application will be made to the Court • (Wiasrv for leave to sell Land and Negroes, must j nitiished weekly for four months. Monthly Advertisements, One Dollar per square Ii insertion. i All letters on business must be port paid. OM MU N1 CATION. And yet, upon them has their own Uovcrnmcni cast, not only the burthens nvccssaty to its own support, hut has heaped exactions to en rich those, who deriving prosperity through their umc<|uiicd toil, would degrade them to barbarism, andowho display tlicir r\vn refinement and Christian virtues, by curs ing nnd calumniating them.” ' These arc the important heads of the discussion, hut in conducting it, a lesson is read to the attentive hearer on the impor tant subject of Free Trade, in contradis tinction to the “American System,” as it is called, or the Prohibitory Tariff properly, which will leave the unprejudiced mind nothing farther to look for ; or in his own words, ■ “The doctrines of Free Trade may be hom-siiv condemned bv sttcli ns do not ttn- «SPEED THE PLOUGH;” K j nj, showing the effects of Proteclire I Pho'iihitory Duties, and the operation j dcrsland them—but no man, after "having of the present Tariff. By a Georgia Plan ter. Miens, 1815. Messrs. Editors :—You published some f incc, extracts front the letters of Gov- ,-nor Hammond, of South Carolina, on the „|,jcrt of Slavery, where this domestic in- ; lu iion was so forcibly delineated, that u could rend without being fully satisfied ith the truth of the foundation upon which rested. We propose, by the following .rice and extracts, from a recent Essay by Georgian, on the productions of slavery, iperfoiin alike parti for “Speed the Loff.il” is a pamphlet which has but to Ic presented to the render to satisfy him cf i- important facts which the author com. nnicaies, and the high duties, which in Federal point of view, these impc.sc upon i. Cotton, and cotton's worth, is the sttb- ct, but in treating it, he has like Govcrn- ir Hammond, created, ns it were, a new -liny for it; it is no longer, “ wltcro it ii! grow, nnd Itow much can he produced from it r but the question now is, where, mil upon whom, lias the God of nature in- nailed tiic culture of this invaluable plant —a plant, which, in the language of our author, “lias exercised so great nn agency upon ilie welfare of our race, ns even to be ■.died the peace-maker of the age. In- ilted it lias not only imposed a pacific poli ty n|Hin the great military powers of the aoil.l, but has become, like bread, a neccs- -ity, supplying the means of daily sybsis- ciioc to millions, who without it, would he educed to a state of more utter destitution iian that produced by rapine and by slaugh ter.” Filled with these convictions, we rise, ircparcd to enter upon the second subject he discusses, satisfied that our part os an integral of the great “body industrial” of 'he litiitod States, entitles ns to due consid- • ration, and that the rights that it involves arc not only worthy of maintenance, but should lie maintained at every cost. It was to this portion of the work that ivc wore at first niost attracted, for he has certainly in the most graphic style depicted 'lie abject degradation to which a failure ; o perform this duty has reduced us ; but although we give ti c following extract to ■ how this, wc, upon a second perusal give 'lie palm to the pedestal, upon which he bos placed the “ Colton Planter” among the great producers of the Earth : wc actually feel that wc were working for a great na tion—a nation destined not only to feed, but to clothe the world—wc sec the ships of “Hie iiiimi'nblc valley,” with their rich . . , r — When he is purest sense, hod infused its equalizing; r 1 . ■y orc n ‘ so munched.” jet loftv fellowship, into their hearts. To ; Nor bus our author failed to draw the ... - contrast of his bright picture of Free Trade, and the cotton culture. ■ He has assumed that 1 euplc, we their descendants, owe our Independence, our Republicanism and our lur extended lame. ”1 licsc are not to be once acquired a full knowledge of them, ran ever abandon them front conviction that they are wrong. He may seek nnd find a selfish gratification in connecting his interests with the Proliibitoiy system, but lie can never believe tlint the doctrines of Free Trade are false or impracticable But wc would draw the attention of the reader (for wc trust that all who take your paper Messrs. Editors, will call for the pub lication of the pamphlet entire) to twoiin portnnt evils which he attributes to the Prohibitory system, and which should awa ken the most serious apprehensions in us if they lie tine. First, the iinbils of cur peo ple, and next the dangerous collisions to which it subjects us with for foreign na tions. On the subject of our habits he de scribes a combination of States, who hav ing studied with care the history of Great Britain in her restrictive policy, arc deter mined to practice ihc same lessons here— a nyslnn, which Ima itio- limtl-cnt- ned labor of twenty-odd millions of Eng lishmen, to keep tins wealth upon some two hundred thousand ; or in other words, which has made two hundred abject slaves for every white freeman of that beautiful Isle. But let us have his own forcible lan- tatioti of a policy, whose two-fold object was the cxci.L-ion of a vast amount of her manufactures from our market, and the supply of our manufacturers with cotton at a very low price, could not have escaped her observation. It was a vital aflair to her. She possessed no territory on this confluent suited to the culture of cotton.;— The dense population of the East Indies could supply cotton, but not at prices to interfere with that produced by slave labor here—nor of like quality. The ministerial press of Great Briiain, lias declared that she is opposed to slavery in this country, chiefly because, whilst wc “preservb the monopoly of rollon, wc bold the manufac turers of Europe in cheek and dictate laws to them and it is furl Iter alleged, that so long ns wc “preserve the labor of the blocks,” wc will pteserve the monopoly of rollon—and that Government unsuccess fully invoked the co-operation of oilier European Powers to unite with her in put ting down slavery here to destroy the pro duction of cotton, that she might obtajn that monopoly of cotton by its cullv.rc in India, which wc now possess by its culture in the United Slates. Sho could have but one strong motive to a measure, which would liuvc reduced the quantity and quali ty ol cotton, even when that measure would liuvc given her J lie monopoly of it. Tlint motive was to obtain her supply of the raw article in exchange for Iter manu factures, which the policy'of our Govern ment lias in a measure defeated here.— That policy requires the cotton planter to reject llie greater consumer of his cotton for the lesser, and to reject the greater mar ket for bis supplies of consumption for the lesser—in the one case, compelling him to sell less and at n lower price of what he produces, and in the other, to buy less and at a higher price of the articles of bis con sumption. “No one, who understands anything of the history of Great Britain, can be sur prised, that she slictild have contemplated the destruction of slavery in the U. States, ll»nf wnm np/N»«a«»y «» iw-jibI imin n« the monopoly of cotton, and transfer it to herself—and when our Northern brethren were inviting her to aid them in wiping out the crime of slavery from the very fair tunic of the Anglo-Saxon name. Tlie Anglo- Saxon ! A race of many vices and rare viitucs, that has always known its own with cotton at $12 per bale gross, cr $9. the self-denial—the fearless daring and the nett to the planter, negroe’s lubor at $150 noble bearing of our ancestors. The prize for male, nnd $120 for female—the land * ,,inl ,lns bccn hardly won, cannot be surclv per acre at 50 cents, does justice to tlic i f ? eb,e ba “ ds - W ? owe to tl.'o dark side J memory of our fathers, and to ourselves, “Let it not be said, that ibis is an ex aggerated picture. Jf the measures re commended by the friends of the manufac turers, be carried out, and if they can sus tain their system in Congress and enforce Hie operation of it, ns they claim that they can, we cqnfidcnily believe lint the prices of cotton, nnd consequently of land and negrocR, will fall below onr estimate. Wc certainly do not believe, that they van do all this. TVe arc only pointing to the con sequences, which must inevitably follow the establishment and the enforcement of their measures. Let it not be said, should cotton full to three cents per pound, that the slaves will be withdrawn fretn the cul ture of cotton and applied to other occupa tions. Wc affirm, that there are no occu pations in which they can be employed so profitably, as in cotton nt 8, or even 5 cts. wages per day—wc do not speak of the employment of a small portion, but of (lie whole amount of slaves now engaged in the cultivation of cotton, with tlicir in crease. And when, from the great accu mulation and consequent low price of cot ton, its culture censes to be remunerating, all slave labor, at least for some years, must be turned from it. It cannot be ap plied to the production of food, for more of that is now annually produced in the U. States, titan there is a demand for. The same may be said of lobacco and lie.mp.— Our slaves, then, wilt be employed in the cultivation of cotton, so long as cotton ran lie made at prices, which will, after paying the necessary expenses cf that omploymeni, leave any remuneration to the owner— whether "that amount to 8 cents a day, or only one cent. If the laws did not, our own security requires, that wc shall main tain our slaves in subjection as long as they arc here—and we can do that, only whilst wc give them employment. gunge: “ It is a remarkable fact, that many of the present eminent champions of the Pro hibitory system in this country, have been the equally eminent advocates of Free Trade. It is likewise true, that Massa chusetts and some other States, which are now the advocates of that system, were formerly the sttenuous supporters of Free Trade. It is believed, that in all such in stances, change of policy may be traced to change of pursuit. It was not until Bos ton had signally failed in her rivnlsbip with New York, as a commercial city, that her capitalists licrniue first manufacturers, and then the advocates of Prohibitory system. With this change in-thc policy and princi ples of the Boston merchants, we find a corresponding change in her chief political men anti literary 'organs.* The North American Review, for so many years the uble champion of Free Trade in New Eng land, following the example of New Eng land’s gifted son, squares itself with the doctrines of the Prohibitory system, which it alleged had been forced" upon the coun try by the Policy of the Government, and which it is now alleged is the settled nnd established system of the Union. “ Is it not a fearful thing to sec men, nay communities and sovereign States even, abandon, not merely long cherished nnd valued opinions and"principles, but change tlicir views and construction of the Powers of the Government, to aid them in their sel fish schemes? If our constitution is to be interpreted for the benefit of every new cn- icrpnzc that is to lie sprung upon the “The Prohibitory system, then, imposes a policy and incuTcnTcs measures, which, if successfully carried into operation, des troy the profit's of stave labor—render the slaves burlhcnsome to tlicir owners, and sooner or later, will involve the whole rot- ton region of the United States in a com mon ruin, alike fatal to the prosperity, Imp- rights mid the weak' points in others, I" and peace of the freemen and the whom it wished to subdue or plunder. In , . ... . , . . , , this joint attack upon our dearest interests, I And what . will lie a. itcd l> lio.e li where Philanthropy for the black, extin- j j»»vc not studied the Phohibitorv system, gitisitcd all sympathy for the white race,; is Ihc character of (his Tariff? what is the there is nothing to excuse or extenuate ; premium allowed the manufacturer? This still it should lie boruc in uund, that the i OI|r pamphleteer answers nioit salisfnctori- movement on the part of the British Gov-:, l, J „„„ n, eminent, was subsequent to the enactment | '/• Ic 6,a ' cs ' hat ** cl . 9 ' ^ ll \ 13 P" ,d of our Tariff law of 1842, which was a Tor (lie delivery of cotton in Manchester, virtual rejection by our Government of her more thnn it costs to deliver it in Lowell, overtures, for a free interchange of com modities, made precedently through her Tariff law at a very moderate rate of du ties.” lie l rents a Iso oft lie injury to commerce: , - , , i iiiiton or it iuiuiu avarice, in what consists *lte bosom of the great deep, those laden j hg |loaslcd advantages of bcin with the equally rich treasures of our col- ton fields—the West and the South—the great agricultural sections of the Union, a- cltieving alike their high and important du- tics to the Confederacy, But to our ex tract, blighting this fair picture by the pre sent state of the case... Our author has been dwelling upon the blessings confered by the cotton plant. This gives the Lowell factorcr, when cot ton is nt 12 cents per pound, nnd advan tage of I2J percent, over him of Manches ter. When cotton in Savaunah or Charles ton is 6 cents per pound, his advantage will “ Iu the three years of Free Trade, cn- 03 . )Cr ccn i nn d when 4 cent, 37i per B«, with this natural difference our which preceded the War cf 1812, tlic value manufacturers arc not satisfied, and by the of the exports of the United States, actual- Turiff, hare actually protected themselves lv exceeded the value of those of the last by the prohibition of foreign cotton fabrics, three years. Tbc Extioiis of 18;>5, C & 7, nl (e , 0 jg.j „ cr ccu i. more. Or, amounted to S3 5,440,134, making an av-1 erage of $14,815,378 each year. The as our wriler statcs it.— Exports ol 1842, 3 4- 4, amounted to only “ The Prohibitory system, furnishes to $3 1,161x292, making an average of $lti<>,- the American manufacturers, first a monop- 588,7G4 cadi year, llelwecn ihc first and dy of ihc eolton ^oods which they inukc second periodsour population lias been more thnn trebled and onr capital more than dou bled, and yet there has been an actual de cline in the annual value of our exports.— Wc arc uware that in the wars of 1805, 6 & 7, the wars in Europe gave an unusual value to some of our products, and supplied our ships with u profitable carrying trade ; making full allowances for these, it may yet be saf-ly affirmed, that with the same extent of Free Trade enjoyed under Mr. Jefferson, the extension of our Commerce, ling a written,! nnd the value of our ex|>orts, would have and consequently, n'seitlcd and established j been greatly above what they now ore, in- representalive of the People’s will ? and in I stead of being actually less than they were 38 to 44 years ago. “ If we now exported 244 millions worth of produce, instead of 140 millions ns in I8U5, 6 & 7, (and this would certainly not be a wild calculation under a system of wltnl wav arc the rights and liberties of that People secured 1” His argument on the dangerous conse quences of this uncertainty in our const it u- n e fnrniim t>c a wiki calculation itnocr a system 01 tional formation, in the mind of foreign Tradc) con onc ghMt , 0 pow'ers, is equally strong. . (he great prosperity which we should enjoy, “The restrictions which we impose on especially when contrasted with our pres- » v . our commerce with other countries, is hos- cnl condition? It would in effect amount “ Whilst cotton has been cxcrcts ng such ; (i , e to lheir> a8 we j| „„ to OU r prosperity— 1 ,his. The Planters and Farmers Would "n immense power for good ^ and we thereby lay ourselves open to lhcir rcccivc , wicc ,h c amount for the produce [on* 1. has raised up the United Mates to h<yM - lle d re ,a| m tory measures It w 0 f,hc soil which they now obtain; and be class of a first rale power in the “ re *; hifghlv probable that the hostility which glIch prices would not be equal to what in half century of its culture among us—when , bc British Government has manifested to past dines they have been in the habit of great mission, so to speak, has but com- g j averv in ,h e United St ties, may be traced d cceivin _ und ' r less oppressive tariffs, than menccd. Cotton is as fruitful a souree of , (he"restrictions which our own Govern- fhe p^nr.. wealth and prosperity to the United States and to the civilized world, ns are the min eral treasures of Great Britain to her.— "bat would hethc station and position of the United Slates in I be Courts of Europe, without the coidmand of her great staple menl has imposed on her commerce with • We are happy to except Mr. Brownson, the for mer Editor of the North. American, from tbia aweep. ing denunciation. HU Review U now the standard “ We say planters and fanners, because it is well known that the price of cotton regulates tbc price of corn* wheat, live stock, Ac. Whenever the c>tton planter is poor, all the farming interest who deal in the home market at the expense of tlic homo consumer (by a Tariff' of from 34 to 164 percent.] ami gives (hem—by way of out-lit—a protection in the markets of the world of 24 to 3U per cent, at tlic expense of the cotton planters.” “ And yet wc are in the habit” adds he in conclusion, “ Of calling ourselves the most iree and enlightened People on earth—and, yet, wc have permitted to be painted upon us, by Northern rapacity ana manufacturing cu pidity, a system of fraud and injustice, un known to the Savage and Barbarian na tions of the world. One of three princi ples, independently, or more or less, in combination, governs every people—Force, Fraud or Republican intelligence. The morning of the world ushered in the first— the second sprung up in the midst of a crowded, sensual, ana, to some extent, re fined people—the hist came an emblem and nn emanation of our Holy Religion, “ with healing on its wings,” to wine out the injustice nnd oppressions which 1 the great masses had so long suffered, hope lessly, under the two first. It raised its banner on a new Continent, unpolluted bv the corruptions and crimes of tne old. It selected a new people who, nurtured in ad versity, the parent of virtue, and inured to labor, were content with the adequate re ward of their simple toil. They, had prov- and, yet mere, to those who arc to follow us, to maintain in its purity, that peerless system of scll-govcrnmenl, which has been entrusted to us. We shall fail in this, on- S , when wc have failed in our nearest and wrest duties to ouiselvcs—such failure, will piTclattn, nt the same time, our dc- f eneracy, and the permanent triumph of 'mud over Republican intelligence. From Force we have nothing to fear, for that conies in all its array of power, herald ing its mission. From Fraud we have every thing to apprehend. That bos nl- rendy seized upon our Government. Willi profuse professions of Patrktism on its lips, 11 prutes of Justice, whilst it robs nnd plua>- ders the great masses, whilst descantingon the public good. Ii preaches the abolition of slavery, to divert the attention of tli« planter from the loss of his profits, on slave, labor, to the loss of the slave. Proclaim ing its own honesty from the bouse tops, it organizes associations, ami supplies funds to steal our property. -Founding Bibln Societies, and sending missionaries to preach the Gospel in the most distant re gions, it refuses fellowship with us, be cause of that slavery, which tbc Bible jus tifies and the Gospel fully sanctions. ribould it be said llntl wc have used strong language, wTS reply that the occa sion has appeared to us to demand it. Our . opponents have mystified the subject, which we have endeavored to discuss, nnd have misled many honest and unsuspecting inch —and we have exposed tlicir fallacies as l est wc cotfld. We would uphold our in stitutions by indicating tlicir violation, and cot reeling those abuses which endanger their existence. Iftbesolcmntruthswliicl. wc .have tittered be offensive, the fault is not ours. If error may be left to the cor rections of reason, w ljo will dare infringe, cn the free expression of trull), however un pain table, to those who would veil jt in falsehood? We ntn not. lhn..«e!iUh advo cates of one system of monopoly a gams f. another—each claiming the exclusive frui tion of the hard earnings of (he grcnt'mas- scs. Wc seek not, by perverting our glori ous system of Government, to strengthen tlic strong and render more feeble the weak. We willnot impair the force of the Union, by heaping up the benefits on one portion of it, and the burthens on another. But we do ehtiin to be restored to our with drawn and violated rights. Wc do claim a community of jirivilcgc and nn equality of condition." Wc do claim the Constitu tion a. living instrument, as our fathers made it, and as W’ashington nnd Jefferson administered it—for the common use. of nil—for Southern and Northern, for East ern and Western interests—for Democrats nnd Whigs—in short, for all Americans, whether horn on our soil, or naltlraliscd under our Laws.” We Imvc ended our task, nnd yet we. have done nothing if wc have not succeed ed in inducing the general perusal of this |>amphlci. It should be published entire, we repeat, in the columns of all of our newspapers. But there arc those who, from an aver sion to contention, or from a spirit of u laisse: fairs,” as the French term it, cry out, “ It is impossible for Force or Fraud to make, head against Republican Intelligence—all will be right—let us be patient.” To these, wc answer, change belongs to every thing, and particularly to the vurious formations of society. ' Monarchy will break into aris tocratic masses—these again into freer in stitutions ; and 1K0 last will in turn form themselves bock into masses,and in lime, in to tlicir original monarchical wholes. Now* it is the duty of each sovereign, for the time being to maintain its rights, and particular ly the sovereign people of America, now- that they have the reigns so firmly in their hands. “Fraud entrap Republican intelli gence?” Why, to shew this is the very object of the paruphlct before us. It as sumes that as freemen, we have the right to sell our productions to the best advan tage, and to purchase tbo superfluities of others on tbc same terms, and that any ob stacle to such interchange ie restrictive of these rights, and subversive of our personal equality. Viewed in its simple character, and visiting each individual of a communi ty directly, its enormity would be instantly discovered, and its inconveniences as soon disposed of; but when the evil takes tho shape of national claims, and purports to be for notional purposes, the honest citizen credulously believes, and as cheerfully sub. nuts consoling himself with patriotism and ed themselves, in all that constitutes great. rirt . nAlrnm ness, superior to the finest models of the fh® P”®' republican pre-emnenco. ancient Republics—for Christianity, in its; Our author asserts that Could this t