Newspaper Page Text
lire Baltimore Resolution on Siaveryr
The opposition press attempt to make it'ap*
pear that the Baltimore Resolution iii reference
to interfering with questions slavery, is not suf
ficiently explicit, and does not cover the ground
of the substitute offered by Mr^ Ynncejr, of Ala
bama. That this is a gross and palpable mis
take, it seems to ns, will be apparent to any one
who will cqrefuHy consider the two resolutions.
The one adopted by the Convention is in the
following words:
“7. That Congress has no power under the
constitution to interfere with or control the do
mestic institutions of the several States, and
that such States are the solo and proper judges
everything appertaining to their own affairs,
not prohibited by the constitution; that all ef
forts of the abolitionists or others made to in-
'duct Congress to interfere with questions of
Slavery, or to talc incipient steps in relation
thereto, are calculated to lead to the most alarm
ing - and dangerous consequences; and that all
such efforts have an inevitable tendency to
diminish the happiness of the people, and en
danger the stability and permanency of the U-
nion, and ought not to be countenanced by any
friend of our political institutions.”
Mr. Yancey’s proposed substitute is as follows:
«Resolved, That the doctrine of non-intor-
fjrence with the rights of property of any por
tion of the people of this confederation, be it in
t ie States or in the Territories, by any other
than the parties interested in them, is the true
republican doctrine recognized by tliis body.”
That this latter resolution but reiterates the
doctrines contained in the first, every candid
and impartial reader will admit. Indeed, to
our mind, it is much more comprehensive, and
would be preferred by us to the substitute. To
Bay “ that all efforts of the abolitionists or others
made to induce Congress to interfere with the
question of slavery, or to take incipient steps in
relation thereto, are calculated to lead to the
roost dangerous and alarming consequences,”
does not cover the ground of non-interference,
is an absurdity. To deny that it is not utter,
unqualified condemnation of the Wilinot Pro-
viso, is equally absurd. What does the Pro
viso propose to do l It proposes to “interfere
with questions of slavery”—to exclude slavery
from domains common to the whole Union—it
is an “incipient step in relation” to “questions
of slavery” which meets with condemnation from
the Baltimore Convention. If this does not
repudiate the doctrine of interference by Provi-
Boists, “abolitionists,” except by “the parties
interested” in “questions of slavery,” we are at
a ioss to find language which will do it. Mr.
Yancey's substitute proposes no more, and but
reiterates, as we have before said, the strong
and comprehensive position taken in the reso
lution adopted. To all this, Gen. Cass most
cordially subscribes, and to this the Democrat
ic party, through their delegates assembled in
Baltimore, stand most solemnly pledged.
That this is the interpretation placed upon
the resolution in the South, we need only refer
to the very large vote it received in the Conven-
let ns have an election by an exercise-of reason,
of virtue, and intelligence.”
This is the true ground, as we understand
if, and we consider it clearly expressed in the
resolution of the Convention, as well as in the
substitute offered by Mr. Yancey. The Con
vention would have found it difficult to frame
a resolution more comprehensive and explicit
It denies to Congress any power, under the
Constitution, “to interfere with questions of
slavery” either in the States or Territories. It
condemns the “efforts of abolitionists or others
made to induce Congress to interfere” or “to
take incipient steps” in relation “to questions
of slavery,” as the Proviso proposes to do, as
“calculated to lead to the most alarming and
dangerous consequences.” What could be
more explicit and comprehensive? No lan
guage could make the matter more plain, and
we conceive that the Convention acted wisely
in rejecting Mr. Yancey’s substitute.—Floridian
THE PATRIOT
Albany, ©corgia:
SATURDAY MORMAG, JISE 21,1818.
FOR PRESIDENT,
LEWIS CASS,
OF MICHIGAN.
FOR VICE PRESIDENT,
WILLIAM O. BUTLER,
OF KENTUCKY.
Fourth of July.
A meeting of citizens was held at the Ameri
can Hotel on the 17th instant, for the purpose
of celebrating the anniversary of our Independ
ence. John Tompkins, Esq., was appointed
Chairman, and T. N. Gardner, Secretary. A
committee of twelve was appointed to make all
the necessary arrangements for the celebration.
A public dinner was determined on. The va
rious societies, the “ Sons of Temperance,”
“ Odd Fellows,” “ Free Masons,” and others
were invited to join in the festival.
We learn that John Bilbo, Esq., has been se
lected to deliver an oration, and Henry Morgan,
Esq., to read the declaration of Independence.
We are pleased to find the proper spirit ani
mating our citizens. The subject is one which
will ever find an enthusiastic response in the
bosom of Americans.
New Publications.
Tiie Swedenborg Library, No. 80.—A
plea in behalf of Swedenborg’s claim to inter
course with the Spiritual world; compiled from
tion to prove, and that it is also so understood ; j,j 3 writings by Geo. Bush; published by John
by the Northern Democracy, we refer to a j A „ 13(J y ass;m str0( . t New York . An in .
speech delivered m the House of Represent.!-1
tives by Mr. Brodhcad, of Pennsylvania, on the i Cresting pamphlet of 43 pages. Price 12h cts.
3d instant lathe course of his remarks, Mr. Holden’s Dollae Magazine.—We hav.
9- «The speech of the honorable gentleman j recei ' e ^ “ Prospectus of this popular monthly
from South Carolina, [Mr. Illicit] satisfied me ] "> whlch many improvements are promised—
that there are a few gentlemen of extreme opin- ! to commence with the July number. We hope
ions in the south as well ns the north. Until to have an opportunity of noticing its contents.
within the last few months, the doctrine of
non-interferenco upon the part of the general
government upon the subject of slavery was
vehemently enforced j>y southern statesmen
and southern representatives upon this floor.
The right of the people to petition Congress in
relation thereto was denied. During the dis
cussions of the last session, the whole south
seemed to be satisfied with the position of neu
trality or the Missouri compromise. Now, for
the first time in this House, the honorable gen
tleman contends that the legislative power of the
general government should be exerted to protect
slavery in the Territories.
“Those who advocate what is very improp
erly called the “Wilinot proviso” in the northern
States, asseit that Congress has the right, (un
der that clause of the constitution which says:
“Congress shall have power to dispose of, and
make all needful rules and regulations respect
ing the territory and other property be
longing to the United States”) to exclude slave
ry in the Territories, and a few gentlemen in
toe south admit the power, and contend for the
propriety of its exercise, but for a very differ-
ent purpose—viz: to protect slavery. ‘Now
these southern gentlemen assume just the po
sition- the abolitionists of the north, and their
allies,, desire them to take. They want a pre
text to agitate the slavery question in Congress
And I beg leave to say furthermore, that they
take from the northern democrats who arc do
ing all they can to protect the constitutional
rights of their southern brethren the onl y ground
upon which they can stand with safety, cither
Tiie Union- Magazine.—-The June number
of this excellent' periodical has been received.
The typography, embellishments and literary
merit of tliis Magazine are uniformly superior,
and confer great credit upon the talented Editor
Mrs. Kirkland, and the publisher, Israel Post,
New York.
The fontrst In t!ic 1st District.
“ The combat thickens—on ye brave!”
The Congressional campaign in the 1st wax
es warm: the King and monopoly faction die
hard. Several anonymous letter writers in the
Savannah Republican denounce Mr. Seward
and his friends in severest terms for presuming
to complain or wince under the wrongs and
insults which have been heaped upon them by
the Railroad convention, lately assembled at
Lumber City. These learned Thebans contend
that even if Mr. King’s friends did promise Mr.
Seward at the conventibn in 184G that Mr. King
should not again be a candidate, yet that Mr.
King is not bound by the contract, as he was
not consulted. Tliis is certainly a new article
of faith, in morals, if not in politics. In 184G,
Mr. King’s political affairs were entrusted to
his friends at the Lumber City convention.—
These friends, to keep down all other competit
ors, promised for Mr. King that if certain gen-
to Aemwlvee or.Uic^south. 1 rejoice,.however, j tIcmen will withdraw their friends names at that
time from the nomination, that Mr. King will
that the vote in tiie Baltimore convention repu
diated these extreme positions on both sides,
and satisfied the whole country that nearly the
entire south, as well as north, are prepared to
adopt a proper platform. Here is the resolu
tion which the convention very wisely adopted
on the subject It is in accordance with the
sentiments heretofore entertained by the entire
democratic party.”
(Here tiie honorable gentleman read the res
olution on slavery adopted by the Convention.)
“All efforts to induce Congress to interfere
with questions of slavery, are expressly con
demned in tliis resolution. * •
“The ground of entire neutrality was the
true ground to bo assumed by the democratic
party. On this that party would stand united
and firm-, however much the whigs might divide.
The coming election would finally settle tliis
S [uestion. He wanted to know whether liis
riends to meet in Philadelphia were for or a-
gainst the Wilinot Proviso 1 The democracy
were against it He hoped the whigs would
either affirm or repudiate it
“Mr. Duer asked whether toe gentleman
from Pennsylvania meant to say that the Bal
timore Convention had repudiated the Wilmot
Proviso. Would the gentleman affirm what
was the present attitude of his party ?
“Mr. Brodhead replied that the democratic
party all over the Union would repudiate it,-
They never brought it forward as a party meas
ure; the whigs did r in the Northern States.
“Mr. Duer would thank the gentleman to
read him the resolution adopted at Baltimore,
In which such a position was taken.
“Mr. Brodhead said lie had read it—the po
sition of the democrtic party was one of neu
trality. _ Let the whigs declare how they stood
in regard 'to this matter. If they abandoned
this proviso, (and if they supported a slavehold
ing candidate, who refused to say what his
principles were, they did virtually abandon it,)
Jet them bay so at once. The‘democratic par
ty had stated their position upon all the great
questions effecting the interests or rights of toe
people. Let the whig party do toe same; and
not again bo in the way; these gentlemen take
them at their word and permit Mr. King to
receive the nomination. After Mr. King and
his friends have received the benefit of the trea-'
ty, they refuse to be bound by any of its stipu
lations and laugh at Mr. Seward and his friends
for being so green as to suppose that Mr. King
would be bound by any thing which his friends
had promised for him. These friends of Mr.
King in the convention of 184G, were acting as
his agents. But Mr. King, whilst he is willing
to take advantage of their bargains, when they
are advantageous to him, denies, repudiates, and
tramples under foot, those parts which stand in
tiie way of his ambition: under such circum
stances as these we admit friends may be made
useful and accommodating tools. But what
honest man would ever consent to be used in
such a manner ? These correspondents of the
Republican affect to treat Mr. Seward and his
friends with ridicule and contempt They ap
pear to think thkt it is the height of presumption
in the people of the “ ware-grass” counties to
run a candidate In opposition to the Railroad
junto. In the opinion of these useful and con
venient friends, it is treason and open rebellion
for a “ piney woods boy” to come out in oppo
sition to the King of Brunswick. But great
and unexpected revolutions have lately taken
place in Europe, and we should not be surprised
if some morning in October we should have to
announce that toe dynasty of Brunswick had
ceased to reign.
The Democratic and Whig Candidates.
With pride and exultation we contrast toe
Democratic candidates for President and Vice
President with those of our opponents. Both
of the Democratic candidates are known and
acknowledged to be men of superior talents—
well educated, and improved by much experi
ence. They have been often tried iu various
subordinate stations, and have more than fulfill
ed the expectations of their country. Their pat
riotism has been frequently proved both in war
and peace, and they have always been found in
the field and in the legislative hall battling for
their country. Their talents, their education,
the pursuits of their whole lives, eminently quali
fy Generals Cass and Butler for the high sta
tions to which they have been nominated.—
This will be admitted by all liberal minded and
well informed men among their political oppo
nents. Oq, the other side the Whigs have nomi
nated for President a brave, and as we believe,
honest soldier. One whom we delight to honor
as a soldier; but who in the honesty of his
heart has often declared he is entirely unquali
fied for the office of President Gen. Taylor
entered the army at a very early ago, and has
remained in the army ever since. Tliis has
been his profession, his trade, his education, has
all been in that line, and as he himself justly
observes, he has for the most part of his life
been stationed on the frontiers, where it was
impossible for liiin to know much about the
different interests which have agitated the coun
try. He acknowledges in his letters that he
had not had an opportunity to examine the sub
jects of a United States Bank, Tariff*, &c., and
had not yet made up his mind respecting them.
How can a man who has spent his whole life
in the camp on the frontiers be qualified to fill
a station where lie will have to decide the most
important points of Constitutional law and po
litical economy, and where he will come in col
lision with the greatest politicians and statesmen
of the w orld? He himself knows that his former
life and occupation have not prepared him for
such a station. It is frequently asked why
have the Whigs sought to drag Gen. Taylor
from a position where he could serve his coun
try with great benefit to her and honor to him
self, and place him in a position for which neith
er his education or habits of life have qualified
him? Tliis question can be easily answered.
It w T as not for any love they bore Gen. Taylor
on account of his success in the Mexican war,
for many of them profess to abhor and despise
the war. and consider our conquests there as
little better than murder and robbery. They
could not then love Gen. Taylor, who was Mr.
Polk’s chief agent and instrument in that war.
No, it was neither love nor admiration for Gen.
Taylor, but self love which prompted many of
the Whigs to nominate him. They wished by
means of Gen. Taylor’s popularity to obtain
power and office for themselves. Ibis charge
is proved by their own admissions. They had
eminent statesmen in their party whose educa
tion and pursuits qualified them for the office,
but they feared to run them for fear they might
get beat and they might fail to get office. They
chose to sacrifice their principles, desert their
venerable chief and follow the plume of a soldier
in the hope of obtaining office. Many of the
wisest and purest of the Whig party have refu
sed to make this sacrifice. They will not for
sake their principles and tried and cherished
leaders, to follow a drum and fife for the sake
of pay. We shall see what the mercenaries
will gain by their bargain. If after they have
sacrificed their former leaders for the sake of
office, they should loose that also, their case
will be pitiful indeed. This is the fate which
we believe most certainly awaits them. The
people know that a man who has spent his
whole life in the army is not qualified for Presi
dent of the United States. It is in vain to point
them to Washington and Jackson; the cases
are not similar, neither of these illustrious men
were soldiers by profession. They had lived
most of their lives as citizens, and had held many
offices as such. They entered the army as a
duty, not as a trade; and as soon as the wars
were over they retired to private life. We do
not object to Gen. Taylor because he has been
a soldier; but because he has never been any
tiling else. Of Mr. Fillmore we shall speak
hereafter. At present it is only necessary to
observe that he is in favor of a high protective
At their Old Tricks Again.
In every political campaign toe, most absurd
and ridiculous falsehoods have appeared in
some of the Whig journals against the Demo
cratic candidates; Who has forgotten toe fa
mous Roorback story which appeared in several
of the Northern Whig journals when Mr. Polk
was a candidate? It ran in tliis fashion: That
a certain German-traveller by toe name of Roor
back, wliilst passing through Tennessee saw a
large number of Mr. Polk’s negroes who had
been branded with the letter “P” on their skin
with a hot iron. This was made for the Whig
market at too North; and the volume and page
of Mr. Roorback’s travels in America were
quoted as unquestionable authority for toe story;
but it turned out that no such book could be
found in the United States, neither could it be
proved that such a traveller as Mr. Roorback
was ever in America. Of the same genus
and species were the famous Lewis Fig letters,
which appeared in several of the Whig papers
in Georgia. These, with much particularity of
time and circumstances, assert that the said Mr.
Lends Fig killed the Indian chief Tecumse, but
lent the honor of that deed to Col Johnson, to
help him out in his election. But upon enquiry,
no such person as Mr. Lends Fig could be
found, nor could such a name be found on the
roll of Col. Johnson’s regiment He had been
created for the sole use and benefit of Whig-
gery, and nlren he had answered his end, he
was suffered to die, and no man knoweth where
he is buried even unto tliis day.
Scarcely was the name of Lends Cass an
nounced as the Democratic candidate for presi
dent, before a Roorback full grown and well
proportioned appeared in several of the Whi;
papers,—here is the beauty:
“ The fact is, that while his father, Major
Cass, superintended the recruiting service in
Delaware, in 1799 and 1800, for what we
Democrats (!!) styled the provision eating army,
lie, the present Gen. Cass, was the preceptor of
a grammar school in Wilmington, and always
appeared with a Black Cockade in his hat.”
By referring to the biography of Gen. Cass,
we find lie wad born on the 9th day of October,
1782^ and emigrated to the North-western ter
ritory in 1799. It thus appears that at the time
referred to in the Whig Roorback above, he
was but seventeen years old, and was then
reading law in the town of Marietta, in what is
now the State of Ohio. It is rather singular
that of all the crimes in their political code, the
Whigs should accuse Gen. Cass of being a
Federalist. He is generally accused of being
a Democrat of the most ultra sect, that is, one
of the progressive Democracy. We believe Mr.
Jefferson was never accused of being too par
tial to the Federalists. In 1807 Mr. Jefferson
appointed Lewis Cass, Marshal of Ohio, and he
has held important appointments under every
Democratic administration since—so that tliis
story is the most ridiculous and absurd of any
that the Whigs could have started. But we
must look out between, this and next November
to see Whig Roorbacks cover the land as thick
as the frogs came upon the land of Egypt, and
as black and palpable as the darkness that
shrouded the Egyptians.
The Two Conventions.
Nothing can more fully illustrate the differ
ence between the Democratic and Whig parties,
than the proceedings of the two conventions.
The Democratic convention was held with open
doors—all that was done there, was open to
the inspection of the people: Whigs and Dem
ocrats were allowed to attend, to inspect and to
criticize their proceedings. The Whig conven
tion on the contrary, for a large part of the
time, sat with closed doors. The people were
not permitted to know anything of their pro
ceedings until they hacl beeti arranged for the
public eye. What transpired behind the curtain
will perhaps, always be kept hid. We believe
the Hartford convention is the only other politi
cal assembly in tliis country that held their
sessions with closed doors. Again, the Demo
cratic convention, not wishing to deceive or to
swindle the people out of their votes, came for
ward and published to the world their principles.
They avowed openly and above board what
would be their line of policy on all the great
questions which divide and interest the country.
But the Whigs, if they have any principles,
dare not avow them to the world—they dare
not acknowledge them before the people, but
Resolution of the Baltimore Convention
on Slavery*
We call toe attention of our readers this week
to toe article in our columns taken from the last
Floridian, which discusses this subject very ably,
and as we think conclusively- We know that
some of our political friends would have pre
ferred Mr. Yancey’8 amendment to the resolu
tion as adopted; but a very large majority of
the delegates from the Southern States chose
the resolution adopted by the convention. In
tliis we think they acted wisely. We believe
it is for the interest of the Southern States to
keep all control over the subject of slavery out
of the hands of Congress. If it is once admit
ted that they can control it for one purpose,
they will seize upon that as a pretext for con
trolling it for others. And if at one time they
are called upon to exercise that power for good,
they will soon exercise it for evil. If it is ad
mitted they have a right to control it in the
territories, they will claim a right to control it
in the District of Columbia. It has long been
a favorite project with the Abolitionists for Con
gress to exercise that right over slavery in the
District, but the South has always resisted this
assumption of power. We believe toe only
safety of the South lies in keeping tiie whole
control over the subject in the hands of toe
people interested. Tliis right the resolution
adopted by the convention fully recognizes.
Regimental Review.
The regimental muster which took place at
Newton, on too 20th instant, was attended by
about sixty commissioned and non-commission
ed officers, nearly four hundred privates, and a
considerable number of spectators. An excel
lent spirit of discipline, good order, and sobriety
was manifested throughout the day, and the ex
ercises were very creditable to the militia of
Baker. The regimental Court of Inquiry for
the trial of delinquents w ill be held at Newton
on the first Saturday in August.
7. Do yon approve of Gen’l Taylor’, w ' '
Editor of the Cincinnati Signal?
8. Do you approve of the aaerestin.. -
a Gen’l Taylor’s letters to the War Conl> '*(l
nnder dates of Oct. 4th and Nov. 7ih, jgTf rtc *E )
mending the march to the Rio Grand ?
9. Do you think it setting a good DIWp .
take a man from the army who says ht *•
opinions apon political subjects, and never™
once in his life, and to place him in Uio seat 1,1
Washington and Jefferson sat ? *k«i
10. Do you not know that John Ad ara , o
Webster and the advocates of Federal ' Ullv ^
generally, and the present Abolitionists aT* 1 ""' 1
to be governed by the Constilution ? ’
11. How ought Gen’l Taylor to adrainUte, .
government so as to do it like the earlier creiaLr
Don’t all speak at once. INQUIRE^ 1
What Measures will the Whigs Ad.*.
Elected! #
We know of no way of judging of the fot 0 - .
by the past, and when the Whigs succeeded i t igT
Communications.
rp .rv. . j i lc i ° xi oi I when a member from Ohio arose to declare the
larifF—is more than doubtful on the Slavery j . . , nn . , , ,
* I.nf Min Wins* lwv .......
question, and was nominated by the Whigs to
catch the votes of the friends of the Wilmot
Proviso in New York.
Our Cause and Our Candidates.
From every part of our State, and with some
few exceptions from all parts of the United
States, we have the most cheering intelligence
of the popularity of our candidates. Our ex
changes come crowded with the proceedings of
Democratic meetings, where the nomination
of Cass and Butler has been hailed w ith enthu
siasm. Many of our friends think that Ohio is
perfectly safe for Cass and Butler, and believe
we have a fair prospect of getting the vote of
New Jersey, Maryland and Kentucky, in addi
tion to those States that voted for Mr. Polk.
Some of the Whig papers have boasted of car
rying Alabama: tliis is all fudge. The Demo
cratic papers of that State speak confidently of
carrying Alabama by 15,000 majority. The
exceptions we speak of are confined to the New
York Barnburners and South Carolina. The
former finds fault with Gen. Cass for being too
much in favor of toe South—the latter, because
he is not favorable enongh. But in choosing
between Taylor and Fillmore, and Cass and
Butler, South Carolina surely cannot hesitate
to choose the latter.
A North Carolina paper states that a
large number of counterfeit $20 notes on toe
bank of Geoigetown, S. C., admirably executed,
are in circulation in that vicinity*
The Wilmot Proviso—Gen. Taylors Posi
tion.
“The personal opinions of the individual who
may happen to occupy the Executive Chair
ought not to control toe action of Congress
UPON QUESTIONS OF DOMESTIC POLICY.” GtU.
Taylor's letter to Capt. Allison.
principles of the Whig party lie was declared
out of order. Again, the Democrats nominated
for the office of president and vice president
men whose political principles were known to
the whole country-—men w T ho do not need the
sound of a trumpet to proclaim their deeds to
the people, but whose public acts both in the
field, and in the councils of the nation-speak for
them. The Whigs have nominated for this
most responsible office of president of the’Unit-
ed Slates a gallant soldier, but one who has
never been anything else but a soldier; one
who acknowledges that he is profoundly ignor
ant on the great political questions which divide
the country, and says lie has never had an op
portunity to study these subjects, and lias not
even made up his own mind about them. The
reasons for these strange proceedings of too
Whig party must be obvious to all. They know
that their principles have become unpopular—-
they therefore wish to conceal them. They
have discovered that their factious opposition
to the Mexican war is odious to toe people;
they have therefore chosen for their standard-
bearer a man who owes all liis popularity to his
success in that war, and who has frequently
declared that he will not be the exponent of
Whig principles. Thus it will be seen that the
conduct of too two conventions is a perfect
index of the two parties. The Democrats,
proud of their principles and confident that they
will be sustained by the country, had nothing
to conceal. The doors of their convention were
open and their principles have been spread be
fore the world. Their candidates have long
been engaged in public life, and toeir opinions
are known- to the whole Country. Dut with
toe Whigs, mum ia toe word.
The Whig Platform—What is it?
When the Democratic convention met at Balti
more it did not adjourn without telling the people of
the Union where the Democratic party stood—what
public measures it was in favor of, and what oppos
ed to, so that the intelligent voters of the conntry
ight vote for its nominees, provided they approved
their principles. This was in accordance with the
uniform consent of the Democratic party, never at
tempting to swindle themselves into power by cheat
ing honest men out of their voles. The Whig
vention also recently assembled, and instead of
adopting the same open and manly course, adjourned
witholit passing a single resolution, nominating
Gen’l Taylor to catch Democratic votes, and Millard
Fillmore to secure the support of the anti-war, pro
hibition, Wilmot Proviso V\ higs of the North. The
Whigs from Ohio and Massachusetts attempted to
lay down the platform of the Whig party, but were
told by the president that this was “out of order.”
John Randolph once said that the time would come
when a constitutional question would be “out of
order” in the House of Representatives. This day,
so far as the Whigs are concerned, has arrived, and
has been carried even beyond this extravagant ex
pression of Mr. Randolph, for they not only advocate
in and out of Congress unconstitutional measures,
but it has become “out of order” to assert a politi
cal principle in public. What if the spirits of such
men as Jefferson and Madison, and others who as
sisted in forming the glorious constitution of the
American Union could have hovered over the Whig
convention of Philadelphia, and there seen that the
time had arrived in an American assembly when it
was “ out of order” to avow or discuss a principle—
when the American people were treated as so many
brutes who had no brains to understand a single
principle of government, and would follow their
“ belled-wether,” or would lay down their party
association to run after a pair of epauletts: what
think you would have been their opinion of that
secret sessiox—a thing unheard 1 of in public as
semblages in this country ? They would certainly
have despaired of the perpetuity of this government,
when so little respect was paid to the intelligence
of the people by a large convention’ assuming to
represent them. And that secret session-*what did
it mean gentlemen? Are you afrhid to discuss
your policy in public ? Have you nb principles, or
they so bad that it will not do for the public to
see them ? Are you willing to acquire power by
deceiving the country, by a sort of slight-of-hand
by mystifying everything, and thus delude honest
men to your support? In private affairs thin^
this kind would be considered dishonorable, and
provided any goodswere obtained by false pretences
the laws’make it punishable, and if votes are obtain
ed after the same fashion what’s the difference ?
I wonder gentlemen what came off in that secret
session J Ah—if what did, could truly be wafted on
the four winds of Heaven to different parts of the
Union, whiggery would appear in its true colors.
You* would then find’the Bank, Protection, and Dis
tribution platform—the Wilmot Proviso platform—
the Southern platform—the everybody’s platform
and the nobody’s platform—it would be “ black
spirits and white, blue spirits and grey,” mingling
together in strange contrast, and such a ringed,
streaked and striped concern as the great Whig
party would present tp the people would be langha-
bid to us, and a death-blow to availability. Well,
we thought they would do* better this time, and mail
after mail we have been wanting to hear from them
and learn' that plaform—that platform—oh, that
platform ! but lo and behold! it has’nt come yet,
and we are told roorever that it is not to come.—
What, gentlemen, it is’nt possible ? Certainly you
freemen, and ought not to be ashamed or afraid
to say what you are. You know great public meas
ures divide the country, and ! have ever since this
has been a government. You have some opinions
upon these measures—.your minds ‘are, we know,
not perfect blanks. Then let us hear from you,
we can know where you stand, and that we may
have a fair and open field, and let this system of
bush fighting alone. Now, gentlemen,
1. Are you for against.a National Bank?
2. Do you favor the distribution of the proceeds
oS the public lands ?
& Are yon- in favor of appropriating money for
purposes of Internal Improvements iu the States by-
the general government ?
Bank, which was enacted, and was vetoed h" ^
honesty and Republicanism of John Tyler * f*
Tariff for protection, which was enacted-l^fT.
butiori of the proceeds of the Public Und«
was enacted—of a Bankrupt Law, which ^
ed, but was subsequently repealed by DemjT^
votes, aided by a few repenting whigs. ^
took steps to modify and in effect repeal the
power. They have voted public money for LS
Improvements. All their partizans in Con*
from non-slave holding States and every convenf*
of their party in th|se States have adopted T
Wilmot Proviso, the National Come [
has not repudiated, neither has it any of the n tJ^I
measures. Some of these measures are said t u
obsolete ideas—and so it was said in 1840, but J]
they had the power ro pass them they Werf 7[
obsolete—and if obsolete why keep up the ruJZ
whig and party distinctions? If there is nothin™!!
divide us, we should all unite. Being sustainedb
experience, we therefore feel justitietTin saying
do charge and accuse the present whig party ^
being the advocates of the establishment of
tional Bank—with being the advocates of protection
by the General Government to private interest,^
in favor of the Tariff of 1842; with being in favor
of the distribution of the proceeds of the Public
Lands among the States; with being in favor of
appropriating public money to works of Internal
Improvements in the States; with being in favor of
a system of voluntary Bankruptcy as the net of
1341 indicates; with being in favor of a repeal of
the veto power, as is farther sustained by Genl
Taylor’s letters to the Cincinnatti Signal and to
Capt. Allison. We do not further charge and
accuse the whig party of the kon-slave holdiw
States with being, in favor of the Wilmot Proviso^
and that they constitute in Congress two-thinlsof
the whig vote, and may use that vote to force tliii
law upon the country. We have no other lights to
guide us in this matter than those the whigs Im*
given us, and by them do we make these charges,
and shall consider them true until that party shows
us by competent authority where they stand. We
say to democrats let these things be kepi bdertik
people. DEMOCRAT.
Perry, June 28th, 1848.
Messrs. Editors:—I have just had the pleasure
of reading the proceedings of the Democratic party
of Baker. I am happy to find them in favor of the
nomination of Marshall J. Wfllboek as the Dem
ocratic candidate for Congress, to succeed Judge
Iverson. I hope and believe the nominating in
vention will select him as the Democratic standard-
bearer, and I hope so, without intending to derogate
in the least from the high standing, and deserve!
popularity of other gentlemen Who have been spo
ken ol. I think I am not mistaken in saying that
Judge Wellborn- will receive a warm and enthn-
stic support from the Democracy in this partof
the district, should he receive the nomination.
HOUSTON.
Decatur Democratic Meeting.
At a meeting of a respectable portion of tod D?m-
ocrrtic party of this county, convened in the Court
House at Bainbridge on Saturday, the 17th insl,
for the purpose of nominating delegates to the Amer-
icus Convention, to be convened on the fourth Mon
day in July, on motion, of A. A. Allen, Esq., tlx
meeting was organized by calling B. B. Wriglitto
the Chair, and G. W. Allen requested toad u
Secretary. After the object of the meeting
been briefly explained by the Chairman, on motion
of D. B. Douglass, a committee of five was appoin
ted by the Chairman to select delegates to said Con
vention. The Chair appointed D. B. Douglass,
A. A. Allen, G. W. Bruton, J. R. Hays,and A.
Sneed, Esqrs. The committee retired a short tiros
and flier.- reported through tlieii* chairman, the fol
lowing persons as delegates to the Americu? Conven
tion, to wit: G. W. Alien, Esq., Col. F. G. ArneC,
and Col. W. H. McElvm, with the privilege of hill
ing any vacancy that may occur in their delegation-
On motion of A-. W. Sneed, Esq.,
Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting
be signed by the Chairman and Secretary, and be
published in the Albany Patriot.
The meeting then adjourned sine die.
B. B. WRIGHT, O’i
G. W. Allen, Sec’y.
.table a*
intbe^
•I. Are you in favor of repealing the Tariff of
1846? •
5. Are you in favor of abolishing or modifying
the present Veto Power ?
6. Do you consider Daniel Webster, John Davis*
Thomas Corwin* and in fact every Whig from non*-
slave holding States, parts of the .great Whig party,
and if so are you’ Willing to work in' company with-
them with toeir avowed determination to enforce
the. Wilmot Proviso upon toe- newly acquired.ter
ritory 2 1 ’
HP
Democratic Meeting.
A meeting was held this day in the iMi
of Randolph County for the purpose of calling toe
attention of the Democratic party of Randolph ,l
propriety and importance of holding * intfMg
the party for the - purpose of sending ®
Convention to be held in Americus ort the^; J
day in July, to nominate a suitable candiihte
Congress in the 2d Congressional District,
Elector for President and Vice President o
United States.
On motion, David Holman, Esq., Was app 01
Chairman, and J. B. Shropshire, Esq., ^ ccreU ^ ffl .
J:. B.- Shropshire offered the following P ^
ble and resolutions, which were adopted 1
meeting:
Whereas, the time is at hand fortbevotew 0
2nd Congressional District to select
didate to represent the Democratic party
Congress, and a candidate for Elector
and Vice President, therefore .
Resolved, That we invite the Democrat
Randolph county to meet in Cuthbert on ^
Tuesday in July, to-carry these purposes
Resolved. That we highly approve of
cratic nominations for President and Vice
and that wo will use all honorable means
their success. -Hepstf
Resolved, That we appeal to the Dem°c
of the 2d Congressional District to b® ® D ‘ n
long poll, a strong pull, and a pull *11W
Resolved, That the proceedings oi m
be published-in the* Albany Patriot.
Go!.-Hughes- and Major Gonebe
were called upon and addressed the nie® 1 .
Usual able and eloquent style, congraty * ® ^$0
upon the* return of peace and the-pf*®^:
party. ,
The mee*»g then
J. B. SHKoFsamEi Sec’y. ; t .'. i-s\