Newspaper Page Text
- The Fourth of March.
The Richmond Despatch. one of the ablest nnd ]
most influential lepers in Virginia, thus canonizes ]
tlio 4th of March, the day on which Abe Lincoln was |
allowed to polutc the scat of Washington. The
Despatch is one of the most popular and widely cir
culated paper* published in Virginia, and the article
may he properly regarded as significant of the grow
ing sentiment of hostility to Black Republican rule
in vlieold Dominion :
Tub Fourth of March.—This day witnesses the
inauguration at Washington of a Black Republican j
1‘resident, elected solely by Black Republican votes,
having a Black Republican Cab net, and sustained
by a Black Republican Congress. This day the
St/tHh comes under a dominion which has been forc
ed upon her by the North; this day she begins a ser
vitude as involuntary as that of Italy to Austria;
this day inaugurates a foreign rule- as distinct and
complete as if we had been conquered by European
bayonets, and annexed to the throne of some conti
nental dospot. This clay begins the government of
a SECTiox, of a party which delilreralely struck the
word National from its political plat form*,
Eexecutive has declared that there is an irrepressi
hie conflict between freedom and slavery ; whose fa-
voriteorator speaks of God himself as “that ideal
gentleman beyond the clouds,” whose Senator* shout
from the Capitol for Southern blood, and. whose sold
iers and sailors are preparing to hurl the bobs of
war upon our gallant brethren of the Gulf, whose
flag ofindepende nee has been flung nobly and proud
ly forth tothe free Southern breeze. This day, most
odious of all the days in our political calendar, when
section and fanaticism enthrone in the chair of
George Washington, the embodiment of all tftat is
narrow in their politics, vicious in their religion, and
vulgar in their manners, and calls upon the cuun*
trymen of Washington to—
Bow'the Knee to Baal !
Southern Streets and Northern Names.
[From the New York TIerald,]
When the Egyptians could do nothing else where
by to express their “despise” for conquerors or ra
ces who nad brought them to grief, they painted their
pictures on the soles oft heir boots, and strutted about,
proud to be able t<s at least symbolically, tread their
enemies under foot. 'Fite Charlestonians are be
coming quite as dignified in the divers details of ven
geance, and, as tve learn, ore searching cnrefnlly the
names of their streets, in order to scratch from the
lists all Northern names whatever. “When such an
unlucky circumstance is discovered as a Yankee
name, it is immediately obliterated, and some one
full of the peculiar melody pertaining to all things
in the soft npd sunny South, is substituted. 1 * The
Common Council of Mobile have, however,actually
acted on tire hint, changing Maine to Palmetto street,
Massachusetts street to Charleston, New Hampshire
to Augusta, Rhode Island to Savannah, Connecticut
to Louisiana, New York to Elmyra, Vermont to
Texas, and Pennsylvania to Montgomery street.
“Tho reproach hath thus been taken from her
streets,” and her ways are purified. Now that she
has got rid of the nomina, the names, let ns see how
she will fare with substantive facts. Let us see the
fickle and mobile Mobilians eliminating Northern
books from the Uribraries, Northern ploughs from
their fields. Northern onions from their mosses, and
Northern combs from tfteir polls. Lei there be not
merely a nominal, but a real change. Ifurry it up,
gentlemen, hurry it up. It will make but little dif
ference how you call your streets, so long as they
are thoroughfares for carts loaded with the labors of
the “enemy.”
Negro Banking.
Cato, an old negro noted for his cunning, had suc
ceeded in making his fellow servants believe that
banking was a very profitable business. Mo they
concluded they would throw all their change togeth
er and start a bank,old Cato taking care to have
himself constituted the bank, to whom all the six
pences of all the darkifs in the neighborhood were
paid over. And now, said Cato, whenever niggers
borry sixpence ont’n dis bank to buy bicker wid, he
got to come back in free weeks and pay in ttco six
pences, find in dis way you see, eberv sixpence
wrings a nudder sixpence, till artcr a while all nig
gers be as rich as old inassa G y. And upon
this principle the bank went into operation, old Cato
always taking care that every darkey should fork
over according to bank rules. But in the course of
time, some of the stockholders thought they “smelt
a rat,” and called on Cato to withdraw their capital
from the bank, when the following conversation look
place between Cato and Jack:
Jack—Well, Cato, we wants to draw our money
from de bank and quit dis btr.king bis ness.
Cato—Did yon hear de news ?
Jack—No; what dat Cato.? o-.,:uwni
Cato—Why dc bank done brake last night.
Jack—Who care wliat de bank do? I tell you I
wants my shah nb de'money.
Cati—Well, but I tell yon de bank broke.
Jack—I not talkin' bout dat. i say whar de
money.
Cato—Wity, yon fool, don’t you know when de
bank brake de money gone sarlin f
Jack—Well, but whar de money g<
Cato—Dal’s more en dis nigger know. All ho
knows bout it is, dat when de white folks bank brake,
de money always lu3t, and nigger bank no belter
dan white folks.
Jack—Well, whenever dis nigger gage to baukin’
be hope de cholera git him fuss,
Cato— Derry sorry de bank brake, Jack, berry
sorry. Here <>ur informant left.
J' * Wanted—A Printer. p *• *•'*»
“Wanted—a prin'er,” says a cotemporary.-—
Wanted—a mechanical curiosity, with a brain and
fingers—a thing that will set so many type a day—
a marliine that will think nnd act. but still ft machine
—a being who undertakes the most, systematic and
monotonous drudgery, yet one the ingenuity of matt
lias never supplanted mechanically—that’s a printer
A printer—yet for all 'his sometimes dissipated
jind feckless habits—a worker, at all times and
hours, day and night; sitting up in a close and un
wholesome officPj when gay crowds are hurrying to
the theatres—later still, when the street revelersare
gone and the city sleeps—in the fresh air of the
—The
INAUGURAL ADDRESS
Crittenden’s ana Stanton’s Views
Pehce Congress.
T,,dVc would not give the scrapings 0f “mites horns”
for all the bastard resolutions which Crittenden
could offer from now until dooms day. ' The farcb
which characterizes the Peace Congress is equally
os ridiculous. Stanton can measure ears, and traysj1 appear before you to address you briefly, pnd to
with them or others. In our experience rclarivc’to i take in your presence the oath prescribed by the
th« Northern fanatirel spirit, we nro not blinded;' "r tl,e , Unil , ed Sta,c V° bo ** lk °
, . , , , r President, before lie enters on the execution of his
and. it is time that the public men and represent a- office.
tlves from the Southern States, should be no longer I do not consider it necessary, at present, for
blinded. Trust a man once, and if he won’t pay the to discuss those matters of Administration, about
debt, he won’t pay you if you trust, him a second * ’ *'’*"* ’ * " *
tjme. We,
ical spirit of the North time and again. They told ! publican Administration, their property and tlicir
Lincoln and hia Inaugural. us in the first instance that they would not respond j P® ace antl P ers °nal security are to be endangered.
6 . , , ... . ,.. _ - | There has never been any reasonable cause for such
Lincoln has been inaugurated President of the t0 our demands. >\ e have trusted them for more than , n pp re } iens i on . Indeed, the most ample cvidenco to
Northern United States. In the commencement of tl,c P 0 ® 1 thirty J ears » t,iat * s l ‘ me « nou 15 l1 to ! the contrary, has all the while existed and been open
his Inaugural address, ho briefly alludes to the Con. i con.ince our honest thinking people- then nil tjmo |to ‘heir inspeoljon. Hia found in nearly all Iho
, e atitutional claims of tho Government relative to fu-. flowed to
' gitives from justief, and holds that tho Constitution j them. “Wo speak as unto
should not bo violated. This is in substance Iho sleccivea. Wo believe we speak to men who know
language of Mr. FiUmorc, who telegraphed to Bos-; 'heir rights and will sustain them. It is folly then—
ABRAHAMJLINC OLN.
Fellow-Citizens of the United States:—In compli
ance with a custom as old as the government itself,
! which there is no special anxiety or excitement.—
, , , , I Apprehension seems to exist among tho people of
t government, have trusted thefanat- j u, e Southern States, that by the accession of a Uc-
would not bo sufficient to conviuco I P»hU»hed speeches of him who now addresses you.
1 uo but quote from one of those speeches when I
be yc not t i cc i aret that-I have no purpose directly or indirect-
ton, while Hughes nnd Knight were attempting to ' 1 ij perfect humiliation that we should return to
rescue fogitires from justice, said that “the law " iat 1,ou, ° whi<:l1 baa dcnicd U3 a further reception,
must bo obeyed." Why did they not obey it 1 For j Tl ‘° >‘° U3C " rllicl1 ,hc Confederate States have built,
the past thirty years they have failed to obey it. and * s broad and wide enough for us. We require no
in ourjudgmentthey will continue to fail in proper- I further room, unless it be in tho direction of tho
ly fulfilling and carrying out that clause of the Con-| tr0 I" ca ^ sca . The polar North has no charms for
stitution. ^Ir. Fillmore, in his transaction relative us ‘ 1 he States of the North have no further na-
So tho burning or the Caroline, nnd his votes gen- 1 direction for us. The European powers have
orally on questions appertaining to the interest of, noao - ' Vo of Southern -American States ore the
the South, fully satisfied us that he was deeply died 1 maslcr3 of "■» Universe, because we have the pow-
in Abolitionism. Judging from the past acts nnd et- over nil governments. He have the power
votes of Lincoln, wo can but arrive at the same con- i science, in arms nnd in agriculture. Let us pay
elusion, Hurt ho too, is deeply died In the same pool. no furlll0r attention to Northern fanaticism, and less
of infinity and corruption. It is nonsense to speak ' altcnli<m to «b* swollen pride of that false nristo-
of the fugitive slave law as a moaus of protection.) " atic E™"deuv which-exisls among the combined
Titus far it has entirely failed to porform tho honest' P®*ero of tho European world. - We will then feel
our true independence as a nation—not before.
The Congress of the Northern States laugh in
terms of contempt at the members from the South.
We can but say to those members that-it is time to
intention for which it was framed, and the fugit:
if reclaimed at all, is at the risk of the life of the
owner, and at a cost of over the value of the fugitive,
consequently the rights of the people of the South
ern States arc shamefully trespassed upon, and so j rebuke the insult, but if the aspirations for office
far as the humbug fugilivo slave law is concerned, J imlucc tlicra remain there, it is but proper that
we arc remcdylcss. Then wc say, let Lincoln have . thc J should remain to receive that infamous c<
his Union let us have ours. tempt wlpch can eminatc alone from the breast,
Again, he says that he cannot sec how a Govern- brain of fanaticism. An Iverson, a Toombs, a Cobb,
meat can terminate without the consent of all parties, a Crawford, or other representatives from Georgia,
or words to that extent. Can it he possible that he I woulJ not receive such an indignity without a prompt
is so blindly ignorant, that he cannot comprehend nnd positive resentment. Can it be possible that
the meaning of his own words and the words of those j members from other Southern States, while our
who placed him in office? Does he no* know that j Northern friends have been pleading our fair and
his own party, for the past thirty years hqvc viola-1 honest cause, should be recreant and prove thein-
ted and continued to violate the very clause to which j selves unworthy of the trust reposed, thereby bring-
he refers? They have dono so and they are the j * n g upon their constituents the contempt for their
aggressors and violators of the Government contract j cowardice. Such representatives are not worthy of
which he alludes. The people of the South have j Bio confidence of a free and Independent or honor-
endured this aggression with all the patience and ; al> ie people,
forbearance which belongs to human nature, and
they arc nbw fully justified by all moral and nation- J
al laws in their independent act of secession and in 1
the formation of a Government whose Constitution!
and laws accord with their peculiar notions of jus-
:e and honor. j
Lincoln seems to desire that the “Union will con- \
stitutionally maintain itself.” If he means that the 1
Lincoln and his Cabinet.
The Cabinet selected by Lincoln run? as follow*;:
Wm.II. Seward, of New York, Secretary of State.
Salmon I*. Chase, of Ohio, Secretary of.the Trea-
Edward Bates, of Mk«nnri, Attorney General.
Simeon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of
Var.
Caleb B. Smith, of Indiana, Secretary of the In
ly, to interfere with tho institution of slavery, i
.the State where it exists. I believe I have no law
ful right to do so, nnd I have no inclination to do
Those who nominated and elected me, did so with
full knowledge that I had made this nnd nutuy
lar declarations, and had never recanted them. And
more than this, they placed in tho Platform for my
acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me,
the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read.
Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the
ights of States, and especially the right of each
State to order and control its own domestic institu
tions according to its own judgment exclusively, is
essential to that balance of power on which the per
fection and endurance of our political fabric de
pend, and wo denounce the lawless invasion by
armed force of tho soil of any State or Territory,
no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest
of crimes.
I now reiterate these sentiments, and iu doing so,
I only press u^>on the public attention the most con
clusive evidence of which the case is susceptible:
“That the property, peace and security of no sec
tion are to be in anywise endangered by the now in
coming Administration.” I add, too, that all the
protection which, consistently with the Constitution
nnd the laws, can bo given, will be cheerfully given
to all the States, when lawfully demanded for what
ever cause, as cheerfully to ono section
ther.
There is much controversy about the delivery up
of fugitives from service or labor. The clause I
now read is as plainly written in the Constitution
as any other of its provisions: “No person held
service or labor in one State, under the laws there
of, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of
any law or regulation therein, be discharged from
such service' or labor, but shall be delivered up on
claim of the party to whom such service or labor
mJy be due.”
arcely questioned that this provision
intended by those who made it, for the reclaiming
of what we call fugitive slaves, and the intention of
the law-giver is the law. All members of Congress
their support to the whole Constitution—they
swear their support to this provision as much a
any other. To tho proposition then that sli
whoso cases come within the termS of this clause,
shall be delivered up, their oaths are unanimous.
Now if they would make the effort in good temper,
could they not with nearly equal unanimity, frame
and pass a law, by means* of which to keep good
that unanimous oath ? There is some difference of
opinion whether this clause should be enforced by
national or by State authority, but surely that dif
ference is not a very material ouc. If th
to be surrendered, it can be of but little conscqi
Constitution has been violated, wc can but say to j terior.
him that we have yet to learn of the first instauce j Gideon Welles, of Connecticut, Secretary of the
wherein the Southern States have violated that in- j Navy.
strument. The only violation we can claim, 1ms; * Blair, of Maryland, Postmaster General
been performed by that Northern fanatical party of j Wc are not astonished at the above selection
which he is the representative. With these remarks j Two represent the Southern, five the Northern
e close on A ok, leaving him in the uninterrupted J* States. The Northern representatives in the Cahi-
ijoyment of his honors. There are other portions ; net are abolitionists, and strong coerc
*
morning—in the broad and gashing sunlight—some
printing machine 4s at his case, with his eternal un
wavering click! click!
Click! click! the polished type fall into the stick;
the mote integers of expression are marshaled into
line, and inarch forth as immortal pri rit. Click!
and the latest intelligence Incomes old—tho thought
a principle—the simple idea a living sentiment.-
Click ! click ! from grave Ur gay, item after item-
% robbery, a murder,a bit of scandal, a graceful and
f lowing thought—are in turn closed by the mute and
mpreasive fingers of the machine, »nd set adrift in
the sea of thought. lie must not think of home, of
kindred, of wife or babe—lus work lies before him,
and thought is chained to hi? copy.
You know him by his works, who rend the'papcrs
and arc quick at typographical errors—wlioso cyo
may rest onfbeso mute evidences of ceaseless toil;
correspondents, editors and authors* who Bcorn th§
simple medium of your fame, think not that the prin
ter is altogether a machine—think not that lie is in-
diffrent to the gora of which ho is but the setter—a
subtle ray may penetrate the recesses of his brain,
or the flowers he gathers may not leave some of
their fragrance upon Jiis toil worn fingers. But when
ypu sock a friend, companion, adviser-when you
would elevate one who for sympathy, may represent
either or bolk—when you want judges, legislators,
governors and presidents—0, yc people, advertise:
*'Wa*T«D—A PlllSTER.”
Tn* two PnESiDESTS.—Davis and Lincoln weTe
both bom in Kentucky, in 1808 and 1800 respect?
ively, both left their native State in cbildhood’f
days, one emigrated North, the other South; both
served in the Indian war of tho West, both com
menced their political careers about the same time,
being Presidential electors in the election of L844,
Davis for Polk and Lincoln for Cloy; both elected
to Congress about the same time,’45 or ’46, and
were in the same year and almost the same day,
called to preside over their respective governments
—one s* President of the Unitet) States, the other
President .of the Confederate States of'America
One the rock upon which a nation , has split,'
other the corner-stone of a new Republic.—M
ir-.-» *• ‘
of his Inaugural to which welinve alluded, but which
go to foreshadow his administration. It will be
found in another column of this issue.
have thus spoken—so has Lincoln spoken,,
relative to fanaticism; so has his party'spoken.—
We can hut repeat his own unerring words and the
unerring words of one of his “right hand bowers,”
which reads as follows:
far into the fifth year since a policy
waklnTtfated with the avowed object and confident
promise of putting an end tojilavery agitation—
Under the operation of that policy, that agitation
has not only ceased, but has constantly augmented.
In riiy opinion, it will not cease until a crisis shall
have been reached and passed. »A house divided
against itself cannot stand.’ 1 believe this Govern
ment cannot endure permanently half slave and half
frtfe. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved; I
do not expect the house to fall; but I do expect it
will cease to be divided. It will become all one
thing or all the other. Either the opponents of sla
very will arrest the further spread of it, and place
it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that
the course of ultimate extinction, or its ad
vocates will push it forward till it shall become alike
lawfuLin all the States, old as well as new, North
well as South.”
We will now turn to Burlingame, and read a few
of his sentiments:
‘We enter our protest against it, and deem it
duty io use our most strenuous efforts to turn and
abolish it. * * * We are not only in favor of
keeping slavery out of the territories, but, carrying
our opposition to the institution a step farther,
here unhesitatingly declare in favor of its immediate
d unconditional abolition in every State
Confederacy where it now exists.”—Page 25 of The
Crisis/ "* ' :
“The great revolutionary movement which
set on foot in Charlotte, Mecklinburg County, North
Carolina, on the 20th day of May, 1775, has not yet
been terminated, nor will it be until every slave in
the United States is freed from the tyranny of his
master.”—Page 95 of The Crisis.
“Slaveholders are a nuisance.”
“It is our imperative business to abate nuisan-
“Wc believe that thieves arc, as a general role,
less amenable to the moral law than Slaveholders.”
“Slaveholders aro more criminal than common
murderers.”
“Slaveholders and slave-traders are, as a general
thing, unfit to occupy any honorable station ia life.”
“It is our honest conviction that all the pro-sla
very slave-holders, who aro alone responsible for
the continuance of the baneful institution among
deserve to be at onco reduced to a parallel with the
basest criminals that lie fettered within the cells of
>ur public prisons.”
“Were it possible that the whole number (i.*e., of
he slaveholders) could be gathered together and
transferred into four equal gangs of licensed rob
bers, ruffians, thieves, and murderers, society, we
feel assured, would suffer less from their atrocities
than it -does now.”
If this is not the marrow of the bone, it surpasses
onr comprehension to know what is the marrow of
the bone—therefore, let us tako warning for the
future. Let tho Northern “Dagon” care for him
self; let the Southern “Dagon” care also for him
self. We are equals in all departments—it l
pleasure alone to remain so.
Bates and Blair accept the appointment, we can but
regard them as enemies to the Mouth. He of the
South who"\vouldaccept a Cabinet appointment un
der Lincoln, with his combined force of Abolitionist:
around him, is only worthy of his appointment. 1
just minded and honorable Southerner, would only
treat the man and he office with contempt. So
much for his appointments and their acceptance.
Interesting from Mexico.
The steamship Tennessee, at New Orleans, brings
advices from Vera Cruz to tho 21st inst. flic fol
lowing summary of the news is from the Mexican
Extraordinary of the lGtli inst:
last we briefly noticed that on Wednesday
night the authorities had transferred the occupants
of several nunneries to others of their class, thus
reducing the number of these establishments in this
pital.
The result of these changes is that of the twenty-
two nunneries of this capital thirteen have been
suppressed,and their lands and buildings will here
after be turned to some useful purposes. The num
ber of nunneries still remniuing—nine—is certainly
enough for a country like Mexico.
On Thursday the city was deeply agitated in con-
'sequencc of these proceedings, and every effort was
made by the clergy to bring on a general massacre
of the foreigners and those of liberal opinione among
the no.tivcs. At an early hour of the eveniug lepc-
ros from the barrios were seen crowding into the
central streets of the city, and at a little after seven
o’clock cries of “death to foreigners,” “death to
heretics,” “death to Liberals," “long live lleli^"
&c., were heard in different streets of the city and
on the piazza. Confusion was everywhere appar
ent, and, ns their own lives were threatened, the
members of the government were more than usually
active. Squads of soldiers were sent out in all di
rections and several discharges of musketry were
fired over tho heads of the mobs collected in differ
ent streets. It was soon demonstrated that the lc-
peros of the city are a most cowardly set, and de
serve to be coerced by the lash than by any display
of military force.
The focus of the conspiracy appears to have keen
the church of Santa Cruz, but it had ramification
throughout the city. Sixty persons were made pri
soners, among them them three persons in tho dress
gf friars. The prisoners have been placed at the
disposal of the courts. Order has been restored,
and wo shall very likely escape a similar scene for
time to come.
>tn the returns already received of the votcs.in
the States, for the next President, it appears that
Senor Jourez has a majority over either of his two.
petitors, Senors Lcrdo and Ortega, but not an
absolute majority, as is required by the Constitution
direct election by the people. This circum
stance will throw the choice of the President on
the next Congress.
A Worthy Patriot.
A portion of the people of Texas are clamoring
about the fear of high taxes on account of secession.
We. can tell them that by secession, their taxes in a
short period, of time will not be half so much os
they have been. We can but endorse the sentiment
of Col. J. C. Higgins, of Texas, who remarked that
his taxes was now firn thousand dollars a year, and
that he wouId-Vather pay doable that sum than be
deprived of secession with a loss of honor to himself
had the South.
gonury Hail.
Tbb Fla a to bx Hoisted ox tux Custom House.
—We learn that the flag of the Confederoto States
of America, will be displayed from the flagstaff of
the Custom House to-morrow morning, at ten o’dook,
wh*b* «aluteof eight fcuna will be fired in honor
iSfeloUf! he new Nawti . - _ :« ;
The Cat after the Rata.
The Richmond Despatch says: “The town is all
agoT over a most amusing caricature of Lincoln and
the Seceding States, in which the former is tepre-
sented as a ferocious looking cat, with one paw on
that unfortunate rat, Virginia, while the test of her
sisters are scampering for dear life. South Caroli
na leads the race, Mississippi and Georgia are next,
Alabama and Florida are going it neck and neck,
then comes Louisiana, whilst Texas lias barely es
caped the right paw of Giumalkik, which nearly
touches the tail of the fugitive prey. In one corner
is a large rat lying on the fla* of his back, with bead
off, the united States flag waving over him* and
beneath, the inscription,“The Union must and shall
be preserved.” Viiginiais held fairly in the cat’s
sinister paw, whilst out of bis month comes the
words: “Nothing is goin" wrong. Nothing really
hurts anybody. Nobody is suffering anything,”and
the unhappy victim consoles himself with the ex
clamation, “We can go out on the 4lh of July as
well as the 4th of March.*” This capital produc
tion is, we understand, the production of an accom
plished young lady of our city, who gives fine prom*
ise of success as an artist.”
Thn wheat crop of Northern Texas is represented
as unusually promising. A larger amount of land
has been devoted to.the crop than ever before, while
the season has been highly favorable, and the plan,
is well advanced and thrifty. The crop is now re
garded as almost beyond danger, aad^ancariy har-
i vest; ia confidently expected. ■ ’ T
to him or to others, by which authority it is done,
and should any one in any case be content that his
oath shall go uukept, on a mere unsubstantial con
troversy, as to liow it shall be kept ? Again, in any
law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards
of liberty, known in civilized and humane jurispru
dence to bo introduced so that a free man be not in
svny case surrendered as a slave. And might it not
ho weil at the same time to provide by law for the
enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which
guarantees that the citizens of each State shall be
entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens
in the several States.
1 take the official oatli to-day with no mental re
servation, nnd with no purpose to construo the Con
stitution or laws by any hypercritical rules. And,
while 1 do not choose now to specify particular jyjts
of Congress ns proper to be enforced. I do suggest
that it will he much safer for all, both in official and
private stations, to conform to, and abide by all
hose acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate
my of them trusting to find, impunity in having
hem held to be unconstitutional.
It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration
if a President under our national constitution.—
During that period fifteen different nnd greatly dis-
guished citizens have in succession administered
the executive branch of the Government. They
have conducted it through many perils, and gener
ally with great success. Yet with all this scope for
precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the
brief constitutional term of four years, under great
and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the Feder
al Union heretofore only menaced, is now formida
bly admitted. 1 hold that in contemplation of uni
versal law and of the Constitution, the Union of
these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied if
not expressed in the fundamental law of national
governments. It is safe to assert that no govern
ment prwpcr, ever had a provision in its organic
law, for its own termination. Continue to execute
all the express provisions of cur National Constitu
tion, nnd tho Union will endure forever.it being
possible to destroy it except by some action, not
provided for in the instrument itself.
Again, if the United States be not a Government
proper, hut an association of States in the nat
of a contract merely, can it, as n contract be prac
tically unmade by less than all the parties who made
it? One party to a contract may violate it—break
it, so to spenk—but docs it not require all to law
fully rescind it? Descending from these general
principles, wo find tho proposition, that, in legal
contemplation, tho Union is perpetual, confirmed by
the history of the Union itself. The Union is much
older than the Constitution. It was formed, in fact
by tho articles of association in 1774. It w
lured and continued by the Declaration of Indepen
dence in 1770. It was further matured, and the
faitli of all tlie then thirteen States was expressly
plighted, and engaged that it should be perpetual.
l»y the articled of Confederation, in 1778, and final
ly in 1787, one bf tho declared dbjccts for ordaining
and establishing Iho Constitution, was to form a
more perfect Union. But if tho destruction of the
Union by one. or by a part only of tho States, be
lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than be
fore tho Constitution—having lost the vital clement
of perpetuity.
It follows, from these views that no State, upon
its own mero motion, can lawfully go dut of tho
Union—that resolves aud ordinances to that effect
arc legally void, and that acts af violence, within
any State, or States, against the authority of the
United Slates, nro insurrectionary or revolutionary,
according to circumstances. 1 therefore, consider
that in view of tho Constitution and tho laws, the
Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability,
I shall tako cave, as tlio Constitution itself express
ly enjoins upon me to do, that the laws of the Union
shall be faithfully executed in all tbc States. Doing
this I deem to bo only a simple duty on ray part,
aud I shall perform it so far as practicable, unless
my rightful masters, tho American people, shall
withhold the requisite means, or in some authenta-
tivc manner, direct the contrary. I trust that this
will not be regarded as a menace, but only
declared purpose of the Union, that it will consti
tutionally defend and maintain itself.
In doing this, there needs to bo no bloodshed,
violence, and there shall be none, unless forced upon
the National authority.
The power confided to mo will be used to hold,
occupy, and possess the property nnd places belong
ing to the Government, and to collect the duties and
imports; but beyond what may bo necessary for
these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of
force agninst or among tho people anywhere. Where
hostility to the United States, in any interior locali
ty, shall be so great and so universal as to prevent
competent resident cititens from holding the Fede
ral offices, thero will be no attempt to force obnoxi
ous strangers among the people for that object.—
While the strict legal right may exist in the Govern
ment to enforce the exeroise of these offices, the at
tempt to do so would be so irritating and so clearly
impracticable with all,,that I deem it better to fore
go for the time the uses of such-offices.
The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be
furnished in all parts of the Union. So far as pos
sible, the people everywhere shall have that sense of
perfect security, which is most favorable to calm
thought and reflection. The course here indicated
will be followed, unless current events and experience
shall show a modification or change to be proper and
in every case and exigency my best discretion will,
be exercised according to circumstances actually
existing, aqd with a view anu a hope of a peaceful
solution of the national troubles and the restoration
of fraternal sympathies and a flections. That there
are persons in one section or another who seek to
destroy the Union at all events, and are glad of
pretext to do it, I will neither affirm or deny, but if
there be such, I need address no word to them. To
those, however, who really lovQrthe Union, may I
not speak. Before entering upon so grave a matter
as the destruction of our national fabric with all its
memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to as
certain precisely why we do it? Will you hazzard
so desperate a step while there is any possibility that
any portion of the ills you fly^front have no real ex
istence.
Will you while the certain ills you fly to are grea
ter thqn all the real ones you fly from ? Will you
risk commission of so (eirlul a mistake ? Al! pro
fess to be content in the Union, if all Constitutional
rights can be maintained. it true then that any
right, plainly written in the Constitution, has been
denied! I think not. Happily the human mind is
) constituted that no party can rear!) to the audacity
of doing this. Think, il you can, of a single in
stance in which a plainly written provision of the
Constitution has ever been denied.
If by the mere force of numbers, a majority should
deprive a minority of any clearly written constitu
tional right it might, in a moral point of view, justify
revolution. It certainly would if such right were
a vital one. But such is hot our case, all the vital
rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly
secured to them by affirmations and negation, guar
antees, and prohibitions in the Constitution that
controversies never arise concerning them. But
organic law can ever be framed with a provision
specifically applicable to every question which may
occur in practicable administration. No foresight
can anticipate, nor any document of reasonable
length contain express provi^ipns for all feasible
questions.
Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by na
tional or by State authority ? The constitution
does not expressly say. Must Congress protect
slavery in the Territories ? The Constitution does
not expressly say. "From- questions of this class
spring all our constitutional controversies and wc
divide upon them into majorities and minorities. 1
the minority will not acquiesce the majority must or
the Government must cease, there is no other alter
native for continuing the Government, but arqiiies-
ence on one side or the other. If a minority in such
case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a
precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them,
for a minority of their own will secede from them
whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by
such minority. For instance wiry may not any
portion of a new confederacy a year or two, hence
arbitrarily secede again precisely as portions of the
present Union claim to secede from it ? All who
cherish disunion sentiments are now being educa
ted to the exact temper of doing this. Is there
such perfect identity of interests among the States
to compose a new L T nion and prevent renewed se
cession. Plainly the central idea of secession is
the essence of anarchy. A majority , held in res
traint by Constitutional checks and imitations and
always changing easily with deliberate changes of
popular opinions and sentiments of the only true
sovereign of a free people. YVboater rejects il
does of necessity fly to anarchy or Jo despotism—
\nily is impossible. The rule jf a
a permanent arrangement is wholly jradmissalde
that rejecting the majority principles anarchy
despotism form is all that is left. f
ter the present (rnvemment as it came to Ida ha ml.
and to t ransmit it unimpaired by him to his sacccsl
snr. Why slionld there not be a patient confidence
in the ultimate justice of the people? I, there.™
boiler or equal hope in this world? In onr present
difTerenrcs, is either party without faith ofbeiniT In
the right, if the Almighty Ruler of nations, wit?hi,
eternal truth and justice he on yon rsidcof the North
or on yours of the South, that truth and justice will
surely prevail by the judgment of this greet tribunal
—thej*\merican people.
By tile frame of Government under which we live
this same people have wisely given their public srrl
vents but little power for mischief, and have with
equal wisdom provided for the return of that little
to their own hands at very short intervals. While
the people retain their virtue and vigilance, Ad
ministration, by any extreme of wickedness or folly
ran very seriously injure the Government in' the
short space of four years.
My countrymen, one and all, think calntfy ,*nd
well upon this whole subject; nothing valuable can
be lost by taking time, if there be an «*bject to hurry
any of yon, in he* haste, to a step which yoo would
never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated
by taking time, but no good object can be frustrated
by it. Such of you ns are now dissatisfied, Will
have the old Constitution ummp&hed, and on qhe
sensitive point, the laws of your own framing, under
and when the new Administration will have no im
mediate power if it should change either.
. If it were admitted that you aro dissatisfied, hold
the right side in the dispute, there is still no smgle .
good reason for precipitate action. Intelligence*
patriotism, Christianity and a firm reliance on Him
who has never yet forsaken this favored land, are
still competent to adjust in the best way aU our pre
sent difficulties. r
In your hands my dissatisfied friends. and._cquo-
trymen,and notin mine,is the momentou^ idjuie’of
civil war—the Government will not assail you.—
\ ou can have no conflict without being yourselves
the aggressors. You have no oatlr registered ir»
heaven to destroy the Government while 1 shall have
the most solemn one to preserve, protect and defend
it. I am loth to close. We are not enemies, bof
friends, we must not be enemies,though passion may
have strained it must not break our bonds of affec
tion. The mystic ceords of memory stretching from
every battle field and patriot’s grave to every living
heart and hearthstone, all over this broad land wifi
yet swell the chorus of the Union when again touch
ed as surely they will be, by the better angels of our
nature.
Murdeb.—On Saturday night last, soon after 8
o’clock, Patrick Brady, residing in Indiau sL lane,
near the Canal, was murdered, at his own door, and
in presence of his wife, by a negro man, supposed
to be a*runaway. Mr. Brady attempted to arrest
him, when the negro murdered him on tbc spot.
The following is the verdict of the Coroner’s Jury:
“ From the evidence before the jury, the deceased
came to his death by two wounds, one inflicted on
his left arm between his shoulder and elbow, passing
through his side, and the other on the neck, between
the shoulders and head ; the said wounds were in
flicted with a .sharp instrument held in the hand by
who has not been identified by any evi
dence before tire jury. The jury further say that tho
negro man aforesaid, is guilty of murder. Consta
ble Jones, with his dogs, is in pursuit, and it ia
hoped, will succeed in bringing the negro to punish-
ent.—Sav. Republican 4th inst.
From the Richmond Dispatch.
A Prospective Stampede from Virginia.
Tlv> Richm-;nd Enquirer has private advices from
the different parts of tlio State, which inform it that
a large number of the largest slaveholders in Virgin
ia, are already making preparations for an exodus.
We have ourselves reliable iniorroation to the same
effect. When this prospective staiujiede shall once
become present and actual, none can predict the ex
tent to which it will be carried Some dpine that
largest aud most flourishing agricultural
vill be left as destitute as the wilderness of
Even if it shall fall far short of this, it
involve incalculable damage to all our fu-
'J’hey will carry away from us mifHdn* of
They will carry away from us wli.rt js
valuable to the State than property—thou-
ids and tens of thousands of busy hands, which
w constitute the productive labor of the i^tate.
propel
1 do not forget - the position ass lined by si
that Constitutional questions are tej be decided by
the {Supreme Court, nor do I den/ that such de
cisions must be binding in any case upon the*parties
to a suit as to the object of that slit. While they
are also entitled to very high resp<rt and consider
ation in all ’ parallel cases by ali fther departments
of the Government, and while it i.4 obviously possi
ble that such decisions may be ermneous in any giv
en cases still the evil effect following it being limit
ed to tliat particular case, with the chance that it
may be over ruled and never become a precedent for
other cases, can better be borne, than could the
evils of a different practice. At the same .time ti.'
candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the
Government upon vital questions affecting the whole
people is to be irrevocably fixed by decisions ot
Supreme Court, the instant that tiicy aro mad<
ordinary litigation between parties, in personal
tions, the people will have ceased to be their own
rulers—having to that extent, practically resigned
tfipir Government Uito the hands of that eminent
tribunal. Nor is there, in this view any assault up-
1 Court or the Judges. It is a duty from which
may not shrink, to decide cases properly
brought before them, and it is no fault of tlioirs if
others seek to turn their decisions to political pur
poses.
One section of our country believes tint slavery
right, and ought to be extended, while the other
Lelieves that it is wrong, and ougiit not to be ex
tended. This is the only substantial dispute. The
fugitive slave clause of the Constitution, and the
law for the suppression of the Foreign Slave Trade
are, each as well enforced, perhaps «‘ s *'»y law can
be in a community where the uoral sense «>f the
people imperfectly supports the law itself. The
great body of the people abide by the legal obliga
tion in both cases, and a few break over in each. I| - .-..-r'*
think that this cannot be perfectly cured, and it 1 A REMEDY THAT INTERESTS AllE
would lie worse in both cases after the separation of, DR. F. L. JARRETT'S FEVER AND AGUE PILLS,
the sccfioDS lhart before. \ NY person troubled with those diseases, and will try
The Foreign Slave Trade, now imperreclly snp-'ii ^
pressed, would bp ultimately revived without restric- nous,
tion in one section, while fugitive slaves now only
partially surrendered, would not lie surrendered at
all by the other Physically speaking, we cannot j Administrator’s Safe.
GEORGIA—WORTH COUNTY.
I N person appeared before me, D. II. Tope, a*No-
tary Public in nnd for said county, John J-Mar-
i) 1 chant, who after being duly sworn, saitli that he has
heretofore, to-wit: on or about the first day of Feb-
n ruary, eighteen hundred and sixty-one,uttered false,
.i 1 malicious and slanderous words about nnd Concern
ing certain members of R. II. .lenkins’ family, which
l do hereby solemnly swear to be wholly false, ma
licious and scandalous; and that I have made ano
ther affidavit in tfle presence of witnesses, in which
I have more fully and af large stated the lies refer
red to, nnd that I make this*oatli without fear, force
or otherwise, than with my own free will. ‘ - 1 * 1
Sworn to, and subscribed before me, D. II. Pori,
N. 1*. Worth county.
J. J. MARCHANT, [\.. *.]
March 7, 1851. 50f2ir
DR. F. L. JARRETT, “
NEWTON, GA.,
TILL engage in the practice of Medicine generally.
'pills, and is not cured by following mydlrec-
>us, can have them Iko of charge.
F. L? JARRETT/M. T>.
March 7, ’61- lv. Newton, Ga.
speettv
i May next, will be sold before
separate. We cannot
tions from each other* nor build
between them. A husband and wife may be divorc- vvlthin the usual hours of sale, Lot of land number 7,
ed and go out of the presence and beyond the reach j the 4th district of Lee county. Also, at the same time,
of each other, but the different parts of our country before tho Court House door in Newton, Baker county,
cannot do this; they
an imnassil.le wall the first Tuesday in M „ , ......
I wife may be divorc ^ r q i .^ lc l p ourt I^ ouse door in^ Starkville, Lee county,
and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must
continue between them. Is it possible then to make
that intercourse more advantageous or more satis
factory after separation than helore? Gan aliens
ke trea tries easier than friends can make laws?
Cun treaties be more, faithfully enforced between
ens than laws can among friends?
Suppose you go to war, yon cannot fight always,
and when, after much loss on both sideband nogain
either, you cease fighting, the identical old qties-
ns as to terms of intercourse arc again upon you.
This country, with its institutions, belongs tu the
people who inhabit if. Whenever they shall grow
weary of the existing government they can exercise
their constitutional right of amending it, or their rev
olutionary right to dismember or overthrow it.
I cannot be ignorant ol the fact that many worthy
and patriotic citizens are desirous of luiving the
tion&l Constitution amended. While *1 make
recommendation of amendment, 1 fully recognise
the rightful authority of the people over the whole
subject, to he exercised in either of the modes pre
scribed in the instrument itself,.and I should, under
existing circumstances, favor rather than oppose, a
fair opportunity being opposed the people to act-up
on it. I will venture to add, that tome the Conven
tion mode seems preferable, in that it allowsamend-
inents to originate with the people themselves, in
stead of only permitting them to take or reject pro
positions originated by «>the%not especially chosen
for the purpose, and which might not be precisely
such as they would wish to either accept or refuse.
I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitu
tion, jvhich amendment, however, 1 have not seen,
has passed Congress to the effect, that the Federal
Government shall never interfere with the domestic
instirutions of the States, including that of* persons
held to serried. To avoid misconstruction of what
I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak
of particular amendments so faraB to say. that bold
ing such a provisionto to now be implied constitu
tional law. I have no objection to its being made
express and irrevocable. The chief Magistrate de
rives aU his authority from the people, and they have
conferred none upon him to fix arms for the separa
tion of the States. The people themselves cau do
this also if they choose, but the dkecutive as such
nothing to do with it. His duty it»* to adojinas-
. . n lots in Milford, baker county, known
Tillman lots. All sold for the benefit of tho heirs and
creditors of tho estate of R. N. Tillmnn, deceased,
NATHAN JORDAN,
Administrator de bonis non.
LIST O-F LETTERS ,%
R EMAINING in the rost Office at Albany, Geo.,
March 1st, 1861.
Act*Ac, K S Morgan, John
Arnold, J 1( Mathews, John C
Dcanett, Louis Martin, J F
Bacon, Robert J Martin, Fafayctto
Billings, Willliom 4 Mercer, G D
Bradberry, Emery ' McDaniel, M J
Calaway, Meril McDonald, George A
Cainway, Cornelius Moore, Wm D
Carr, Wm W Morrow, Robert
Canady* John M Morrow, N
Cox, Dr W C 2 Minehart, Isaao
Cox. J L P Norris, J T , - r
Church, Bryan Posey, J M *•
Dcmott, Richard Perl, F
Dennis, Thomas J 2 Pounds, Jamea
Dowse, John. 2 Plufer, MB
DanicrcU, Wm S Reynolds, Mrs JameaW
Duncan, George Ryles, Mrs Malinda j
Dodwell, Wm Russell, Benjamin V 2
Dows, John J Riddle, Thoraaa.; < >>
Gilphin, G W Swift, Thomtfs ^ 0.
Gregory, Jatncs Tucker, H
Gregg, John Taylor, J A . 1 .- A
Gatewood, J M Thomson, F D *<
Hopp, Wm II Turpin, Wm H ;
Hodges, Wm. Woods,-Wiley E _ J
Head, B J Williams, Howell W _ 4
Jordan, Nathan Wright, LB ..
Jones, E K Williams, EH
Johnson, L L AValkcr, AN .; . ..
Johnson, J4Y WillUms, Mis, Enun» » i
Jeffries, TF 2 Warren, IIP ’• '
Jones, Friday (Servant)' Wright, Mrs L E ■
Jarrell, Cant N-S 5 Watson, Miss M J
Knight, J R Walker, Marshall
Lamng, Robert B Walden, Thomas •.
Persons oalling for any of tho abore leuera
Arm please say that
March 7th, 1861.'
‘B»