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A. 0. MURRAY, VOLUME X. THE AMERICAN UNION, Published every Saturday Morning, By • • • A. Or. MURH-ATT■ OFFICE ON BKOAI> STREET, WEST END THE NEW BRICK RANGE —CP STAIRS. TERMS: Tiro DolLir* in advance y or ‘Dirte Dollars after itr months. No subscriptions taken for less than one year, unless paid jn advance; and no paper discontinued (unless at the option of the Publisher) until all arrearages are paid. ADVIiItTISEMENTS conspicuously inserted at One Ddlar per square ot twelve lines, for the first insertion, and Kitty Cents tor each subsequent continuance. AH A<loertLieifcnts not accompanied btf a tpenfic notice of thr number of imertiom desiretl , will be continued until ordered otU y ami chared for accordingly. Sheriff’s Sales under regular executions, and mortgage fi fas, on re#l estate, must be published 30 days... ,$2.5() Personal Property, under mortgage fi fas, must be published 60 days.... 0.00 Citations for Letters of Administration, 30 days.... 2.75 Tax Collector’s rfales, 60 days .... .... 5.00 Notices to Debtors and Creditors, 40 days 3 00 .Sales of personal property of Estates. 10 days 3.00 of Land or Negroes,. 44 40 days 4.50 Applications for leave to sell lands or negroes, must be published weekly for 2 months 5.00 Notices for Letters Dismissory by Executors or Ad ministrators, monthly for 6 months 4 50 Hy Guardians, weekly for 40 days.... 4.60 ! IN trays, 2 weeks 1.56! Announcing Candidates (to be pH id in advance) 5.00 Orders ot Courts of Ordinary to make titles to land, ae- j coinoanied by a copy of the bond or agreement, must be published three months. -■ .. RATES OF ADVERTISING. THE following are the Kates of Charges for Adverti sing, determined on between the undersigned, to take effect from the time of entering iuto any new con tract : jyTransient Advertising, $1 00 per square, for the fi r.-’t insertion, and *# rents for every subsequent one. Contract Advbrtisino, 3 ino*.|6 mo*. * iiios.|l2 ins. I ..mare, without change,.. s<> (XI $ M IK) $lO o<)jsl2 00 Changed quarterly,. 700 10 oo 12 00 16 00 Changed at wi11,.... 800 12 00 14 00 IS 00 2 squares, without change,. 10 00 |5 00 20 00 25 00 Changed quarterly,. 12 00 IS 00 24 (Mil 28 (HI Changed at will 15 00 20 00 25 00i 30 00 3squares, without change,. 15 00 20 00 25 00 30 IK) Changed quarterly,. 18 00 22 00 | 26 00 at 00 Changed at will, 20 00 | 26 00 32 00 40 00 i column, without change.. 25 00 |3O 00 40 fK) 50 00 Changed quarterly,. *2B 00 3*2 00 45 00 55 (Kl Changed at will 35 00. 45 00 j 50 00 60 00 1 column, without change,. 60 00 70 00 80 001100 CH> Changed quarterly,. 65 0()j 75 00! 90 CN>|l 10 00 Changed at wi11,.*... 70 00J 85 001100 00,125 0(J fiw, IK transient advertisements will be inserted until or I:red discontinued, and charged accordingly. A. A. GACLhTXG, 4 * Empire State.” A G. Mritll A V, 44 American l’nion.” The following eoinrminieatk'n was published in our ivsue of tin 23d June, but a* there were several errors in it at fiaen pullishal, which have been corrected by the author, we insert it again, that his view* may be pro perly laid before the public. From the Soil of the South. Agricultural Education. Columbus, 20t!i March, 180a. 11,'V. (I’. 1). M aui in : 1), ,-r Sir : \ our esteemed favor of tl.e 17th j iu-U has Ixs-w received. Vnti will please aroep! | irtv ihatiks for the concern which you are tiiaui- | f ti ..’liiior in the promotion of tlu*great agricultural intercts of ihr-cotttHty. I think your pl.oi is; not only beautiful in theory, but vvel! suited to imparl valuable information, and perfectly prac- ! ji. alilo in its adaptation to the wants ofihe court- j ■ If is difficult however to anticipate what i j. ,-!■,• s.-ntiaient will approve, and it occurs to! tie- tail it niiglit be well to elecit expressions of Opinion by a iittlo agitation of the subject, be-j, fore the public, and I there‘ore suggest the pro-1 i.i'ieiv oi‘|iublidiiiig yottr letter, and tender to you i[;a privilege ot the columns ol Mo Sod for ►.n il additional thoughts as you may desire to <>:|Vr, in suppoit ot the plan. This will proba bly Thaw out others, ami in this way, the whole subject mav be discussed, and the public mind j be prepared for its adoption. 1 have not thought Milli.-iently oil the subject to very confidently of fer an opinion, but should be glad to have the ijtiesiioii examined, and see some move made fur j the training of the young men of our country, to f ineet the emergency which our wretched systems ; of culture lots forced upon us. \uu will please j excuse me for not saying more on this subject j now, as it is one which concerns the wlioleeoun- > try. and I hope you will consent to let than have ! the benefit of what either of us nay have to I •ay. I am very respectfully, your ob't serv’t, J ami;s M. Chambers, i Svnodicai. College, April 20th, 1855. Col. jjlitAMiiuus : Dear Sir :—Having reflected upon the sug gestion of your note to allow my letter to you of March I,7th to go into the Soil of the South. 1 have concluded to submit it to you for publica tion, hoping that ty so doing, it may contribute, tit least so far as its suggestions are concerned, to the awakening of thought and deeper interest among the people of the State upon the subject ■ of which it treats, Agricultural Education. Your’s very truly, Carlislie P. 13. Martin. Col. James M. Chambers: Dear Sir :—The interest you have manifest ed in efforts to promote agrictffttffal improvement and the opportunity your position as editor of the Soil of the South lias given you to judge cor rectly concerning the practicability of the plans which may be entered npoti for that purpose, induce me to adaffeM you and ask your opinion respecting ‘lie probable success of an enterprise, which 1 have long desired to carry into operation, but concerning the success of which, though all agree as to its desirableness and usefulness, there has nevertheless obtained among my friends, to whom I have submitted my plan, a difference of opinion. The enterprise, to which I refer is a scientific and practical college, connected With Agriculture. That you may he able to form a correct judgment concerninig the enterprize, I will lay my plan before you a little more fully First Item. , The Course of Study. I. The English Language. —ln its Orthog rathy, its Grammar, its Rhetoric, its Logic. 11. Tiie Earth. —lts Geography, Mineralogy, ► Geology, and Chemistry. HI. Number and Quantity. —Embracing Arithmetic, Algebta, Geometry, Trigonometry, Surveying, Civil Engineering. IV. Natural and Moral Science.—Em bracing Natural Philosophy, Meteorology, Hot atiy. Agricultural Chemistry, Ethics. ’ • Intellectual Philosophy, Political Econo my. ®ht jlmcdtatt Union VI. Ancient and Modern Languages, when de sired. Second Item. —ln connexion with the Insti tution I propose to have a Farm, say, of two hundred acres of land, to be cultivated in the most careful and scientific manner, and every op eration of the farm, to be made the subject of daily observation and note by the students. A 1 regular note book is to be used by each student . for the daily record of every operation, and an hour each day is to be appropriated forfarm-in -1 spec lion as much as for recitation in the School room. Observations will also be made and notes ; taken concerning the weather the amount of rain and other phenomena in meteorology. I do not deem it necessary to enter into a mi nute explanation of the abdication or the carry ing out of this plan in detail to you, for you will at once preceive that it embraces the charact r of the soil, the kind of manures used, and the manner of preparing them, as also the moJe and time of applying them ; the manner of plowing; the kind of plow; the time of plowing; the time and manner of planting; the culture; the result. 1 The carrying out of the plan just sketched will he a scicntifc school, for all the knowledge acquired would be classified, science being dasi fied knowledge; it would also be a practical school for all the knowledge acquired would be at once applied. Agricultural Chemistry, in some form or other, would be a subject of daily studv.— With the smaller students, such a text book as Johnston’s “Agricultural Catechism” would be used, and witlt the larger ormore advanced schol ars Cray’s Agiicultural Chemistry, or some oth er of equal value, as Johnson's, Leibig’s, War ing’s, <fec. I do not propose to make it a Manual La bor School; the labor of the farm is to be perform ed by farm hands as on any other plantation. The Farm and all operations are, so far as the school is concerned, merely for observation, illus tration and experiment. It is to be the great la boratory of the school—it is to be its cabinet and herbarium. This being the case, you at once perceive that Botany, Mineralogy, Geology and Agricultural Chemistry will be taught prac tically. I do not propose in this communication any argument to show the advantages, distinctive and characteristic, which must result from an ed ucation conducted on this plan. They lie so ap parent. it seems to me, upon the very surface of the system, that I only wonder that all the schools in the land have not been modeled upon ibis practical idea. I will, however, simply add t lie remark, that the distinctive characteris tics of the plan of education I propose, are on- SERVATIOV. EXPERIMENT atld PRACTICAL APPLI CATION. For this purpose, in addition to the facilities afforded the Students in their regular duties on the farm grounds I would have them : make annual excursions for botanic and geoio ! gieal study. 1 wish to see a system of education ! established which shall develop more fully the powers of observation, of correct reasoning, of 1 ‘just analysis and of drawing correct conclusions trorn the facts observed and the analyses made. And would not the system lam laying before you accomplish those ends? Is it not based up on the true Hacotiian I ‘hilosophy, of induction of principles and practice from observed facts ? Who can estimate the amount of useful knowl edge a youth would acquirein tlt rec or four years say from fourteen to eighteen yeats of age, un der such a system of observation and experiment as I have mentioned ? Would he not know a-1 ritliinetic ? could he not survey a field ? Would ! he not be familiar with Botany, Mineralogy, Geology, Chemistry? Would he not be famil iar with the composition of soils—and manures ? —of plants and grains ? Wo have liail exhibited in Georgia within the past year, a nolle illustration of the high estima tion in which agricultural know ledge is held by one of our most distinguished citizens. I alluife, of course, to the liberal endowment of the Ter rel professorship in the State University for Ag ricultural Chemistry by I>r. Tercel of Sparta. I can speak of this donation, so far as the ani i/nis of the endowment is concerned, in noneoth er than in terms of the highest commendation, but l cannot think, however, that the mode of applying it is altogether the most effective and best calculated to accomplish the end desired. Had the same amount of monev, heenexpendcd in founding an Institution, such asl have sketch ed, it does strike me, that it would have accom plished a much larger amount of good. It is true, a learned and competent professor has been found in Dr. Lee to fill the Chair, yet we know, that what we learn practirol/y in all thesciences —Botany, Mineralogy, Geology, Chemistry,— which sciences are the frame work and soul of agriculture is of infinitely more value to us than the demonstrations of the lecture room, however learned and beautiful. These, we know are soon forgotten. What we most want to ad vance the noble science of agriculture, is the blending together of the demonstrations ofthe lec ture-room and the demonstrations of practice. Let the student see the operation as well as learn the fact. Much good sense is found in a short article in the January number of the Soil, taken from the Working Farmer, called “Agricultural Edu cation.” Its recommendations tally with my plan, l’lease let me hear from you at your ear liest convenience. If I have failed to make my self fully understood, I shall be happy to write you again. I am just outof bed from an attack of Neuralgia, and I am scarcely able to write at all. Very truly, your obedient servant. Carlisle P. B. Martin. Synodical College, Griffin, Geo., March, 1855. Tlvles for Study. —The other evening, Pro fessor Davis, the eminentmathematician, in con versation with a young friend of his upon the importance of system in studying, as well as in everything else, took a piece of paper, and wrote off for him the following important rules : 1. Learn one thing at a time. 2. Learn that thing well. 3. Learn its connections, as far as possible, with all other things. 4. Believe that to know everything of something is better than to know something of everything. —• m ■ ■ -■ New clothes are great promoters of piety. A new bonnet or anew dress will induce a girl to go to church at least three times on Sunday where she didn’t go ouce before she got it. “Prove all thigs j hold fast that which is good.” GRIFFIN, GEORGIA, SATURDAY MORNING, JULY 28, 1855. POLITICAL; LETTER FROM f OHM WlL80!T, ESO. Washington, July 3, 1865. Sir: On the 27th ultimo I received from you a note advising me that my “appointment as Com missioner of the General Land Office” was thereby “revoked.” The organ of your administration, the “Union” newspaper, announced to the world that the re vocation or removal was “solely on political grounds.” Justice requires that those “poltiical grounds” should be fully understood, and hence this communication. Prior to your election to the Presidency of the United States, His Excellency Millard Fillmore, on the resignation of my predecessor, influenced only, as he assured me, by a design to promote the best interests of that branch of the service, ap pointed me Commissioner of the General Land Office. Being a Whig, I expected to be removed as soon after your inauguration as a suitable person could be selected to succeed me, and so stated to the honorable Secretary. In this I was disappointed, and hence, so far as you are concerned, Whiggerv was not considered sufficient cause for my removal. No process of reasoning, however, is required to ascertain the cause ; you were pleased to advise me of it, and to assure me. that the duties of my office had been discharged with such ability, im partiality and promptitude, that nothing but the fact that 1 had attached myself to the American or Know Nothing party, could induce you to take that action ; that if taken it would be with deep regret, but you did not see how you could do other wise, with due regard to the interests of the great Democratic or Union party. To a correct under standing of your action, and the reasons for it, it becomes necessary to consider the origin, princi ples, and objects of the American party, and where” in a connexion with it could militate against the interests of “the great Democratic or Union party,” so as to render such connexion a mortal political offence, in your estimation. First, then, as to the origin ok the American Partt. True patriots of all parties, who earnestly desir ed the welfare of our country, and the perpetua tion of the Union, on the principles laid down by the sages and heroes of the Revolution, had seen with apprehension and dismay, the pandering of both the great political parties of the day, to for eign and papal influence, —the corruption that had grown out of such pandering, and the tendency of that corruption to the.dissolution of the Union, to anarchy, bloodshed and final despotism. They determined to forget the old grounds of difference, and to unite heart and hand in efforts to bring back our institutions to their pristine purity. You professed to think that there were no grounds for such apprehensions, that the danger was magni fied, and that the whole scheme was a plan of de. signing politicians, to advance their selfish and personal views. What are the facts ? Wc have seen the minions of Rome, hound hy the most solemn oaths to advance the spiritual and temporal power of the Papacy, striving to break up and divide the school funds of several of the ►states, and of this District, urging, ns a plea, prin ciples which would have subverted the very foun dations of our institutions. We have seen them strive, and in some instances successfully, to pre vent the introduction of God’s Holy Word among the Protestant children of our Public B'chools, not satisfied to exclude it from the children of Roman ists, but determined, if possible, wholly to suppress this great charter of civil and religious liberty : at the same time blotting out, orTulsifying history in certain schools, so that the black and bloody deeds of that Hierarchy, in past times, might lie unknown to the rising generation ; which, therefore, would more easily become their prey. We have seen Romish ecclesiastics, claiming to hold the temporal possessions of the Church in trust for their master, the Pope, and when the freemen of our country resisted such pretensions, Cardinal Bcdini, with hands yet reeking with the blood of Ugo Basel, and his fellow patriots, was sent hero us “the Pope's Nuncio to Brazil, by the way of the United States,” to adjudge and decree questions of property between those minions of bis master, and our fellow-citizens, promulgating his bulls, with threats of anathema and excom munication, against those who dared refuse obedi ence. After thus attempting to exercise civil and ec clesiastical power in this country, this Nuncio, it is alledged, claimed to be received as the Pope's Ambassador, with all the rights, privileges and im munities pertaining to that office. His request having been properly refused, he sgsin sat himself up as a ruler and a judge among us, till he found that he had aroused the spirit that bad caused our forefathers to seek a peaceful retreat in the then wilderness of this country, from the civil and ec clesiastical tyranny of Europe. Then he fled in disguise, not to Brazil—that was a mere subter fuge, but to the skirts of his master, where he awaits a more favorable time, when, as in Bologna, be can take bloody vengeanoe on those who resisted bis tyranny. Further: when the statesman, the patriot, and the sage, who shed his blood in defence of his country, and stood by her standard in every emer gency ; who, overstepping al) other considerations, wife found shoulder to shoulder with his compat riots, in the memorable struggle of 1849, for the integrity snd perpetuity of the Union, which cost the lamented Clay his life; when thie puFe patriot and distinguished statesman, in the Senate of the United States, expressed his views on the question Os demanding from the Catholic Powers of Europe the right for our citizens to worship God hr thtwe countries aa they pleased, aatf, after death, the de cencies of Christian burial—rights which the laws of God and humanity accord to all the children of men—another of the Pope’s minions, and one who claims, and is generally admitted to be, his expo nent and vicegerent in this country, took him to task for this debate in the United States Senate, and, notwithstanding bis age and acknowledged patriotism and ability, attempted to ridicule and Catechise him like a school boy. He endeavored, also, to break down the resistless force snd power of the principles presented by this Senator, found ed, as they were, on everlasting truth and justice, by a tissue of sarcasm and sophistry, that could have proceeded from no mind except on* trained in the school of Jesuitism. And anon, when this same dignitary of Rome was charged with trans actions in real estate that had made him the owner of millions, we have his absolute denial, covered up with similar Jesuitical ’sophistry and ridicule, till the facts were proved home on him by records and figures. We have seen the Papal organs in fluf country, under the very eyes and sanction of Romish bish ops, assure us that all power, civil and ecclesiasti cal, of right belongs to that church, and when it obtained that power, Americans need not lay the flattering unction to their souls that there would be any toleration, for they knew that Papacy was right and Protestantism was hereticnl and wrong, and that all the power of the church would be brought into requisition to root out that heresy and destroy it. And when a leading and influen cial member of Congress, who bad just returned from Rome, and was therefore supposed to speak ex-cathedra, attempted, on the floor of the House of Representatives, to palliate and excuse or deny the most monstrous and despotic exactions of the Papacy, hd was ridiculed and sneered at by the Romish journalist of Boston, who scouted his ex planations and denials, and scoffed at his glarings as weak and imbecile, reiterating the claims of the Pope to absolute supremacy, both in spiritual and temporal matters, and sustaining the fundamental doctrine of that church, to wit, that It is the same in all ages and in all nations. Thus it is, that the record evidence of these claims of the Church of Rome to absolute civil and ecclesiastical power, is uniform and consist ent, os shown by these journals, while all denials and explanations are merely oral, and can readily be disclaimed as unauthorised, or denied. And the only reason that American Protestants are not now required to play their part in an auto da-ek in this country is, that the Church of Rome has not the power of inflicting that punishment, but if matters were suffered to go on much longer as they now do, they no doubt indulge the hope of obtaining it. Truly it was in the spirit of prophecy, that the immortal Lafayette declared that, if ever the lib erties of this country were destroyed, it would be by Koiuish priests. These are not all, however. How was it, that the Pope's representative at Madrid, was aware of the arrangment of your Cabinent, in part, at least, before your inaugura tion, as publicly stated in the journals of the day. and still-uncontradicted? How was it that the starving Catholic millions of Ireland, found means to emigrate to this country, while many of their fellow-subjects actually died of hunger, not hav ing a penny with which to buy food to sustain life ? How was it that continental Europe poured out her tribute of hundreds of thousands of Roman ists to swell the influence of the Papacy in this country, when it was evident that those very men ! would be needed to fin the ranks of their armies, ! in view of the troubles then brewing, and which ! have since hurst forth like a volcano ? Can the eyes of any man of reuson and reflection be blinded to these facts ? Does it require great penetration to see, that all these movements are part and par cel of a great plan, concocted by the despotic and Jesuitical Hierarchy of Rome and Catholic Europe,! to subvert our free institutions, to destroy our lib erties, and to combine civil and ecclesiastical pow er in this country in the hands of the Pope or his agents ? What have been the fruits of these measures ? Have we not seen by the act of 30th May, 1854, “to organize the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska,” that tho alien, who had just landed on our shores, bnd declared his intention to become a citizen of our country, and take an oath to support j the Constitusion of the United States, and the pro'; Tisions of that act, was authorized to vote and hold ; office in the organization of those Territories, while our own citizens, officers, soldiers, seamen, or mar- j incs, or other persons in the army or navy of the , United States, or attached to troops in the service j of the United States, were excluded from those rights hy the same law, if they were on service in either of those Territories? Whence this differ ence—and why, after the Executive, through its organ, had taken ground against that bill, did it suddenly shift round, arid press this measure to consummation, with all its force and power ? You know the cau-c of all these things—sorely none should know them better. This is not all, however. In some of these States, foreigners not yet natu ralized, aliens—vote for Federal and State officers, and many times, no doubt, actually elect their can didates. Foreign incendiaries have agitated, and continue to agitate, the slave question, till it has become a measure in relation to which our breth ren oi the North and South are now so sensitive, that the very mention of it seems to threaten the permanency of the Union. Corruption stalks with brazen front in every branch of our government, till it was truly said by a distinguished statesman, thst there were but two roads to success—to wit, the sycophantic, “where favor followed fawning,” and of the millionaire, who bought it. In tins condition of things, those of our citizens who regarded the institutions oi the country as in danger—without reference to party, laying aside the minor differences that had heretofore separated them, as by spontaneous movement united to ebeck these evils; and the good, the wise, the great, the philosopher, the statesman, and the patriot, de termined to do all that a sincere love of country could accomplish, to bring back our institutions to ’ their original purity, that they might be handed down to poeterity, as they were left by our revolu tionary ancestors. This, sir, is the origin of the American party, or organization ; snd now. ss to its principles These may be summed up in very few words. Civil and religious liberty—and the permanency of the Un ion on the constitutional basis. Yes—civil and.re ligious liberty, to the broadest extent, consistent with the precepts of the Bible, the provisions of the constitution of the United States, and the faithful execution of laws. We do not oppose men—iNiiivinuALi.v they have our best wishes and kindest offices in their pursuit of wealth and happiness. Rut when we find them combining to deprive us of these principles, or to dissolve this Union, we will oppose such combina tions by all legal and honorable means. Wc have been charged with persecuting Ro manists ! The charge is fulse—for l know not a man belonging to our organization, whowou'dnot. at the hazard of his life, defend Romanists, or tiny other sect, from aggression, for worshipping their Maker according to the dictates of their own con. sciences. But when we find Romanists banding together, to combine civil and eeelesinstical juris diction in our country, te subvert nnd destroy our institutions, and to set up in their places the ah’ solute and despotic power of a foreign tyrant, we will resist them, even to the death, if necessary ; and we will equally resist such unholy combina tions if attempted, by I’resbytcrinns, .Methodists, Baptists, Episcopalians, or any other sect. We have been charged with proscription. This charge is not true. Like all other parties, where men are sincere in their principles, we endoavor to eloct those who will faithfully carry out our principles. Is this proscription 1 If so. proscrip tion should be defined as an honest adherence to conscientious principles ; and with such proscrip tion our Revolutionary ancestors, and every party since that day, arc fairly chargeable. It is altedg ed, further, that we are liable to this charge, be cause men of opposite principles in some cases have been removed to make way for adherents of our order! I know of no such case. It is true, that where the commissions of individuals h.id ex pired, they were not reappointed, Americans huv ing been selected to fill those offices. But is this proscription ? Did the immortal Washington sur round himself or his administration with Tories ? And yet the adherents of Great Britain, the friends of Kingly power, were no more Tories in those days than are those of our own time, who are striv ing to dissolve the Union, to subvert our iustitu tions, and to destroy our liberties. But, sir, even if wo were guilty of proscription, the charge comes with a bnd grace from this administration, where a mere difference of opinion is regarded as suffici ent ground for removal, and where the vacancies thus caused arc filled, to a great extent, with for eigners. the staunch adherents of I’opery, or with spies and informers, the base tools of had men, who arc thus rewarded for their infamy. Though you have thus virtually declared that net ono of the American party, now including a large portion of the entire population of this coun try, shall have any share in the government of their country, and that you will strike down every individual of the Order within your power, rest assured, that you cannot thus annihilate or destroy that party, or crush the spirit of Americans, as you have threatened. Tln'y are not of the stump that can be bought or frightened. ‘ They are gov erned and directed hy principle, and hy that they will stand—and hear nnd forbear, if needs he—till the time shall come when they may redress their grievances at the ballot-box. Earnestly do I hope, however, that the administration will be brought to see the error of its ways, before that period ar rives, and before the paticnoe and forbearance of the American people arc exhausted, And although its noon-day has been darkened by deeds suclu ns those described, none would rejoice more sincerely than myself, to see that darkness dispelled, and its setting sun go down in a blaze of glory. It is charged that had men have united with this association for purposes of personal, pecuniary or political preferment. Admitting such to be the fact, and it may be true, is not this the case in every association ? Was there not a Judas among the twelve Apostles, who sold his Saviour for thir ty pieces of silver ? Was there not a Benedict- Arnold among the patriots and heroes of the Rev olution ? And were there not swarms of Tories, also, among them, who carried devastation and j blond into the peaceful homes of those patriots nnd heroes ? Sure y mankind have not become perfect since those days, as you will readily see hy count less examples among your own party. We are further charged with opposition to for eigners. and with ‘-obstructing the laws for the naturalization of foreigners ” The former of these charges is false. As already stated, we oppose not individuals, foreign or native ; hot when we find foreigners combining to oppress the children of the soil; bringing with them the absolute and despotic notions of their native homes; and arrogantly thrusting aside native-born citizens —claiming as a right, place snd power to rule over snd trample us in the dust, wc resist and op pose such sets, as alike disgraceful to the foreign er and insulting to the native. They are welcome to the hospitalities of our land, to the protection of our laws—to the free 1 exercise of their industry and talents—and to the j enjoyment of their religion, and the means they may acquire. But we do nut want them to rule over us—we believe wc are competent to that du ty, snd perfer retaining that right. The latter of these charges is simply absurd and ridiculous, and never could have been harbored, save in the brain of some romancer, or in the heart of some pettifogging special pleader. The friend of civil and religions liberty who fiiee to onr shores from persecution snd oppression, to enjoy these inestimable blessings, has been, and will ever be, welcomed to our hearts and homes But the will ing tools of Papal and Jesuitical tyranny, sent hither to overturn and destroy civil and religious liberty, cannot, and shonld not be thus welcomed ; while the paupers snd criminals, who have Veen sent here by the cargo, as to another Botany Buy, whose ideas of liberty are bound up in licentioue ness. and whose patriotism and suffrages are in the market at a very low rate, cannot, and should not be encouraged in tbeir transportation hither.— Just such conduct on the part of Great Britain was the cause of the strongest and most forcible re monstrances on the pas t of the early colonists ; and by such remonstrances Virginia ceased to be a “penal colony. Those who desire the restoration of such a state of things will, of course, sustain such emigration. Certain it is, that the immortal Jefferson never entertained such ideas, when he penned the glorious document from which this ■ charge has been extracted : and it is equally cer-j tain, that he would have scorned, with contempt, any who would have dared so to construe it But, j enough, the charge is too ridiculous and absurd ’ for consideration ■ Editor and Proprietor. These, sir, as I understand them, are the “rsts cipi.es “ of the American party : and now as to its “objects.” These arc briefly stated, and naturally Sow from its principles. -They ate to restore our institutions to the purity of their eary days, snd to require honesty, integrity, and capability in every depart ment nnd office ot the Executive, legislative and judicial branches of our government. National men fur national measures , a strict construction of the constitution : the sovereign rights of sove reign States fully respected ; the legal rights of the people guaranteed to the utmost extent: civil and religious liberty sustained and perpetuated ; all attempts nt n union of Church hi and Mate crash ed and annihilated : nnd the naturalisation law* so amended that while the foreign born cititeo* will he secured in all their just rights, those of thp Americans will he fully sustained and protected. Mere. sir. is a proper place to quote the language of one of our (■enuan citiz-ns. in depositing his ballot for the American CRndid.it"* t n late mu nicipal election When sneered wn.i scoffed at by some of bis countrymen for the course he weeper* suing, and earnestly pressed by others to change it, his answer was that of a parent and a patriot. Gentlemen, said he. ! mn not voting for myself, I am voting for my children ! Glorious sentiment! He knew the blessings of civil and religious liber ty. for he has lieen nearly half a century in our country, lie knew, also, the evils of despotism and Papacy, for he had suffered and fled from them in Europe. He wished his children to enjoy the former, and to escape the latter to the latest gen eration Equally patriotic and noble was the sen timent of an aged son of Erin Said he, I did not come to this country to govern it, but to he gov erned hy its equal and just laws. Had 1 preferred the institutions of my own country, I should have remained there: In ifilr opinion, no foreigner should hare a rote in this country, but as that rich boon has been awarded, mine shall go tot the children of the soil. Thus you see, sir, that the principles of the American party are sustained by the right-thinking patriots of foreign birth, many of whom, though excluded from our association, vote and act with us And now, sir, how can a connexion with a soci ety having such origin, principles and objects mil itate against the interests of the great Democratic or “Union party’ - ’ To answer this question correctly, the principles and organization of the great “Union party,’’ Dem ocractic it should no longer lie called, should be distinctly understood. 1 suy it no longer should lie called Democratic, because those who have honestly and uniformly acted with that party hare been ruthlessly excluded from this administration, and their places lilted with those wlm us consist ently opposed it, and whose only recommendation, as already state J. in many cases was that they were spies and informers, or the abettors of Jesuits and objects of their special favor. It is well call ed the “Union party. ‘ because it goes for those who sustain the union of Church and Btate. It is well called the “Union party,” because it goes for uniting all poucr in the hands of the Punaly.— Hut when wo regard the incongruous elements of which it is composed, and the evident tendency of its acts, it is entitled to any other name than that of “the Union party.’’ Hut in your rank’s there arc high and honorable exceptions to these remarks—men who fully con cur in our views, hut whu honestly differ with us as to the necessity of such action as ours at the present time. \\ lien they arc convincod, and they soon will he. that tho causes of this organisation now exists, they will act with us, for they are porei patriots. If these views are correct, and the most casual observer cannot doubt them, it will be read ily perceived why a friend of the American Order cannot he retained in this administration, with a due regard to the interests of the “Union party.” Hut when you were inaugurated, you did not take an oath to promote the interests of the “Un ion party, - ’ hut that you would “faithfully execute the office of President of the United States,” and “to the best of your ability, preserve, protect and defend the constitution of tne United States.’’— This constitution guarantees to us liberty of speech and conscience. It was this liberty of which la vailed myself when I united with the American parly. No overt net had I committed, for well you know, that I Imd not interfered in any manner, in national politics in the elections of any of the States. You yourself admitted the value of my services i<> the government, and the fidelity, integ rity. impartiality, rind acceptability with which they have been discharged. You also know, that, hy my knowledge of those duties, hundreds of tnousands have been saved to the public treasury. Whether those who, assasin-like. strove for my re moval, while I was absent on the business of the government, hoped by such removal’ to get me out of the wiy of their designs on the treasury, you can best judge. You. however, l exonerate from nil suci. motives. My notions, and the cause of my removal, are thus fully r.nd hon estly set forth. In the course I pursued, 1 dis charg'd a conscientious duty to my Maker and my country. God and my countrymen shilljodge between us. and to the vprdict thus fo<int< 1 shall humbly how. 1 fear not the future. A higher Power governs your destiny and mine, and to that Power, and my patriotic countrymen 1 look with perfect confidence for justice. And unless that Power mercifully changes your course of action, I. fear that the language of that |mrtion of the Kible wi 1 be applied to you, in the early future, where it is said : * “1 have seen the wicked in great power, ana spreading himself like green bay tree. Yet fcfr (Kissed away, and lu! be was not. Yea, I sought him. but be could not he found.” If thore is anything incorrect in this letter, or matter you think would do you injustice in going before the public, and will so stole in writing or by a friend. I will consider your objections and de lay the publication of it for a few days for that purpose. Respectfully. 1 John VVii.son. iiis Excellency. Vkanki.in Pierct, President of the United States. Cursit it Olt. —The order of lhs Pom to* Archbishop Hughes is to crush out Kepqti&o ism! Here is an extract flora tbsletter'of PoptF Pius to f John Hughes, on bis Ist* departure front Borne to return to the United States: * If our Church is to fire it must he in Anier ica. Governments and State* “re tottering here. Every thing is uncertain. Another year O'd a revolution may have swept ell away. My good Archbishop, I lofjk to you for the future — Svkead Komanibm in Amkkh a. CrI’SH oct iteri'BUCANiSM. The Church may before a mouth fee io your ehewe*-'” /aid vet in the fStce of all this, Fttin, the bosom’ friend to Beverly L Clark, travels round with that gentleman, and defends the Kotnan Catho lic Church, and the a Clark and Magoffin sheet, eulogizes almost to canoni zation the Bight lieveretid Father Durbin, know ing that this Jesuit will make all his church vote the anti-Americail. ticket. Is it possible that l’ro*tants will yield themselves to the Pope and his minious to he bound hand and foot in their outrageous slavery ? will they be so utterly lost to all wisdom as to vote for a man whose bosom friends at e Cat holies, and second Pope Pius in his cry of f'ucsii ot r ‘iKt't r.ucANlss ’ — Sou !h lit n (uchian. .NUMBER 34