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A. G. MUEEAY, VOLUME X. THE AMERICAN UNION,’ published every Saturday Morning, . . . A. Or. MPRnAY. ON BROAD STRICKT, WEST END THE NEW BRICK OTr RA\OE— CP STAIRS. TERMS: D ,il,ir, in ndonvt.'r Tnret l)Mx after nr months. r Voißbription taken for leas than one v.-ar, unless ‘ -a in mleuice: ami no paper diseontnm-<l (unless at tb; Publisher) until all arrearages are . r^r'ienTtsiF\l K\’T.S conspicuously inserted at One A ?WUrLr square of twelve lines, for the first insert ion. (X Cents tor each subsequent continuance AU ot insertions desired, will hr contained until . f.r 1 r, sales under regular executions, and mortgage fi Sh fS on real estate, must be published 30 days... .$2.50 j Psrsnnal Property, under mortgage fi fas, must be ! %7bUhed (S) day 5................ 5 no , coitions for Letters of Administration,3o iluys.... 2 <•> Ta, Collector’s Sates, > days 5 IH) ! Notices to Debtors and creditors. 40 days 3 00 j Sales of personal property of Kstates. 10 days,.... 3 00 Sales of Land or Negroes “ todays 4on j innlieatioas for leave to sell lands or negroes, must be published weekly for 2 months 3.00 Votices for Letters Dismissory by l-.xecutorsor Ad- i * ujiaistrators, monthly for 6 months 1 50 ; ‘3v guardians, weekly for 40 days t 50 | fist rays, 3 weeks I 50 | Vitiotioeinz Candidates (/. hr I’li.l in “delin.) .(HI j briars of Cmrts of tlrdtnarv to m ike titles to l.n and. ae- ! v ooviiet bv I cpy of tUo bm 1 cgu ut, niu.st ; be published three months. RATES OF ADVERTISING. THE following are the Hates up Charges for Adverti- ! sing, determined on between the undersigned, to | rake effect from the time of entering into any new e ui trl*Tr*iient Advertising. ilOij . r riu.irr.f r the j first insertion. aititjO eents for every ‘ • CoNfRACT AuVKItrtSIVO, |3 111 Is li 111 •- ‘lie.- (2 Ills I i , aU are. without etui age.. . $ ti 00 $ s oil sin 00 r i2 00 I ’ s' I ,sin'ed qiiarte, Iv,. | J OOj lo 00; 12 00i lb 00 I Changed at wi11..'... i sun 12 00 It Oil, Is on I * sauares, without change.. j lOiOni 13 00 20 oil 2 > on ; * Changed quarterly,. 1 12 Old isnii 21 no 2S on ; Glum-red at will 15 00 20 00 25 00 3o 00 3 s mares, with ml ehiuge.. 13 00 20 00 . 23 00, do 00 j 1 Changed quarterly,. IS OOj 22 onj 2ti oil 34 no | Changed aVwill,.'... 20 ooj 2b 00 32 On- to 00 4 column, without change,. 25 00 30 00 j to oil 50 00 Changed quarterly,. 2S Oilj 32 00 | 45 00 : 55 00 Changed at wi11.35 00 45 00 50 00 fill 00 I column, without change.. *0 00, 70 Off SO 00.100 Oil ('hanged quarterly., tin OOj 75 00; !I0 00 110 00 Changed at will,. 70 00- S3 OOjIOO 00,123 00 au aii transient advertisements ‘ v, l ** ii'Citc! until ordtMeU Jiacoiitinuoil, and •Ii irgcd :i**•**li:•*:ty A. A. ti A I* Ll>l\(i. ** isin|.iiv State “ A. (. Ml K UA V. ** Amci i< ill: I ‘m n POLITIC A t [We had placed in the comp usitur's linnds tin first part nf .lodge Amiwes’ speech witlmnt l-eiiig aware of tin; lengtli of tin; entire d"Ottm-nt The’ whole of it Imving since come .to hnnd we are com. pelled to loft-go the publicatiow-iif linin’ tlmn op- j jeers in this miinlii r. We have ton tniielt mi-cr matter pressing upon mir eoliiuins. to lill them, at this late day. with all article the lialam-eot wlueli 1 would occupy the entire number.’ It is probable j that the Wilks Hrjiulitico’i can furnish extra imp ; iesof the speech to.tlmse who desire it. I In- .-ui- j jects embraced in that part of the sp h still- be : hind, are the ‘• Unman Catholic finest ion. ’ tin *• Foreign Question* t*i.o ‘‘State Itailroi I.” an i “American Principles anti Org iiiiz 11 i < -n. “J - j Frtun ‘.la- Wilkes I.Vjn ” ii- an, SPEECH OF JUDGE ANDREWS AT 1.l Nt’OI.NTON. Mv fellow citizen*, of Littenlii enlllitV. pre-eul-! ing myself before you :is the f tin j American Party, for your suffrages for the olli ot ] Governor of Georgia, I cannot bettei open what j l'liave tosav, than by noticing in a Mi-nnian wav, the origin of the paily whose imtninee Ij am. ORIrtlN OK THE A M Kit 1C A V PARTY. The native American parly, thii furor tinner - fi the present Ann-rieai- Party, hail its origin in an : etfott to eounferaet flic evils of that foreign intlm | enee, which had been greatly increased bv tin- J bids made for foreign voters, by t lie old Whig and ■ I) nnoe.ratie. parties. The natural consequence of ■ bidding for a floating vide, is to increase the im- j portative of that vote, and so powerful had the for- , ••igtiers become, that tin; Native Amerieans were ; subjected to personal violence, and beaten down ‘ at the polls. Many of mv readers doubtless te- j collect the Kensington riot at Philadelphia in ‘ 1844. A number of the X itive American party were assembled, May 0, 1814, to hold a public meet ing, and, on account of rain, retreated into the Mai kel place. As soon as.Mr. Let in lose lo .ad dress them, they were attacked by Irishmen, and a young man who suppoited the American flag, was shot down. The Americans asseinliled were drawn out into then ett Square, wh,at being no longer protecteil liv the market, their’ assailants | bid themselves behind windows, roof., loopltules ’ and alleys, of the yards in the vieinnv, an-l (ire-1 on them till they dfs Horsed. I poll till! tlial it was proved by many witnesses, that port Indus bad been previously i-.tii in tile bouses of the liisli in the vicinity, out ot wll'ich to tire upon the Americnns. A Committee. upji-iiuti-il to seateh for concealed arms, found ilietn in the Qin-cn Street Roman Catholic Cllineli, al'i.'r a positive denial trom the priest, put upoiidtis saen-d word as mail and a Christian, that there w'ere ativ there. The report was puldished, ntld Sighed by the! Committee and A. McKinley, Aldeuiotp. For this account of the riot. I am indebted to * painpblet, furnished by J. 11. Jones, Esq., editor °f the Philadelphia American Banner. This is but a specimen of the dangers to which i American citizens were subjected, when assetnb- ’ ling openly, under the name of the X live Amer-) tcan party. Having been thus warned, by the j fate of their forerunners, the Native Amerieans, who were shot al in open day like wild beasts, *nd beaten down at the polls, when the present. American party was organized, it was necehsuy tor person al|safetv to organize secretly, and not under thf name Native American. Theseeret organization was found to work well, the cause prospered, and gained adherents all over the country, and on the fifth of July, 1855. the Xa pp ounc 'l met and adopted the Philadelphia THE SLAVERY QUESTION. The Slavery question is, to us, of course, the niost important part of that platform. It is the duty of every Southerner, especially at the pre *®ot time, to decide his political by litis question of Slavery, and if other views or eonsid k° n * oun d inconsistent with the sujiport of that party, which be deliberately determines, £!)c American Btiirni. Ito he the best for Southern interests, to waive those views and considerations tor the present. — In the midst of the strife and contentions vvhieh mark the politics of this day, I feel gratified that 1 the subject on which I tnttke my main appeal to | Georgians, is one in which, however we tnav dif fer as to means, we are all thoroughly agreed as to the end. I take it, it is the aim of all Geor gians, of whatever party, first, to leave no means untried to gel justice done the Slave interest in the Union, and failing in this, secondly, lo leave the Union. I fever I here was a time when we j should try to lay aside party prejudice, and con sider coolly and calmyly what is best to la;'bine, jit is tilt* present. I have never been a predieter of political crises, and have never been given to i crying wolf, wolf; but if I am not very touch ! mistaken, the crisis is at hand, the wolf is e-.m ----ling. Unless help come from some unexpected |quarter, all political signs indicate that the next G.utgress will refuse to admit Kansas into the j Union, ntt account of Slavery, and the State o! 1 Georgia’ has already recorded her resolution, tit I that ease, to leave the Union. It our Slate ha j chosen t-- leave tljy Union, as the least of two i evils, in ease our interests cannot receive jiis'iee jin the Union, it is none the. less a very great jt-vil. li wore far belter, if possible, to avoid both ! evils, and more particularly should we leave no ! means untried to obtain justice from the general j gi-vi i n un-nt, because, if vve do determine to leave ■the Uni-m, vve shall find it much la-lter not to j !< .-fte it alone or slenderly neeoinpann-1, hut to ; milv to iutr banner the whole South. 11 1 is is no ■time to la- iuthti'uei’d bv passion or p-uty |n> jtt 1- i in s. and in view of our common dangi t, of the jo .tnmoti end, vvliiclt binds us with a tie vvhieh, j I trn*t, is far closer than all |iarty ties. I beg to I 1-e heard eoollv, and judged dispassionately’, in : a rotting tin* ease as to vvhieh *t the two parties j nf the duv presents itself in the most, favorable I attitude for tin- South. I tnttke a personal allil- | -iotj to levs-If, only because mv hearers will b somew hat disposed to weigh the argument aivoid ing lo” the pii-ju-lii e, or absence of prejudice in. the tV-nii vvliieh it i-manales. Wilhentire sii.gl. ness of purpose, have I always sacrificed every other partv tie or prejudice, to the one object of thiowiug all the iullttetiee I might pos ; s.-ss on the side of that patty, vvhieh seemed best ; for Southern interests. While litany of my old Union ti totals tlit evv avvav their votes upon \\ eb ! <'e,‘ and Tugalii, I voted for l’ierc-e, la-eause I j• 11 .• i _rl l l Iron less olijei-.ttonalile thati Scott. But : iii"ic than this, so far liotn allow it g my altach -i.otit to tin-other pi ime pics ot tire American l’artv, to prejudice me in favor of the shivery part their plaifntn. I have long had a decided i viction of the importance <-f ” hit 1 regard, ns ■ heir i lii f pi i't<-i] i!<-, (and, as I vv ill show, public |'v expressed this iii 1851,) hut I have for Veals : waived this, lor what I considered the in- st im , -n tail’ im i tie r. and a dill v It out vv liicli no Solti li ■in in hi -10.n1.1 he ahsolvt-d. vizi that, ol tight* eg -n the battle of the pro-Slavei v interest fully land e-.niplel.-Iv oil that side vvhieh I supposed | ui- - In• -i able to Sent bet n inte-ests. Anil Itav • g ‘.-eg \V,ii'ei| the ellief pliiieij-le of the Amer i iii |’ai:\ ui t!:is duty, I think lln-re is no jit-i i. -.-.ei f..i supposing, t lint in 18.55, when that j ! ti ’ v is iii"-.- < 1 1 ; i: i ever impeiitive, I hue al vei mv apj.on il of Amerieiiii principlis in he r i-.-i-'els, ‘li vniip me ill taVor ot theSlave 'iv part oft heir j-in'l’-imi. I make these remarks | will regard tilin’ seif, simply for t lieir bearing on the reception of mv argument, to which 1 now I beg attention. .’ I will first present those purls of the platform jof the two parlies, vvliiclt refer to slavery. The !)th section of the lialtimore l'latform says: I Thai lA.ingia.-ss has no power under the Con j sr it ut ion to inlet sere with, or control the dottiest ic !-nst -tutions of tlie several States, and that Mich . S.’:tlua.atc-lhe-solo.and- (vroper- -j-idge i of ei-giT* ” ■ i hing appertaining to their own ati.iirs. not juo -1 ii;l-i!■ -• I hv the Constitution ; that all ell-ills ,/I i l In- AI ml it iotiisls, or olkeis , made to induce Coll ; gia-ss to iuteifcrc with ipi'eslioiis ot Slavery, or to take ineipieiit steps in relation thereto, are cnl j i-ttl Hed to lead to the most alarming and danger ; Otis eiin-etplema-s, and that all such etlofts have j an iuevilitiih* ti-ndcncv to dimiutsli the happitiess j iif the people and endanger the stability of the U-übin. nn.d “tight Hot to lie eoitntenanccd by jntiv friend of out |iohtical institutions.'’ *■ AY.vo/eei/.'l hat. the tofegoing pro|itsiliotl cov i-ts and was intended to embiacc, the whole Mth jeet of tile slavery agitation in Congress; and tlieii-forc the 1 teiiiocralin. |i;trty ot the Union, standing on this ualotial platl’orin. vviil abide by and a-1 lu-i-- t-i the lailltlul exeeutinu ot the acts known as the compromise incisures, settled by the last < ‘ongivss, the act for i-turning fugitives from service or labor inrln-lcd: vvliiclt act, being j intended to can v out an exjiress piov i-ionot the ;U(.usHtution, call not, with fidelity theieto, he tc pcaled. or so changed, as to destroy or impair its efficacy.*’ ** AWrW.That the Democratic party will re-, i-ist all iittem|)ts'at icaewing in Congress, or out of it, the agitation of the slavery question, under whatever shape or color the attempt may he. made.” The Philadelphia Platform says: Sec. 12. The American parly, having arisen upon tin- ruins and in spile’ot the opposition inf the Whig and Democratic parlies, cannot j he held in any manlier responsible for the obnox i ions nets or violated pledges of eitlioi ; and the : systematic agitation of the Slavery question by ! those parties having elevated sectional hostility into a positive element of power, and brought ! uur institutions into jierilit has, therefore, be- Njonio the imperative duty of the American party | to, interfere, tor the purpose of giving peace t<> the country, fftid jierpetuily to tho U jinn. And as experience has shown it impossible to reconcile opinions so exit'cine as those which separate the disjuitants; and as there can he no dishonor in submitting to the laws, the National Council has deemed it the best guarantee of common justice and of future peace, to abide by-and maintain tin* exi-ting laws upon the subject of slavery, as a final and conclusive settlement of that sub ject in spirit and in substance. And regarding i it their highest duty to avow their principles uji ,on a subject so important, in distinct and une quivocal terms, it is hereby declared, as the sense of this National Council, tli.ft Congress possesses no pow-sr under the Constitution to legislate up on the subject of slavery in the States where it does or may exist, or to exclude any Slate from admission into the Union, because its constitution , does or.does riot recognize the institution of slave* GRIFFIN, GEORGIA, SATURDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 15, 1855. rv as a part of its social svjJ <-f ; and expressly prelermilling anv expressionof-opinion upoa the subject of slavery within the territories of the United Stales, it is tlie sense of the National Council tliiil Congress ought not to legislate up on the subject of slavery within the Territories of the United States, and that any inletferenee by Congress with slavery as it exists in the District j of Columbia, would be a violation of the spirit j and intention of the com part by which the State I of Maryland ceded the District lo the United ! States, and a breach of the national faith.” In the slavery question there are three points involved. First., whether the Constitution gives Congress a right lo meddle with slavery in the States. That Congress has no such right, is a matter conceded even by Free Soilers; so that on this point there is no difference to stand in the wav of their acting with Southern men, while both jilaMiittns lay down our lights in this respect in that most satisfactory mamer. The second is, that Congress has no right to! refuse a State admission into the L nioii oli account j of slavery. This is now the important practical question, the battle fur vvliieh we are collecting forces. After laving down the third point, we will discuss the words of the platforms on this subject. The third point is, has Congress a right to leg islate on the subject of slavery iu the territories l This is not a question of prevent practical mo-! mi-lit, and if, hv simply waving this question, we j can get allies to help us fight the battle of our] second point, so noon at hand, we are peifeetlv; justifiable,'provided nlwavs we have sufficient ’security that by our n fusal to press this question now, bv nur silence, we shall not he considered ; committed t-> give up tin- Southern view when in the future the quest ion may become a jiracti 'cal one. As lo whether this silence is justifiable in order to obtain allies on another jioint, there i can he no dispute bet ween tlie parties, for the : Democratic platform simply kecjis absolute si lence, and the American platform says, it “pre termits anv expression of opinion.'’’ In the mat tsr of offi-iing security that our silence shall not he misunderstood, the I‘liiladelpliiaplatform has a decided advantage ; for it is the only one which i offers any security at all, and that security is of such ample nature, that if either side iscommit ted to the support of tlie other, when the ques tion does become practical, it is the North which is j-oinuiitti-d to the support, of the South : for the l’hiladi-l|iliia plutfoim sues, i is the opinion j 1 of the National Council, that Congress oui/ht >wl i to legislate on the subject of slavery within the | territories ot the Uhitcd States. X- - w for (In-second point : The practical ques- j tioti at present, whether Congress has a riglit to! exclude a Territory from admission into the l u : ton on account ot shivery. I hi*, a* all mv hoarCrs will a* once see, is the I precise quest inti between us and the Free-soilcrs.: The South stivs Coiigr, >s lias not such a right.— ■ The FicesoiliTssav it has. What theSonth wants ‘ •lien in a plaifoim. isa-afe hairier against Free-, soilers—a condi-nina'ion of tlu-ir opinions, an ex- J ptessinii if -li'li-finniatioii to oppo*e this frccsoil licri-'V. \\ ha l says the l’liiladi-ljihia platform i • It sii\ s, ‘‘it is hell hv deelaivd as the sense of this I Xatiiiual-Cotiiicil. lli.it Congress possess no powet j under the constitution, to legislate upon the stili- j jei't of slavery in the S'ates where u does or may exist, or to exclude jiuv State frum admission in to the Union because its i-i>ustitutioii does or dues not recognize the institution of slavery, as a part of its social system.” Now lt us turn to the Baltimore platform.— In tin* slavery section of that platform already quoted, mv hearers w ill perceive that there is no expression of opinion whatever,- as to whether Congress has the power to refuse to admit a .State : ulo the Union on acenjuit.ol’-slavorv. In TTfilalliii tti I'lieietiding to lav down southern rights j an implied opinion would not he at all satifac tory ; hut let us sec whether any will be im- J'lied. The only part of the Ot li section of the Bal timore plat form, which could ifiqilv anv ex pression of o{iuio.n-uu..tlte mtbject, is where it says: “Ail efforts of the Abolitionists or others, made to induce Congress t > interfere with questions ofj slavery, or to take incipient steps in relation there- j to, are calculated to lead to the most alarming; and dangerous consequences. And that all such | effoils have an im-vilalih; tendency to ditninish the happiness of the people, and endanger the stability of tin* Union, and ought not to he counteuam-ed, hv titty friend of our jiolitieai in stittitiotis.” “liisolred. That the foregoing proposition clivers and was intended to embrace the whole snliji-ct. of the slavery agitation in Congress, itc.” “/iV.so/m/, That the Democratic party will resist all attempts at renewing in Congress, or out of it, the agitation on the slavery question, tinder whatever shape or color tho attempt tnav he made.” All these resolves tint! the slavery question shall not’he agitated hv abolitionists or others (does this not mean Southerners I) in Congress or out of it, commit all who subscribe to tliisj |ilattnrm to ;t support of tlie state of things as | they were, when this Baltimore platform was! written. The Missouri Compromise was then ! in force ! So that, so far from there being itn-j plied in these words any expression of opinion, whatevei, as to my second point, viz: whether Congress.has the power to exclude a Sute on account of slavery,, it expressly commits its sub scribers to a support of the Missouri Compromise, by w hich Congress ought to refuse to admit Kan sas, Kansas being north of 30.30. And this is the way, my democratic friends, on account of slavery, that your free-soil allies can and do ar- j gue. And they can tell you too, that Southern, Democrats themselves, have farther shown thetn-j selves supporters of the Missouri Compromise,; when the Nashville convention, coin posed of Democrats, insisted on its being extended to the Pacific. This omission to express any opinion as to the power of Congress to exclude a Territory from admission into the Union on account of slavery, was made when they were laying down a very full and coinjilete standard of princijiies for the Democratic party, even restricting the power of Congress, in what are considered rather doubtful cases, as the following extract from the Baltimore resolutions shows: “That tlie constitution does not confer on the general government the power to commence and “ Prove all things; hold fast that which is good.” carry on a general system of interna! improve- 5 meiits.” 1 “That the Constitution decs not confer author ’ ity upon the federal government directly or in diiectly, to assume the debts of the several States contracted for local internal improvements, or - other Slate purposes, nor would such assumption be just and expedient.” | But there i* another test of the comparative meiits us the Baltimore and Pliiladeljiliia plat- ‘ forms on this question, whether Congress has a ‘ tight to exclude a territory from admission as • a State on account of slavery. As we have lie ft>re ictus iked, on this jioint, our opinions and , those of the freesuilera are. directlv o|>|*osed to - each other. They say yes. Congress has that ‘ right ; the South savs no. Therefore the effect of anv honest, full, unmistakable expression on our side I v any party, must exclude Freesuitcrs from that party. Now, we all know there is a large number of Freesnileis who sttliset ihe the I >entoeratic |ilat form. What shall we sav of a harrier against Freesnileis wlite.lt Frecsnilerscan climb over! A condemnation of tret-soil opinions, vvliieh free soilcrs tln-uisclvcs can subscribe ? 1 put it to mv Infarcts if It must not be a poor barrier, a dubi ous sort of condemnation. The American party lias met the case boldly and openly, and the Freeesoiicis have left the American party, and thus release it from till responsibility for Freesoil ers. 1 It is the first party which lias ever met this ease deeididlv, and lias consequently given I us the best Southern platform i-ver adopted by | anv partv whatever. I would lien-call attention! to the fairness ot those, wlio.uri* constantly trv - ‘ ing to make the American party responsible for j the acts of those Freesoilcrs at the North, from whom we have freed ourselves. If anybody is responsible for the Freesoilets at the Ninth, sure ly it is Democrats who refuse to repudiate the Free soil part of their party —and yet, lists of “Freesoilets, candidates of that limb which the American partv have amputated, have been pub lished and paraded as ‘lie candidates of tin- American party by <mr opponents. It is surely necessary to deny that our party in any case can su | >| ‘< >rt Ft eesi ii.lers. But the Baltimop* platform offers not the slightest security in the case now about to come ii|>. There is not one word in it, which, either directlv or impliedly, binds its noitiu-in allies not j to vote against the admission of Kansas., And I put it to anv man of common sense, who looks at the history of that platfoitn. how there could he anything of the sort there! It was written j before the destruction of tlie Missouri Cotnjiro- I mise, and hound its northern allies to support that compromise. Bv the Missouri Compromise. Kansas would he a free State ; how then could resolutions to'support that compromise contain anything binding its supporters to admit Kansas as a slave State < The truth is, the Slaveiv sec | tioti of the Baltimore resolutions, is an obsolete j document! founded mi a state oflhitios now pass- j led away, the Missouri Compromise, and contain- 1 ing nothing applicable to.the state of things at; the present day. It is uttelly inellieielit to pro-j dm •• any pratical good to the South, and w ill re ; quire a great deal of tinkering and patching, if; not to he entirely rewritten, before it can do so. i llic Democratic parly in Georgia, have patched j it with a piece of the Georgia platform, to make ‘ its.principles aecepiablo to the party here.— , Nothing else hut a consciousness “fits deficien cies, would have made them so far forget tluirr hatred to the Georgia platform, as to adopt even j a part of it. And does this remedy the matter, j does it make the Baltimore resolutions any more i efficient to benefit the South ? Pray, who was it that needed binding to vote for the admission i of Kansas? Not Georgia pi>o[ile ij||rnl vj tllti I they ■ are-the ntrly biles who are bound by an adoption j in Georgia of part of the Georgia platform.— j Their northern allies, so far as they support the Baltimore resolutions, still support the Missouri compromise. Aid if the matter is ever to he remedied by patching the slavery section of the Baltimore platform, it will have to he patched until like Icliaho-1 Crane's soc'ks, there is none of the original texture tell. The less tlo-v say about their platform the better; for the Demo crats who voted for the Nebraska hill in the last i Congress, (the only argument for Democracy, which has even the appearence of efficiency.) did so in downright violation of the Baltimore resolu tions. And if there is anv life in this, obsolete slavery section, if it means anything, itcondi tuns positively at id tlticquivocidlv tin >se tiorlliet n I teiil- j oerats who voted for the Nebraska hill—audit puts the argument in the mouth of frccsoil Dent- ’ oerats, at the North, that they, (the Freesoilcrs,) acted in accordance with the platform of their j party, while those who voted for the Nebraska i l>i 11 acted iu violation of it. The Baltimore resc- j lutioas, though not entirely *iit ist’ai-loty. were at ‘ the time they were written the best platform put ! forth hv anv party, and were sufficient for all qiiestionsthen practical. I supported Pierce, tlie j nominee of the partv ho made them. Since; that time, howevef. Plerc lias lost my confidence,; ntni-ng other tilings, by putting bis foot upon tlie necks of the Union and Hard Shell Democracy.® j and a state <-f things has arrived, a question has! ! come up, which renders the Baltimore resolu- Itioiis worse than unsatisfactory, and now l adopt ‘ ! a better platform. i When the old platform becomes positively inju- I riotis worse than no platform nt all, ought not the Democratic party make anew one, at least to re pudiate the old uno ! Ought they not at all events to be silent almut it, anil not anew confirm it. by tlie futile effort to prove it better ttniri ours ? The true reason that they do not make anew plat form. is that to make a satisfactory one to the South, they know they must cut oil’ their free-soil allies. They fear they might have to amputate tbe limb a guml deal closer than tlie Americ m par itv did If ttiey prefer the slow process of dry rot, i it is their own affair. We have seen that the adoption of part of the | Georgia platform does not remedy the neglect of ■ tbe l*dtunoie resolutions, does not commit tlu-ir Northern allies to voting for the ailrn ssiun.id Kuo-, sas. Let us see how the position of the Democrat ic party in Georgia standing on a part of that plat form, compares with the position of the American party who adopt the whole of it. We ak that Kansas shall be admitted into the Union on the strong ground that we ought to be permitted to lienetit by a principle to which we submitted when it work'd against tis. and made California a free State. ‘l’lie Democratic party in Georgia, by leav ing out the third resolution containing that prin ciple, ask that Kansas shall he admitted on no 1 ground at all. except thnt they so will it. They ask it a* a robber would uk for a purse. We ask it, however, on the grout’d of justice, to those i irhz>.submitted when California was admitted, he- i cause they thought every State ought to lie p'-r- ( mitted to chtsme tor herself whether or net she, should be n slave State The truth is in adopting only part of tbe Geor- j gia Platform, tliedeiiiiair.itic party show a lurking , wish fur disunion. They make no provision iu the , Baltimore platform, which shall commit- i's sup- ; isirters at tlie ‘tilth to vote fur the admission of: Kansas, while they, take special pains to resolve here in Georgia where it cannot have the slightest . effect toaid the admission of Kuiis.is. that it Kan sas is not admitted they will advocate disunion. They give another widen e nt their ili-uk*- to the Union, by cavilling at the lun.tinge vs the I’hiln delphia I’lutforiu. vvhcji iLdecl.ires the maintenance of tlie Union to he • the paramount political g-""l. or to use the language ot Washington, the prima ry object of patriotic desire “ ‘I his cavilling n fiout a warm expression of regard to the Union, is but an evidence that they no longer value the Union. I leave it to the good sense of tin- people of Georgia, wtiether the only national party which has ever laid down in n perfectly distinct, accurate satisfactory and unmistakable manner the South ern “rights and principles, which the Union wa- ; designed to perpetuate,’ does not give better evi \ deuce than tiny other party whatever that it values the Union only >n m rnunl “/ thme 5- /-■’- I lii is an explanation of wlmt the I’hilitdelphiii Plat form means by its expression of regard fur the Union, and for my | art. commend me to tli it sort of an explanation. Those wloise pi-itform exhibits such a deficiency in laying down tho “rights and principles, the Union was designed to pei-poty-te. may very naturally wish to supply that delL-ii-ney by an extra flourish of trumpets. It anybody how ever, is si-nous in making this objection, the Amer ic-in party in Georgia, by the adoption ot the Geor gia platform, have further explained the inter pretation they put on the platform of their par ty. . \ Another if fheir cavilling objections is to that part of tho Philadelphia Plattonn whieli says --in all doubtful or disputed points it - the law may only he l-*g illy ascertained alid expounded * y Un judicial power of the United Mates.’ I hey pre tend that, by this, we allow the Supremq court to decide fur us whether Congress has The power to reject Kansas. As, however, they have never shown how this question could cotno lietore the Supreme t’ourt. and. indeed it is impossible lor it to do so. I cannot’ suffieimtly understand their meaning, if they have any meaning, except to make objections, without curing whether tln-y tie silly or sensible.) to offer any argument against it If any question about Kansas emnes up lietore the i Supreme Court, utter Kansas is i-i-tusi-d adutissjoti. !it eannot eoneern us. We sliall In; out lit the 1 Union and have no more to do w ith tlie .supreme tlmn with any other foreign i- ut t It however, ns I said io the beginning, every patriotic Georgian.phould have two ends iii view, jtbst. obtaining justice tue f •*.//, and secondly ‘ l tailing in thi*. to leave tho I oion. is it sate, in tile present dangerous crisis, to trust the jieeoinjdisli merit of these two ends to u party, who seem whol ly bent- on tieeompli.sliing only uni- “t them ! , Having shown the utter un-nuniltiess of the 81 1- ! erv seetton of the Balt-uiore I'liltorm, I will now , j consider wlmt I have already declared to ha the ; only argument ol tit it party, widen lias even the ; appearance ot eftieieney. viz : tlmt (orty four Dcm j oerats in violation of the Baltimore Platform voted i for the Nebraska hill, in the last <’ungriss. We ;of course, are not. disposed to quarrel with them i for the violation in our t,.vor ol stndi a document, j and will view tin* subject only in Die. light ot tin aid they can afford us. A* ttn-ir vote was a viol , j tion of tbe grounds on which they w ere elected viz: the Baltimore rei'olutioii* widclt support tin; ; Missouri Compromise, their votes only prove they. 1 as individuals, can do us no future good, unless , their constituents support them in thus ignoring these Baltimore resolutions, and reelect them to j Congress But their constituents do not sustain 1 ; them, and having rejected mure than half of \ them, in the recent elections, the Democratic par | tv offer the South an utterly unsound platform. - i and after at) election canvas-ed on tbe very grounds j ; of the admission of Kansas, they show themselves ; i utterly mmhJe.Jgi.gUe any efficient tird: in retuTn fdbrah alliance with them | What then is the best policy for the South to j I pursue ! *l’o one or tiie ottier ot the great parties ; j now dividing the country she must lo k- I’m siqi fiort. We tire no more able nos , than we always tave beens to carry jffo-SI ivi-ry m- asures by the | ‘Southern'vote ulnne. We stiall thereliire. teoblig j cd to give our support to some national i-sue, to , order that the friends of that measure may. in ex change for our assist nice, help u on tlie Slavery J question. But there is absolutely no other active 1 issue between the two great par'ics. tlmn tbe one j involved in this mutter of Catholics and foreign- j ers! Democratic opinions on the hank, tariff fee., j are. it is true, enshrined in tlmt uepo.-itory of li lies, the Baltimore resolutions. But there is no more lighting about them, in tho present contest, than the declaration us independence. One thing is certain, however, one or the other side of tli- is sue will have to triumph, and since the whole dr i pendencc of the South is on an increase of-votes - at tho North, we must range ourselves on the side of that party which is increasing There has bei-o an election at the North since this new is-u” of t atholics and Foreigners was brought forwa d.— In tliat election, the party opposed to foreigners has shown itself the iiineaxinn party. The t ern- I ocratic party, of course, at once got all the foreign ; votes, so there must have been quite a defection of natives to account for their decrease in strength. On this issue, the democratic ptfriy at the North ; I hoes votes, and they Imvo no other issues to gain 1 from those who have always fought against tln-m. and certainly would require some strong re-xsoii to make them, rally to ad mocratic banner. I here j are of course, a great many voters at the North j who cuuld not be rallied to fight for Sont ern prin j eiples. in any issue whatever. As we expect-to g?t tielp for the South by the popularity of some I issue in which tho North is interested, ought not | the South to support the side or issue in which j tho North is most interested. Besides which, as we have already shown, if we have friends among the Democratic party, they do n--t come < nt bold ly on our side, and give us a satisfactory platform. That their foreign alliance itself prevents their do ing this, will appear when I show the Freesoil ten dencies of the t--reignors themselves Is it not policy then to ally ourselves with the American I’arty ? It is an increasing party, and our only haps is in increase of votes. At any rate, it Ls true patriotism in Southern Democrats to endear hr en tirely to crush the American party, when they themselves, confessedly, are nut aide to carry tie; interests of the Smith hy tln-ir unaided --xi.-rtions ? Ouglit ttn-y to wish the >'olllll to give all le-r sup port only to the democrats * They seem unwill ing to Imv-’ the Uni-m saved, if it lias to tie save I ly the help of the American party But these reasons tire sufficient for trying the American narty. onr only Impe: tln-n what have the Democratic pirty to urge in their own fiv-ir ‘ Ttiey siy though they cannot help u*. though they are getting less and les able t. help u. We ought to support them out of gratitude to the for ty four who voted for us in spit- of the Baltimore resolutions. Let us examine this plea of giatitude Will voting a Democratic ticket in 1 .eorgia gain 1 them a single additional vote at the North t-* elect then again to Congress? No! But the idea. I surposeis. that we must make the Democratic, partv a triumphant party, give it the distribution , Editor and PropriatW i of the loaves and fishes, so that a shire may (UI \to them But t ask will we not then mho km 1 help ng our enemies, the Free Soilen of Um dees* j ocratic party ? We cannot help the sound pov j tion of the denncratic party without betping the unsound portion But we can vote with then OB , the shivery question, and number onrselvee with ! the Americ in party. And this is the only way in ■ a Inch we can support and stand by the sound pritn-n and not the unsound too. If, then, therm were no other reason foV joining the Anmriooa ! pu-ty, if w - h and no interest in its principle# our* selves, which I shall further on show we have,) might we not to try the support V) be gained to the slavery interest nt the North, from this this new and engrossing question, whose fnendm offer us nn alliance on such term* as no party ham over vi t offered tho Southern'people. From the A(lnr Intelligencer. A Call to the Friends of Ireland in Georgia. IN REPLY TO ONE WHO WOCLD SO. /A lime Counlri/mtn :—The time for Ireland’s i ih-peii-li uci- lots at last arrived. England is j now on the verge of destruction. She ha* and raft - ei I the fast man from tlie shores of your dear . native land, and has left but a few thousand dim* lov iil p-ilTwTo giiaiit her jsitts. ) our unfortu* , tiate eountrviHen at Imtne. are ready and smx-* 1 i.-tis for the moment to Arrive when they can hail vou is their dt-liveicre, and unite their manly voices vi itb emirs in sending up to the very por tals of high heaven one wild liurmli for liberty ami freed--in ! U-nieinher the word* of the im* i mottal < ’j?ontiell ‘ England’s difficulty is Irm j land's , ppoituni'v.’ Fellow countrymen, Irelands !-ij-ji.if ’ tints v i’ now at hand. She has never hod ! a l etter otic ; and if we are lo judge the futurm 1 hv the past, she never will Imre a better oppor ! t unit v i nan tin- present, to strike for her freedom. ■ Then, f'l- Gull’s sake, bury your dissension*, , h-.tli r- ligious and polity-id, in one common gave, I uin Ii :v. iv lo v.mi country’s deliverance. Askno man vvh.-it Ins polities or religion is. No I but ask him it he is a friend to Ireland! If besaym In; i<, !hen sav to him 1 ‘•r.-uD’ jtlflie thy heart ami hand ; < lut tn;t n. ’ur chHlI ruver, ’ ii iva'i-lim.rii ho—out Native f.and ? < >ai motto— love forever! 1 * < >iir tiff tirs are to he so conducted as not la .•oinjir-iiiiisi- the government that has sheltered os wi h a Inline vv. i-n tyranny drove us from our iieiitage, an-l we t named over the land friendless U-Xih-s, without a jilace to lav our heads. Yam, : ('ountry mi n, Ametiea reached forth her hand ! at this extreinity, and welcomed us to a partici pation of all tho rights and immunities of free* , tiii-ti and it never shall In-said I hat the laws that have aff-ir-le-l tie such ample |iroti-clion, will ever In; insulted hv one disloyal act of ours. No— j nor the banner, for whose glory and honor we ‘ have so l-ravely fought lo maintain, ever blush ;ut the cowardice of an ndopted citizen. Then , h t the star spimgl.d banner float unsullied over i the hilar of her own fair land, and may she tlu-re son vi-r wave, with oriental pride and sub - lime dignity, over the land of the free, the seat ii f the noble and the home of the brave. But. j fellow country men, let us tally once more be- I in-atli the standard of Green. Mini unite in OD6 ! solid phalanx, niul iu the majesty of freemen^ ! plunge boldly onward, for the redemption of tbe Emetal-1 spot, thaigave us birth. Let us at once j amass an-i i.-pair to the altar of Liberty, and therm : henealli the folds of the stars and stripes, light I the torch of freedom, and swear by the outrage | of murder and famine, that it never shall be ex* ! tinguislieil until it is applied to our dear native ! land, and a fir of lilierty there kindled, that shall wrapjjn; British Empire in --immeTier corrupt carcass to iislieo. For my own I part. I am ready at a inoijient’s warning. I have !no fun-Is io contribute, hut I can purchase ray own outfit, pay my own pass go, and on ray country’s alur, offer up my life as a sacrifice to tlie God of Liberty. Yes— And thank God that ever I drew my breath) To triumph iu such n tioblo death! “Oli! Erin shall it e’er he mine, To wreak thy wrong in battle line! To raU my victor haul and see, Thy Iclls. thy dales, thy valleys free !” Oh ! th-n friends of Ireland in Georgia, rally*, and emu-; to the rescue of five millions of your starving, misruled, and opjiresseil countrymen at In-tiu-. They would strike for their own iiul* pi-tid'-nc..- if they had the means to do it with J imt they, have them not.. We have the meant, fellow-1- iu nt i vtnen. I.et us then reach forth our hands and grasp !lu iit with all the fury of revenge, and with the hn!y enthusiasm of Patriots, the genius and ma jesty of freemen; and the vengeance of centuries of outrage and oppression, strike for liberty and Justice. _ Yes Countrymen, .-ie-rr “Strike! ’till tho last armed foe expirem; . a Strike! for your altars and your Area; Strike! for the green graves of your mires; God, and your Native Lund!” Y'ott will therefore, without a momenta beat* , tatioii. organize yourselves into Irish emigrant Aid S icic'.ics iu every city and town in Georgia, , and draft your resolul-uns, and send them on to the Irish Emigrant Aid S-K'iety in the city of Boston from whom vou will receive a charter, accompanied with till the necessary instruct loom for the future. Arouse then, ye hairy breasted and sinewed mull it ude, and ahake off the fatal - lethargy that paralyses yoar noble energiee.— i Aroo* ye high ofhenrt and strong of arm—ye, to whom danger and destruction, is but a scoff , onward to the redemption of your dear, native 1 laud. She is sinking deeper and deeper every day, in tin; jititt id quagmire of infamy, that her heart* . less oppressor lias thrown around her. She is . now making her dying struggle. Iler nobia l'airiots at home, have done all they can do to rescue her and a- a dying resort, have thrown W ■ rope Hivrosstflit; broad Atlantic, and in a voice of thunder, are now i-allipg on their friends in Amer* i.-a to lav hold and wrench them from the grasp [ of their Monster Tyrant Oh l then, feHow - countrymen, from East to West, from Noftlr to South, around, idmve, come— come all, lar - hold give a long pull, a strong pull, andapun’ J altogether, and tear her from the 1 grasp of her butcher tyrant. Then join the ijg piring antlo-m of redeemed millions, and onoe more behold your beautiful Island, pure and ■ generated, an emerald set in the ring of tbe Sea. ■ CHAS. GUMMING, M. a September 1, 1855. NUMBER 41