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A. 0. MURRAY, VOLUME X. THE AMERICAN UNION, Published every Saturday Morning, B y ... A. Gr. MUXIItAY. ..,.,CE ON BROAD STREET, WEST END THE NEW BRICK Vr RANGE —IIP STATUS. TERMS: T ANARUS,„„ Dollar* in advance,,,,- Three Dollar* after. six month*. “f ,„i,.(.notions taken far less than one year, unless •i *n advance and no paper iliscontinuoil (unless at Ki option ofthi Publisher) until all arrearages are a i?eenTl''F\tHNTS conspicuously inserted at One Dollar per snuare of twelve lines, for the first insertion, and Fiftv Cents tor each subsequent continuance. Advertisement* not acrnm/mnird In/ a specific not,re of the n,nn/ier of insertions desired-, will he continued unlit arderedout, and charged for ncrordintsl!,. ahriiTs Sales under regular executions. and mortgage fi fits on real estate, most be published ill) days... .$2.30 Personal Property, under mortgage fi fas, must he published (V) days •••; ••••;•; ’'2!) I rilations for Letters of Administration, .10 days 2 <•> ; Tax Collector’s Pales. 60 days o lio | Notices to Debtors and Creditors, todays. h 00 i Sties of personal property of Estates. 10 days 3 on halt's of Land or Negroes, “ HI days 4.30 j lnnlications for leave to sell lands or negroes, must to published weekly for 2 months 3.00 ■ Notices for Letters Ihsinissory by Kxecutorsor Ad- _ I ministrators, monthly fort) months 4 o 0 | By Guardians, weekly for 40 days 4,00 j /•'strays. 2 weeks 1 -30 , Announcing Candidates (to hr /mid in adranrr) .... 5.00 | Orders ol Courts of Ordinary to make titles to land, ac companied by a copy of the bond or agreement, must ‘ bo published three months. RATES OF ADVERTISING. ; TIIIC following are the Kates of Charges for Adverti- | sing, determined on between the undersigned, to take effect from the ‘hue of entering into any new eon- j tr *#"Tran-ient Advertising, $1 00 per square, for the ! first insertion, and SO cents for every subsequent moo I 7k7vntAi'f AtiVKßiisiNU,. |3 mos.lti mos.js iiins.j 12 ms. ; iTIu-ire. without change,. .]'s ti on i S lioj-g 10 oil *l2 00 ’ Changed quarterly,. 7 00i In oil; 12 no. 16 “” Changed at wi11,.... son 12 oi’j 11 00; I* “” 1 9 suuares, without change,. 10 on 15 1101 20 no. 25 no ! Changed quarterly,.] 12 00 is in 21 on, 2< < > Changed at will |ls>>2” no 25 IMP *l on Ssuuares, without change..; 15 no 20.0', “ ;l . on * I’hanged quarterly.. I s no 22 mi; 2b nil; 2.1 ml Changed at wi11,.... 21 00J 26 on 32-m*| 1.1 mi— i column, without change,. 25 00: 30 Oii| lo no 5o on Changed ‘tunrterly.. 2< OOj 32 Dm 15 on 5 > mi Changed at will 35 00 i 43 mil 50 00, till nil 1 euliimii, without change,, lio oo| *o no so no Inn no j t'hanged quarterly,. 65 m'l 75 an !'0 ni 110 no Changed.it wi11,.'... 70 00 S3 no. I>o 00 125 00 ”, Vil transit lit advertisements will he it.••cried until or-l-red and .Ii i-g ! a. -ordingiy A. A. i; \CLl.'l \llonpire •-'l;:1r. ’ L A.II. Ml i; !I AV. •• A,I .iean l'iii"H “ , MFSCKIXANKOI S. Robbing the Gallows. When 1 first saw New Y->rk. in June IT’. 1 1. the State prison was nearly being finished. !t was the first prison or penitentiary ever erected lorn finn ing eriminals and cheating the gallows “! its nun. At that time forgery was death, by lsw rif tlie thirteen I'nited States. A man named N’oah <lav l ner was under sentence of death in New \ ink jail for that crime. On tlie day appointed I went with the multitude to see the execution. After gazing for two hours on the rope with its iron hood, the sheriff mounted the scaffold and read a reprieve. I must confess I was sorely disappointed ! went to see. a hanging, and behold it was not there. J!y this time the rooms were ready to receive convicts and the society of friends who w.a ■ the first promoters of the humane system, obtained from the Governor a perpetual reprb-ve. by substi tuting imprisonment for life. Niu’u was a shoe maker. and they procured for him a stool, la -t- and awl. At the next court four convicts were atone ed to'keep him company, lie taught them tomake shoes, and 1 w lore I Slid there were upward of 1 shoe-makers in that prison. Noah was tlie overseer i ftho squid. and having conducted to the satisfaction of the keeper, at the end of seven years the -society of Friends told tie’ Governor : ‘•Seven years ago you would have hung Noah : now he is a reformed man. Here is a useful life saved to society,” Nc. They obtained an unconditional pardon. lie dropped his prison frock, put tlie drab colored cre ation on his back, and said ’thee’ and ‘thou’ with the best of them. They hired a store advanced him money gave him their boats and shoes to make nnd he was soon in a thriving way, His hoots and shoes were made by journeymen, married men. who did their work in their own houses. One day ho cut a pair of hoots, and on handing them to his journeyman, remarked : “Now, friend, then must bring home these boots on fourth day evening ; 1 have promised them to ft customer.’’ “You shall have them,’’ replied the journey man. Tho boots however did not come till the fifth day evening. Noah was wroth, lie struck out a se vere lccturo on the evils of disappointment, it be ing the cardinal sin in tho whole (Junker fraterni ty, Noah drew breath. “Sir,’’ said the servant, “1 am a poor man, with a wife and three children, the youngest only three days old. I was obliged to nurse my wife and look after my children—it was impossible to finish them sooner.” Noah would admit no excuse, and went on de scribing the evil consequences of disappointment. The man's Scofch blood boiled in his veins: lie could bear it no longer; striking the counter with his fist, ho said— “l know sir it is a terrible thing to ho disap pointed. 1 remember going up to the Park to sec you hung, and I never was so disappointed in my life as when the sheriff announced a reprieve !’’ Now this was a knock-down argument, a case in point, a fact beyond all controversy. Noah was dumb; ho opened not his mouth, but paid tlie man for making the hoots, gave him another pair to finish, and kept him in steady employment. Noah went on prospering and to prosper. In every strait the Friends lent him money and en dorsed his notes. One day be borrowed sonic ex tra hundreds, and obtained a number of endorse ments on his own notes. The money ho packed in his trunk, and the notes ho got shaved in Wall street. That night he started for parts unknown, leaving the men who saved him from the gallows to mourn, not over the swindler, but over tbeir lost monoy. He took with him a bonnie Quaker lass to cheer him on the way leaving a wife and two dwrghters, young women, to look for his coming. mt Union. It’s forty years since this occurred. He was never heard of. From hcnco you may infer that had he been hung in 17H4. (a thing 1 so devoutly wished for) it would have saved the Quakers from being robbed, and laid a multitude of sins. Noah Gardner being the first specimen ol State Prison roform, tho story is worth the attention of judges, journeymen, coffin-milkers and grave diggers. I was an eye-witness to theso incidents. Mr. Printer, l nevor sail under a false flag I writo over my own signature. Grant Tiiokneurn. New Haven, Sept. 1555. ♦ ♦ ■■ ■ - Power of Music. One stormy night a few weeks since, we were wending our way homeward about midnight. The : storm raged violently, and the streets were almost ’ deserted. Occupied with our thoughts we jiloded | on, when the sound of music from a brilliantly il j luminated mansion, for a moment arrested our foot -1 steps. A voice of surpassing sweetness and bril liancy commenced a well known air. We listened to a few strains and wore turning away, .when a roughly-dressed, miserable-looking man crushed rudely past us. Hut as the music reached his cars he stopped and listened intently, as if drinking in the melody, and as the last sound died away, hurst into tears. We inquired the cause of his grief. For a moment, emotion forbade utterance, when he said : “Thirty years ago. my mother sing me to sleep with that song: she has long been dead, and 1, once innocent and happy, am an outcast—drunk ard • “1 know it is unmanly, ’ he continued, after a pause, in which ho endeavored to wipe with his sleeve the lastly gathering tears. “I know it is unmanly thus to give way; (mt that swrrt~tnne4 ■brought hack vividly the thought of chihllmcd. 1 ler form seemed once more before me 1 I- j can't stand it.———- And before we could stop, ho rushed on. and entered a tavern ne ir by. to drown remembrance of the past in the intoxicating bowl. Wbi!c filled with sorrow for the unfortunate man, vve could not help reflecting upon the wonderful ■ power of music. That simple strain, perchance j from some gay thoughtless girl and sung toothers equally as thoughtless, still ha l its gentle mission . : lor it stirred up deep feelings in an outcast's heart, bringing back happy hours long gone by. —Albany Knickerbocker. Ami sin,;.— During tho last cholera season, a newly c.ilight Dutchman made his advent in city ol New Orleans, and set forth in quest of a boardinghouse 110 enquired at the first one he saw if they had the cholera in the house. The I reply was Yes, and the Dutchy moved his boots. j I it; asked the same question, and received the same answer, at llivcc or lour others. Finally he found a'landlord who. assured him lie. had no cholera in the house, and there the Dutchman concluded to tarry awhile. The landlord was a pious man, and always had family worship before separating Tor ihe night. According to the custom, therefore the family assembled for prayer. Duringthe progress of the e.vrci* e. the pater l'amilias groaned, and up p q.pi’d Dutchy with— i )!i InrL vat ish dor matter. Nothing says mine ho.-r. and the reading of the Su it lures wont nil. In a short time, however, the landlord groaned again, and again Dutchy started up witl> liis eves like saucers, saying Dii mine Gotti dero ish soiue>]ing do matter mit you ! No. said the landlord, adding, by way of quiet- j iiig the I .'uteliman, I in a .Methodist, and it's a hah- i it of the members of that church to groan during; religious exercise. Up jumped Dutchy, hat an 1 baggage and scud ded ailing the street at a pace tlmt would shame si 2 .4*• racer. Seeing a physician's sign, he made a halt, and called the doctor to run quick to •Not— What is the matter there, said the doctor: have they got the cholera No. hut mine Gott and llimmel. dey has got dor [ mettodis—more worse a s dor golem, and dor land- 1 lort will die mit it before you kits dare, if you do not run fast. .\Mt:i:i:ifAN and English Soi.hii;ksiiii*.— The 1 Baltimore Srn makes n flattering comparison ! between the operations of the Allies before Sc-1 basiopnl, ntul what an American army would have achieved with the same means : “Tiie contrast between the English system of warfare and the American, is distinctly marked j in the.current history of t lie siege of Sebastopol, j and the record of our Mexican* war. Under the ( same loose discipline and systematic manage- j ment of affairs which have characterized every thing’ I British in the Crimea, our Mexican war might have been protracted with variable suc cess to this day, or brought to a close only, at an expenditure of men and the material of war, not interior to that before Sebastopol, lint, with such men as Taylor and Scott, with skillful en gineers, officers, from tins ranks of the people, and the material of the army tilled with the zeal of an honorable nationality, no number of men, no form of defence or fortification, no ‘impregnable forts’ could withstand them. ‘We do not intend any vain boast in dispar agement of the achievements of the Allies before Sebastopol. We do not pretend that Mexican i fortifications or the defence of them were to be 1 compared with the Russian. Hut wc mean to sav that the economy anil discipline, and stead-j fastness of purpose, and zeal of execution which characterize an American army, would, with the ; same resources, have followed up successes and . pressed an entrance into Sebastopol at earlier day J ami at an expenditure of life and means infinite-1 ly less than that of the Allies.” The Dublin Hospital Gazette states that dis-i eased teeth have been rendered insensible to pain i by a cement composed of Canada balsam and : slacked lime, which is to bo inserted in the hoi- j low of a tooth like a pill. It is stated that such pills afford immediate relief in all toothaches but chronic cases of inflammation. This remedy for toothaches is simple, safe, and can easily be tried by any person. GRIFFIN, GEORGIA, SATURDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 10, 18r,r. POLITICAL. Letter from the Hon. Jno. Macpherson Berrien. Hock Oct. 22, 1855. To the Editors of thr Savannah Repuhlirnn — Gentlemen :—The New York Tribune of tho 2Gth ult., containing a commentary on my address to the people of Georgia, hns been recently forward ed to me, I presumo by the editor, as the article is editorial. I did not deem it necessary to reply to Mr. Grccly. because apart frum its scurrility, the sole object of the article seemed to be to expose the allodged inconsistency of seeking the aid of nur Northern brethren in the present crisis of our af fairs, for the formation of a national party (ns ho maintained was done in the address) and the South cm doctrine of non-intervention by Congress on the question of slavery in the territories; and 1 thought it impossible that anybody could he mis led by so obvionsa misrepresentation. My address was to the people of Georgia. It was made during the canvass which preceded the Slate election.— It presented no appeal to cur Northern brethren, it did not suggest the formation of any party, hut j simply announced my opinions on certain questions which were being agitated in that canvass, in an- j swer to enquiries made by citizens of Georgia with • immediate reference to that election. I had another reason for suffering it to pass with out notice. I confess myself not merely careless of tho approbation, but entirely indifferent to the opinion of any man, who could rise from the peru sal of stub an article, without a mingled feeling of contempt for its impotence, and disgust ht its scurrility. More recently, I have seen an editorial of the ; Washington Union, in which the writer essays to ! ; speak with The cnnfitlenOe of ime who liad thrown ‘ off the shackles of a government editor, ltd, Heins’ jurareiit rcrbei Domini, and with tho bearing and ; port of a freeman, zealous?!n the cause of religious liberty, to assume the office of instructin': his | countrymen, and of misrepresenting, and censiir- j iug those who differ with him. This too, without a word of explanation on my part. I could leave to i the intelligence of the people of Georgia, hut for’ 1 1ho garbled quotation which furnishes tho ground I I of this flimsy commentary, and for the fact that it has been transferred to one of our own newspa pers, accompanied by a flippant and licentious ed itorial article commending it to public notice. I could fearlessly leave it to the intelligence of my countrymen, to distinguish between the “higher ■ law” doctrine of fanaticism —a law higher than the constitution—one that absolves the abolition ist from bis own oath, and the obligation which ! that instrument imposes—and the absolute right I (for which 1 was contending) of every citizen to | the uncontrolled enjoyment of his own private judgment in the exercise of his elective franchise, without which, we would cease to live under a free government. Hut the Washington editor has studiously with held that portion of the address which was neces sary to a correct understanding of the opinion expressed. Here follows his quotation. I copy from the Augusta Constitutionalist and Repub lic: “It would be wrong in the Government toniake this religious test an exercise of discretion, which the people have not entrusted to them. Thus that which wmilil bo wrong in the Government, is the right and duty of the citizen.” The sentence as quoted, is nonsensical, and is rendered so by interpolation,and by omissions.— | Perhaps the latter may be attributed to tho blun ders of the editor, or his copyist. 1 do not venture to suggest an explanation of the former. Rut this presents very imperfectly, the disingenuousness of the quotation. That consists in separating the sentence quoted, from that portion of the address with which it was connected—in garbling it—an operation which, according to lexicographers, is “to pick out what may suit a purpose.” That portion of the addressu from which the quotation is abstracted, is .as follows Speak ing of the principles of. the American Party, it !says: “One of these, that which announces their de termination not to vote for, or appoint Romanists to office, has been the subject of much reprehen [ sion. and has been assailed as a violation of the liberty of conscience, which issccured by the Con stitution. The provisions of that instrument which are supposed to be violated, are Contained in the concluding clause of the third section: of the sixth article, in the first clausa of the first article of the amendments. The first after providing for admin istering an oath to different public functionaries, contains the following provision : “Rut no religi ous test shall ever be required as a qualification for any office or public trust under tho United States.” “The second declares —‘That Congress shall make no-4aw respecting an establishment of religion, or. prohibiting the free exercise, there of.’ “By what process of reasoning, these provisions of the Constitution can be made to conflict with tho right of the citizen to tho unlimited exercise of his own free and uncontrolled will in the enjoy ment of his elective franchise, I am utterly at a loss to dicovcr, and I have sought it in vain in such arguments of the"objectors, as 1 have had an op portunity of perusing. The first clause relates to persons elected to office, and requires that they 1 shall have the oath offlifficc administered to them, without being subjected to any religious test. — And this is the whole scope, and effect of the ar j tide. It does not even remotely interfere with the I right of an individual to exercise his own judg ment. in determining whether the religion of the i candidate or the want of it, ought or ought not to influence him in casting his vote for, or against him. This seems almost too plain for argument. ; Ik a voter believes tiie religion of a candidate TO BE UNSOUND AND DANGEROUS TO AN EXTENT WHICH WOULD INDUCE DISTRUST IN THE ORDINARY transactions of life, it is not only his bight, BUT ms DUTY TO WITHHOLD HIS CONFIDENCE, AND “Prove all things; hold fast that which is good.” ms vote. No provision of tho Constitution for-j bids it. and duty to tho country requires it.” Then follows the sentence which the Washing-1 ton Editor proposes toquotc —ln the address, it is us follows: “It would be wrong in the Government to make this test, because it is an exercise of discretion which the people have not entrusted to theth, but, have reserved to themselves. Thus that which j would be wrong in the Government, is the right, and duty of tho citizen.” Overlooking the interpolation, anil tho omis sions. which will be obvious at a glance, who does not prcceive that this sentence has a direct refer ence, a necessary connection, with that which 1 have emphasized’above, and cannot be under.-tood when separated from it ? What is it that it was asserted it would he wrong I for tho government to do 1 Obviously to refuse to administer the oath of qualification—the oath to support the Constitution, to a person elected to office, from a belief that his religion was unsound and dangerous even to an extent, which would in duce distrust in the ordinary transactions of life ? And why ‘! Because the Constitution forbids them j to require this test—because this would bo an ox- I erciso oi discretion which the pooplo have not cn | trusted to tho Government, hut have reserved to themselves. The sum of the provision is this. If the people elect a man to office, disregarding his religious opinions, or his want of any religion, Congress shall pass no law authorizing tho Gov ernment to make this an objection to him. And what is it which it was declared to bo the right and duty of the citizen to do ! As manifest ly it was, in the exercise of his elective franchise to withhold liis confidence and his vote from a cun ; didate for office whose. religion ho believed to lie ’ unsound and dangerous to an extent which would J . ! induce distrust “in the ordi nary transactions of ■ life. Who will have tho hardihood to deny this? j And yet, this, simply, is the proposition stated in the address. It says nothing of a combination for ; this purpose nothing of individuals binding them” j selves by an oath to the exorcise of this undoubted right for the plain reason that this requirement j was understood to have been abandoned, and tho i American party stood upon tho same footing as j every other, approval of its principles being the sole requisite for admission to membership. The attempt to identify this with the doctrines of abolitionism is absurd : the perversion by which it is sought to accomplish it is palpable. I had specified a case in which an individual citizen, might do what'the government could not lawfully do, namely: that such an individual for the gui dance of liis own judgment in the exercise of his elective franchise, might resort to a test, the nppli’ cation of which was by the Constitution prohibited to the Government— that ho might rightfully de cline to vote for a Romanist who was a candidate for office, but that, if such candidate was elected, j the government could not refuse to qualify him on the ground of his Romanism. The Government ! editor perverts this into a general proposition, that . what would he wrung in the Government would he ! right in tlie individual citizen, and attributing this proposition to me proceeds to expose it, by an ex hibition of the wonderful logical acumen which i has so captivated the editor of the Constitutional ; ist ts Republic. It is as follows : j “ Very true, say the Sowardites, and in likejman- I nor it would he wrong in the Government (that is Congress and the President) to say that fugitive slaves shall not bo returned, as the people have j not entrusted this power to them. Thus what . would bo wrong iti the Government, would he tho ! right and duty of the citizen.” Now one must have largo powers of deduction ; who could draw this conclusion, even from these i perverted premises. In the.ease put, the Constitu ;tion and tho law to carry it into effect operate I both on the Government and the citizen. Tho j Constitution declares that fugitive slaves shall he ! returned. This ascertains the duty of the Govern- I ment. The laws which provide tho means by ! which this return shall he effected, demand the • obedience of the citizen. Rut the perversion is too palpable : the attempt thus to assail the pro position I have stated is too puerile. A process of reasoning equally profound, just now iet'urs to my recollection -and I will state it I remember to have read or heard of a discussion j between two angry disputants, as to the probabil- I ity of the success or failure of the projected invn j Mon of England by the elder Napoleon. Col. B maintained that it would, nnd Mr. A. as stoutly denied that it could be successful. The former as serting that England had once been conquered by France, referred to the invasion and conquest of William the Norman. ..The latter denied tha f William was a Frenchman. cSt. 15. thought to close tho controversy triumphantly by the follow ing syllogism : The native.? of France arc FrcnDi'iirn : William the Norman wa* a native of Franco ; JTrg't William th • Norman was a j but was instantly met by another, which eluted the verbal discussion. It run thus — A g'ioso is an animat ; Col. li. is an animal ; Ergo, Col. li. is a fronse. The perfect parallel!-m of these two processes of reasoning, cannot but he felt, let I hope the reference will rumple no f others, The Washington editor claims for the Aboli tionist as on indieidi <T, the same right which is ; assertc 1 for the individuals of the American party j —and it is conceded to him. But ho is no tcontent ; with this, lie gives his vote, and then resists the j law t\ liich lias been passed in despite of it. In do ling this he does not rest upon the plea prepared j for him by his Washington friend - that whatever would be wnting in the government would be right for him. I® justifies bis resistance by an appeal to a law higher than that constitution which he has sworn to support, and which the people of tho United States have declared shall be“ thr tSSjUrcme law.’’ This is sufficiently absurd, but it is a bolder course, and not so puerile as tho other, for what provision of the constitution, or of any State for bids an American citizen, in the exercise of his elective franchise from preferring a native Protee* | t.mt- and from so preferring him because he i* . liotli native, and Protestant 1 lie violates no law, cither constitutional or statutory. He exercises u right which is absolute and undeniable. Why should ho np|>ca! to any higher law ? mid where then is the analogy * Did tho editor htq>o by sophistry like this, and by misrepresenting, and denouncing every man who would not unito with him in thedenunciation i ;of the American party, to appropriate to liis em ployers. the recent triumphs of the Democratic party and its extraordinary coadjutors ! Tho hope is as vain as their triumphs will ho fleeting- The great nnd lending principle of tho Amorican party must an l will prevail. It is cherished by the majority of the American people, by multitudes who aro not enrolled in the order. The collateral circumstances which decided tho election in ou r State, will have no influence in the great nation’ al struggle which nwaits us. They will all he merged in tho primary and vital issue which will then he presented, that of native or foreign domi nation in this great Republic. The American par ty having divested itself of those objectionable fea tures, which were deemed essential in its infancy, now stands in the strength of its manhood— seek’ ing no concealment —openly avowing its principles marshalling its hosts in the face of its opponents, and bearing aloft a standard under which every American may rally, inscribed with these glowing words, “Americans SHALL govern America. I have seen with regret, the editorial of the Con stitutionalist rnd Republic which commends to public attention the flimsy anil disingenuous pro duction on which I have been commenting. When the editor describes it as a “scathingproduction,’ “ presenting Judge Berrien in an attitude anything hut creditable to the statesmanship and patriotism of that gentleman.’ he indirectly attributes to me a want of patriotism as well ua of statesmanship. Now, Mr. Gardner has been politically associated with, and politically opposed to me. He has. . moreover, just passed through a canvass abun dantly characterized by bravado and abuse. Yet iii every aspect of our relations, and even at this moment, I bad supposed that I hud sufficient claims . to bis respect, to have protected me from such an . imputation. Our relative positions considered, it may perhaps be thought that ho undertakes as much as he is entitled to, when lie attempts to sit , in judgment on my claims to statesmanship. Tho correctness of this pretension, however, concerns ! him, rather than myself. But when ho attempts to connect me, a Southern man. with abolitionism, to place the opinions which I have announced, “side by side with Wnt. li. Seward's”--cspecielly when he imputes to me a want of patriotism—ol love of country -love of tho hind which guvo mo birth—ho charges me with a crime of the deepest dye; nnd in so doings forgets the respoetduo to i me, to himself, and to his own conviotions of truth. I will not be tempted to recrimination—it would i not become me. Mr. Gardner lias, I hope, not de liberately converted bis press into a vehicle of cal umny. Against one who had some claims to Ids respect, he has preferred a charge, which, in com* mon with the people of Georgia, he knows to bo false mid unfounded. 1 have said that in my address to tho pcoplo of Georgia I made no appeal to our Northern breth ren, and I did not. J;inee its publication I have seen with unfeigned pleasuro, in a leading New ; England journal, wlmt 1 rejoice to receive as evi • denec that conservative men in Massachusetts are i disposed to forego the further agitation of the sla very question—to consider as false nnd calumnious the accusations which .have been made against the people of the South and to deal with us in the fraternal spirit which has heretofore united us. ‘l'o this awakened spirit, which is the spirit of free men—of American freemen ifevoted to the preser vation of our glorious Union—to tho conservatism • of that gallant State, heretofore so illustrious in • our national history, I do not fenr, ns a southern Whig, to make an call upon them to stand forward in this perilous hour—to banish 1 j from the politics of the, State the distracting ques -1 tion of slavery, which- has strengthened fanaticism and alienated us from eacfiXther—to leave it, with all its rosjionsibilitioß, where it exclusively be long''. to the States in which it exists to unite with us in one grand national effort to free us from the dominion of spoilsmen anil fanatics and the corrupt foreign influence which sustains and supports it— uqd once more to renew, on the altar . of the Constitution, our united vows of fidelity to the Union. Respectfully yours, Jno. Macpherson Rekhien. Fmm the Mobile Advertiser. The Democracy, the South and the Union. As often as once in four year*, on the approach of a Democratic Convention for nominating can didates for I‘resident and Vico President, weare certain to find the leading Democratic papers at the South, that in tho interim eat fire after tire mo t approved secession pattern, becoming in tensely national* devoted to the union ofilie States, and exhibiting the most charitable and ra ternal feelings towards the Northern wing of their party. A little more than four years ago the people of the South were assured by these lenders, with the zotil and earnestucsss that sin cerity arid a vivid sense of imjiending danger could seemingly alone inspire, that no tnen of any party wore reliable at the North—that all were leagued against our rights and immunities and rl.at resistance,’even to crossing bayonets and ex changing bullets, was inevitable if we would pre sene our institutions from destruction and our honor froth tarnish. The cry of wolf was rung so incessantly thronghout mtr borders that timid people, unacquatited with political guli traps solemnly believed the hideous monster was really “on the walk”—to bo trow the figure employed awhile since by a cty cotcmpor ary—-was at our very doors, and doubtless slept with an eye open that lie might not devour theui without heir know ledge or resistance. A few months passed on, when presto, change ! The wolf became a very quiet, inoffensive lamb, and, as if to atone for tho bard thing they had reported about him r his recent villifiera topkWjtt tenderly in tbeir arms and pressed him affiietioiH ately ami complacently to their forgiving bnoM*. Editor >d Froprietof: The tocsin sounding danger (to the South— no! but) lo the success of the Democrat MMy in the approaching ] ‘residential canvaaa, wits now heard and Southern fire eater* Rnd Nortb ern Free Soil era sit down, “cheek by jowl,” it # grand “pow wow at Haltimore, and with emhq siiLsm effervescing like uncorked eliMMtfMi declare the great I htnocrntic family reunited nnd agree to support a regular Do wo Eaator, , genuine Yankee, for the highest office fa Ufa Union. Tho “reorganized” triumphed. Hut the Fiona Administration signalized its accession to by deliberately violating the pledge* nfiof. it was elected. It set diligently to work fa “crush out” the only friends of the South moofa tin- New York 1 ‘eniocraey, the “Hards,” and to exalt her bitter foes, tho “Softsit sftpftorfad tho Kansas-Nebraska hill, when cornered, and excused itself at the North on the |>lsß tilt its passage would prevent the ndmiiiion of ms. morn slave States ; it played “last Rad IfTOM” W on the t ‘-ulmri question ;it made itself lw 3 stock by its naval exploit at Greytown ; ifaj in brief, conducted thingagenerally so bnngtfaff !y, that, were tho Whig* in powor. Rod guilty of one-tenth its misdeeds, the change* woura have been rung incessantly throughout the Sooth, and very likely nnolher ’ Nashville Convention would have lxeii the consequehce. Yet Mi ft syllable of dissapprobation was heard frosn th# whilom secession press—not a nolo of MrtAag was sounded.. Ihit another change is indicated by tbft puH* tieal horoscope. Tho injustice, and wretched bungling of tho both in its home and foreign policy, and threat enin'-,’ signs of danger, in the future, to tho coun try. aroused a strong feeling of nationality and patriotism throughout the land, which *o6n made itself practically felt at the fount of all er among ns the ballot-box. The old WJtig asa Democniic. parties beheld with amazement tho strides the new party was making to infioefiOtt and power. Town after town, city after city, and Statu after State, bowed in submission toitt mysterious sway, and tho prospect wna ahnofa curtain that it would sweep the Union and MR trol the next ]'residential election. When became evident, ah ! then it was that Souther* I tomoerat i<-presses and peripatetic orator* fait tb# scales f.dl suddenly from their eyes, and discov ered the old Abolition wolf, gaunt, fieroc .Mil hungry as ever, on hi- now accustomed walk, Id quest <,f Southern prey. Then was tho cry of Northern aggression nnd Northern enmity retir ed. echoed nnd re-echoed in ercry Southern Stat# where an election was pending; then wert South ern men told lo burnish their armor and imfeST their firelocks, for tho great struggle whichtb*jl intimated, was close impending. Hut agafa fa# political current shifts, and w behold annthef change. The American party, portly from temeb erv, mistaken policy and mismanagement, and partly from the calumnies and mitapprehoM)o#l to wliich it was subjected, lose* fujirestiga afla-t vincihlitv, is defeated in Virginia, North Carolfa# and Alabama, conquers only by a fierce *ffoggW|l and witli the loss of its Governor, in tdHtfara and holds out little encouragement for aUecMW Georgia; whereupon Democracy again fiftt It* drooping head, and see* hope of electing toe nnt i ‘resident, and so holding on to the rain* ofpow- 1 er. Now a change of tactic* is desirabid Afar tho cry of wholesale Northern uusouodncMtUUfa be abated, and, it is already (at fa# ‘uienth” time ,1 liat tiie “wolf i off the track,* thnf the Northern Democrats are amazing proper 0- lows, that, as Wise nays, we have whole hoCtefa good friends at the North, and that tbeg|loildue Union must endure forerer. There are some Democratic journals fa the South, however, that do not seem to reltlll the “blow hot and blow cold” policy of the zeakfal party organs, mid who insist that when they fa* ed “wolf,” they meant flint they mid. At Ufa head and the ablest of those sta ndatheCharlfaMi Me-enry. ‘I hat print refuse* to credit the atooj that the Northern Democracy are a whit efeaJD er than any other party in thjlt faction* oA avers that even if they were, they Ae fa * mow less minority. This is decidedly frank, and n view of the Mercury’s previous position, manly: but it doos not accord with the present poGfa of the central organ, nnd ltenoe the official fat## reads its Charleston cotcmporary a seriona MmA ily on its indiscretion, or rather its editatfakfa& pitude. In its issue of Oth insL, the Union faj# of the Mercury! Fortunately for the maintenance of Ute UfaM fulrclatioiis of tho two section*, that j~nmal Wnfa representative Rnd exponent of the wish of AM# and impotent minority of the Southern ptwk in the promulgation of sentiment* ao ‘lrrcoonclD able with a sincere loro of the F ederfa Cfli^pS,—> Fortunately, 100, the people of tbft North hav# not yet been led into the error of mistaking th# wishes of a few extreme Southern enthanMfaMft fanatic* for Southern sentiment. We call the foregoing ratber cool, fa tWfita# of tho course which the whole Southern ‘Daffifa cratic press were purruingicarceafa with surli “aid and c omfort” as theeentinlqmn could render them. The Mercury simply rdHhSi’ to quit the trail because the Administration* fa timatc* the chase is over, and Tor thta mV dination tho would-be leader of the nounces it unreasonable and bftd-fifapma; tiff stigmatizes it as “a representative of the with of e lean and impotent minority” — a* * ffiooffent enthus'iist and fanatic.” In another porthwefffil article, the Union remarks! ’We will not insinuate that there jiSVf.Mdfa* standing or concert between Northern wd Ijneth’ ern to the effect that they are to 00-tiMMtataf jMff efforts to accomplish the object of aisnnioo. Oft the contrary, we wdl not dispute thai thehfapl* ity between these ultraists is as l itter abdeefatat as they respectively proclaim it to be, bot'atfalt same time it is not the less true that tt>#y ift| making their respective ultraism* eCntnHe (of purposes which is common to both— >4lM #fafa throw of the federal Union. IheaQitlMM Cun aticdwells upon the violence end bittfatifa* tiMti abolitionist for the purpownfexettingUlMKlffP ern people to hostility against lb* North, tfad fa that way lo build up a purely sectional northern party st the South. The llorifctift abolitionist re*6rti tosinular faiffjj ti .Swelling the ranks of the anti-*oothe*n party iklfaiwC The result fa that whilst inrlkl ifa faNtihtifa fanatics can find no language stnfag tfafaNl* express their detestation of eeeh ejjfifa (fWf</f on fatrth NUMBER 49