Savannah national republican. (Savannah, Ga.) 1865-1866, November 13, 1865, Image 1

Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

t . ' .. .IWMfT~ iri . mm '* ~"irrmr* i w *P* ■jiU'far •t-' • t •V* = VOL. I,~NO. 20. SAVANNAH, GEORGIA. MONDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 13, 1865. PRICE 5 CENTS. H \fES Edifcr a»I Proprietor. uwntmnre. 1>er sqnare of TBNfiaes Ncmperiel type or space oc- ,' ied by the same nttmbef of line®, $2 first hiSertion, ; fur each r-outlnrattmL naifSqnnrc—!fit for first Insertion; Mcents far each r'wqcent Inwrtfon. TEKMS—$3 50 per hnndred; sabecription tby mail r carrier) $10 per annum; single copies, 5 cents. All advertisements most be paid for at the Counting 8000 previous to insertion, and if handed in by 8 p. „ will appear in the morning edition. 7iO\ DAY MORNING, NOV. 13th. READING matteb on eveey page. THE STATE CONVENTION The Debate on Repudiation in Progress. points of Order. SKIRMISHING BfiFtRE THE GREAT BATTLE. Ke[i(idiation to Form No Part of the Constitution. SPEECHES OF DELEGATES. Kl’Pl DIATION CARRIED OUT AT LAST. A Well Contested Division. 1 Ti:n:<;nAM from the president OF THE UNITED STATES. A MEMORIAL TO THE PRESIDENT FOR RECONSTRUCTION. Gallant Mill between two Distin guished members of the Georgia Convention. Joshua Hill attacks the Confederacy and tenders a hoite secrete to Mr. Cannon, wlm replies vigorously with a home thrust, putting his as sailant hors du combat. JI DGE .iE.VKINS THROWS UP TOE-SPONGE XOTHER Ac., MILL EXPECTED MORROW. &c., Arc. TO- i Special Correspondence of the Samir* nali National Republican. Milledokvillb, Nor. G. Tin 1 CoDrent'on met this morning at the usual ■l tour, half part 9. The proceedings haring been I opened with prayer, the Secretary proceeded with B. the tinal reading of the Constitution, which ec- ■1 cupiecl a corsiderable time. Great interest was Si- uiamfes'ed in the proceedings lor this day, as it S was genera ly known that the great debate on D; the subject of repudiation of the wardebt was the ■ I special ord r. During the whole of yesterday the k question of repudiation was discussed in alt its R tonne aDd blanches by groups of persons sitting 0 round tires in the hotels and lodgiDg-bouses, and B bus morning when tbg reading of the Gonstitq- • ::on was baiug proceeded with, a strange bpz* or I it. ^commenced, and sounded in the halt so I. soa ihat the voice of the Secretary could hardly I « heard. This formed a strange contrast to tbe H; i’enously silent manner in which such business ■i'esgot through, but on raising one’s eyes the IPhenomena was at once explained—ladies were I " the gallery. The President did not attempt to 1 t»i>" lor order, regarding it as utterly hopeless, if ttobably somewhat like the gentleman who I :oald never be brought to believe that women E Ie 'it to Heaven, because a certain great writer H oid there was silence in it lor fire minutes E Alien the Secretary had got through with read- B “S the Constitution. I Mr. .Itmkics moved its adoption. I Mr. , oahua Hill—Before the motion is put I ■ 1 to etate on tbe part of myself and others on ■ this floor, that they may desire to add a separate H ttiicle 10 the Constitution. I wish it understood ■ Wore I adept the proposition for ths adoption of | Constitution, that we are not precluded from ifcirg other articles to it. -ir. ending—v y motion is for the final adop- ' a °t the Constitution. As I understood the r eceedings on the subject tbe Cousfitutioo is not ■*“ t0 amendment unless by a general consent a-tt ti ouse - - l has been gone through para- , .pa by paragraph, and these paragraphs bare can"., 1’ted, and now on its final reading, it 'ention aulen<,et * un ' e3 ’ by consent of the Con- cani r '. Uiil ,—' 10 1 understand, therefore, that we ■notmake any addition to the Constitution? „ Jenkins—If tile gentleman has any addi. j “ rtlcl ° that he wishes to propose, I don’t I ict-k at il m,y be aote<1 upon. On final read- g. however, these paragraphs which bare been I s -5 over are unsusceptible of amendment exoept I liinf C i eral C0Dsent ‘h* house. If the proposi- IJ” *, I have made to the Convention be I jy"'™’ anii ‘hat the vote of tbe Abuse be in the r mative, it will then be no larger open to emenu- •Mr, I to T Hill—J would ask the Gentleman, therefore, cannot,-uniess by unanimous consent of tbe house, to pass this ordinance, is because we have re make the ordinance which I offs red part of the ceived an intimation from a h gh quarter that Constitution, which all the mombers of tbe Legis. ; this measure will be indispensably necessary for la'Ure and all the pubiio functionaries will be the great purpose for which this Convention is sworn to as well as any other part oT'the Consti-' called together. For what purpose was this tu ion If it is the wish of the house that! Convention called ? I need not Answer the waaartf tr* in •sets *»—. -w. —’*»»'• ■*—- lt , i ‘ 1<traw his motion in order that, a separate HI .in maj 1)0 °fftred on which we may aot; then B 11 V t° te for his motion afterwards. , B a* /' I will enquire of the gentleman if ™ ,. *“ to be offered ? \| r “ lll ~There is an article ready, ^•Jenkin^-Thi ‘ ^ time. Out Creeps the Mouse, ^ of this ”** *? °^“ r nm f 0z TUnstinq enquire ! , a , n ar ’> ol e to be offered ? Hiil There is an article | joi'u. D ^‘ Di —Then I hope it wiU> handed in, I time. ‘ US get ‘krough with this subjeet some* orsi* Thismntin Hm . 8nc * which I laid on - has refsrence to the .spec in7:vl“‘ su V" a °“ »• table last week re- “°» he!on 3u’ t> . In ‘ hat ordinance whleh Lion that 1 - th *» express pro- r j h to dat .Zd beforo p<mren- N to* < ' a Uing 0 -^ OD «*Mth «d r.^ktnsyb,^ obviate ary difficulty of that sort, I would prefer that the Constitution as read, will, fur tbe presen', not be finally "adopted. My view of this thing, is, ihat the ordinance should staud on the same foo ing as all the other parts of ths Constitution. If it stand not upon that footing, it will not hire that dignity nmi foroe which it otherwise would have. Unless the gentleman is willing to with draw bis amendment, I wfll now propose to offer this as part of the Constitution. Mr. Cannon—said'the motion ho was ab ut to move would be fiom no captions spirit, but sim ply in order to endeavor to preserve harmony in ibe Convention. As soon as tbe motion fo^ the adoption of the Constitution was concluded, the ordinance of the gentlemen from Muscogee woeli then be in order. He (Mr. Cannon) would now call for thoprovi. us question. Mr. Chappell. I hope the motion will not prevail. A division was then called for, and the mo tion of Mr. Jenkins for the adoption of the constitution prevailed. Mr. Chappell then introduced his ordinance of repudiation, which has already been pub lished. Several amendments and substitutes were then offered, and were the cause of much confusion, and a quantity of uninteresting de bate on points of order. It was, however, final ly decided that the moiioa of Mr. Chappell to make his ordinance part of the constitution, was in order. He said it should be made part of the soostifution, and gave as his reasons that every governor and every judge shonld know and feel that when he entered upon the duties of his office, the oath that he would take to support the constitution would also bind him to sustain the ordinance of repudiation as part and parcel |of that constitution. He' did not want to leave any chance open for a quibble or a cavil, and at any fnture time it sfiontd be made an obligation upon the consciences of those of every department of tbe government of Georgia to support that ordinance; and the very fact, of the st enuous, persevering and in defatigable efforts that wwre made to exclude the requirement of an oath for that ordinancs made it quite plain that if that provision were left out, the time was not far distant when the members of the Legislature might be told and even persuaded that th' ir oaths did not require them to observe that ordinance. Mr. Mathews did not think it was essential that the ordinance should pass. The gentle man from Muscogee grounded his argument that nnle-s itis ordinance were incorporated into tbe constitution it would not bind the con sciences of the Legislature aml'the Judicia ry. He (Mr. Mathews,) contended that an ordinance coming from the convention was as strong and ns binding as though it had been ingralted into the constitution. But if they should submit to ir, if Georgians shonld de clare they would repudiate tbe debt for the pay ment of which he, (Mr. Maihews,) maintained they were bound to by every solemn obligation of honor and duty, let it be passed, let it go into tlte archives of the State, let it remain there forever and let future generations hunt for it, but let it not be put into the constitution. At least they should not have that humilia ion before their eyes. He could not find it in his heart that day to complain with any bitter feel ings of such of his colleagues as woukl pass it, if they did so believing it was necessary to the return to the union, and to the re-esiablish- montjof the peace and prospeiity of their unhapy country: but still lie considered that the legis lature of Georgia ought to be trusted i. ith the question. After a few remarks from Mr. Chappell, the Convention adjourned to half pest three this aternoen. nothing if we shall adopt bat ordinance and not hi * ow " mind J 1 was cal . led f ° r the 8ole P ur - make it port of the Constitution, and iu order to ! P° se of doin 8 whatever might be necessary to — ■ - — - — — — •">- secure the re-admisston of Georgia into the Union. We have already done one of the great works which was prescribed as a condi tion precedent to that re-admis<ion. And I suppose, judging fioni tho manifestations of opinion, that the probable majority of this body think it is also necessary to do another great act. Will we do it in a sufficient manner ? That is the question, if we intend to incorporate this provision in the ordinance so that it will be part of the Constitution of t he State. That is a very grave question. Home gentlomen answer that the incorporation of this ordinance into tbe Coosti'ution will be of no importance towards our readtnissioD to tho lloion, and others will ans*ef*that they think it will be of consequence. There is a view of this matter which it seems to me ought to control the vote: of members,no mat ter what they may think, and if they even sup- p se it may bo doubtful that this thing is neces sary. To say the least of it, if any man believes that it is necessary that we should pass this ordi nance annulling the war debt, he mast at least admit that a doubt cxisis us to whether it is ne cessary to make that ordinance part of the Con« stitution. Why do we propose to pass any ordi nance on the subject? It is to coocilia’e the Congress|of tbe United States,and not tho President of tbe United States. The Congress of the United S ates is the tribunal beforo which we must bring this matter—before which Georgia must appear for>e-admission. Don’t we know that a very large m ijority of that, body are adverse to our re-ad mission to the Union on this question. One hundred and two is the precise majority which they have. Don’t wo know that that large majority in the House of Representatives will seize on every pretext to njeot us, and thereby sustain themselves and their party. I think there can be no doubt upon that question. And suppose it is a mere mattor of donbt whether they will receive us on passing this ordinance without this provision—or as passing th 13 ordinance with it, will you hazard so momentous a matter to tbe people of Georgia as their re-admission into the Union on a doubt of that kind, for the sake of rejecting from the ordinance the provision I stated? It is a principle in human affairs that when a great evil is impending, and has even a small chance of overwhelming ns, we are bound to take every preoau ion and every possiblo security to guard against it. So wi h this matter ; if the chances were but one to fi:ty that we shonld be rejected on that ground, and that we should be admitted into the Union only by incorporating this mat er into the ordinanoe, we ought to incorporate it, for what harm does it do to incorporate it even if it be not necessary ? It may bo used as a pretext for our rejection. H iving presented this view—having called the attention of ths Convention to the foot that this ordinance will be considered as a nullity at Wash ington ; that is to say, that it is an ordinance which the members of the Govetcmont will not be required to observe. They will say you have passed an ordinance which the Legislature may obs rvo or disregard at their pleasure. It is but natural that such an ohj.ction should bo taken to it by our enemies. It is so ceVtain they are on the watch f.-r every exception by which they caa cure our rejection. It seems to me that tl e in- ser ion of this provision can do no possible berm, and it may prevent an immer se evil from over taking the people of Georgia in this matter. Mr, Hammond, after a few introductory re marks, said; I think there are various reasons why this amendment should not be adopted. I have been trying earnestly to accommodate this matter without debate. I was satisfied that if discussed it would do no good, lint was calculated to do a great deal of harm. In com ing h re this morning I had hoped it would be settled without debate, and wished to perform a duty to the State and to my God, and that I shall do without regard to the opinions of any man on earth except so far as they influence my mind by logic. The gentleman from Mus cogee says, that his object is to make every offi cial who shall hereaf er hold a commission in Georgia, take an oath thatthe debt contracted by reason of the war is nuil and void, and he says the reason of that is because he was afraid that unless meu are made to swear it awuy they might at some future time acknowledge it. Tlte gentleman's fears are groundless. One j a people have repnditted a deb-you need not make them swear th y will ntv^r pay it; com mon tense teaches you they never will, There is no occasion for swearing men hereafter that we will never p <y this debt. 1 object to it for another reason; it places this Con cation in tfie position of a set of meu who are not true to the Administrat on and to tnejeonstitution of the State; as a set of men not true to the con stitution we have ourselves adopted. I say Georgia is true to the Administration, and the administration has more to fear from those gentlemen who, from honest putposes and zeal, are trying to place it in a faLe light, than from those who are willing to yield on matters of. law. What more do you want than the reso lution of the gentleman from Thomas. Why, it is the very despatch of Mr. Seward himself. But I shall throw no straw in the way of your path. High as is the appeal to the vanity uf a/sung man to speak on .tu'ihaenbjset. I shall sit still, unlest I am called upo 1 to vote, and when I am, I will pronounce the vote that I think I am bound to in conscience and in honor, without endeavoring to iofiaeoee that ot anybody else. The gentlemm says that if this is not put mas apart of tbe Constitution, that future Legislatures in iy pay this debt. I state that they caaaot do .any such thing under the law. If that ordinance is not made part of the Consti ution, it is ef equal d goi'y aa it goes on the sovereignty of the people, and therefore tbe Legislature will be as much b mud by it as if it were in tho Con stitution. We have a Constitution adopted hero which say;; “The Legislature may appropriate money and levy taxes.” For what ? To pay the public ilobt. I« cannot make donations and .if wo d olare this as ao part-ot the public debt, that is declaring (he Legislature never can pay it. It is enough if the L sgislature have to swear to sup port tbe Constitntien of Georgia. Agaio, I ob it because the gentleman’s proposition rants to this: “I more to amend the oath of office prescribed by the Constitution of the State of Geqrgia.” We bare passed that Constitution. The oath of office is laid down as required by tbe Constitution of the Unitod acutes. W uy vri.I there be a test oath added to these things? We have had enough of ta*t oaths in this country. Gontlv men intna .te in their zeal about this matter, that the people of Georgia are dishonest. They seem The three. Afternoon Session. Convention re-assembltd at half past Milledorvillb, Nov. 7. 18G5. The Convention met this morning at half-past 9o’c!ock. t” ■ Air. Chappell moved to reconsider the motion made on yesterday to incorpora e tbe ordinance ot repudiation into the Constitution. - He said—I stated on yesterday that tbe ordinance would be a nullity if adopted without this provision in it, and l may certainly now sav it is a futility, There are soqte views which I (Jifl not present yester day and which I shall now present, in orfl-r to show that the ordinance should be part of the Constitution of tbe State. Wae there ever any Constitution or provision passed in any State of the Union, or having regard to the Constitution ot the United States, which did not contain with 1 in itself somewhat that made it part of tbe Con stitution of tbe State or of the United Stated ? Certainly not. Every amendment of the Cofiati tution of the United States which has been adopt ed from ibe beginning ot tbe Government up to this day, was adoi ptpd expressly'iff form and bv name as au amendment to the Constitution ot the United Statffs. Every atnendmeoUfif the Consti tution ot Georgia, which has ever been adopted at any time has been adopted by name, and the very words used as an amendment to theConsti- tntion of the United ftates. Under the old Con stitution of 1797, under which we lived tor sixty years, it was alterable by two-thirds of both branches of two successive legislatures. Every amendment necessarily contained within itself a declaration 1 bat-it was part and parcel of the Con stitution of the State. Now, what hate we done on this question V We, a Constitution-making body.-bave adopted an orriin trtcehhitring upon a most important subject, or rather it was proposed to adopt it bearing upon a most impoitant sub ject, without declaring that ordinance to be part of our Constitution. We have gone further; we proposed to adopt it, which is tantamount to a declaration that it is not part of tbe Canatitation. We rifasod it in the first instance by a vote ot the body to incorporate that ordinance in the body ot tbe instrument adopted yesterday. Then when the ordinance came up for separata' action, it was also refused to make it part ot the Consti r ’ we Shull ad^pt it. aba’i not part of tbe Consti- tution of the State Well, what follows ? Every consequence follows, wbioh I undertook to point out yesterday. It tqliows that it is without tion, without any security whatever vance by those, and those alone wbot _ in'ended to' bind, control and restrain. It loilows eminent be taken against that ordinance as com pared with the instrument called the Cofil'itution of the State, adopted yesterday. AH members of the Legislature, for all future times, in swoar- ing to support the Constitution of tbe State on entering upon the duties of their office, -will swear to support that instrument exclusive of this ordinance. It will be almost as plainly implied that they shall not swear to support this ordinance. So it will be with Governors, ■o with the Judiciary. All these matters, howl ever, I have pointed out yesterday, and I will not further allude to them. But I come now to the real case, to the moving and controlling consideration that presses on so many members' of this Convention to believe that -this ordi nance shonld be passed. Whether it will pass or not is more than I can foresee. Bet, so far as' we are »We to dacover, wbat actuates themiods of the member* of AS bod; is their disposition that in all future times a broad distinction will,on every occasion,and in every department oftbegov- to me as thewgb they gloried in tbe force that arnmont Ka : 1 a: I - ... .. -■ » » _ .« „r . compels men tn violate t ieir convictions of right and wrsng. Will smy gentleman undertake to «f that Andrew Johnson' ab dished slavery ? tie did no soch thing. The war abolished it and all be required was that ws c.mld not keep up the war by continuing slavery; sod as to this do t, in mr opinion hj is not attempted by force, to. com pel anybody. Bn*, gentlemen, there is no donbt ibat the report from toe gentleman from Thomas or the motion from the gentleman from Muscogee will pass, and I therelosnask j on-when you make » £ ter, I a*k« thead remarks for the purposed stop ping soy angry debate; for it we ware disposed to pitch into each other; it .wo were disposed to hold op thin, or thatkentleman aa a dishonest man, wa might convince tfie wor d taat we were all dishonest, ;but certainty we would do no .good Lhope there will be no . imputation upon may man’s character, but that we eh all debate thin question iu • meaner becoming gentlemen, j Mr. Joshns Hilt spoke in favor of having , the ordinance as part and parcel of the Consti tution. In the course-of his remarks he said : It will not do for gentlemen to separate here and go home to their constituency with embit tered feelings towards each other. I should like that we should all return to our peopi whatever may be onr various views, without any feelings of anger. For my own part, 7 shall discard any such feelings, and not per mit them to make any lodgment in my heart. I have listened to my friend from Muscogee, and to his reasons why he wished to incorpo rate his ordinance into the resolution, and thpugbt it was of public importance that it should be placed there; and gentlemen wiU pardon me for saying that while I never pre tend to he delighted at the state of things that prevail in our State of Georgia, yet my action on this subject must not be considered as be ing controlled or directed exclusively by the wishes of the President of the United States. I have dared to differ with that distinguished functionary in some matters to defend my own opinion, and I may do so again. I think he is a safe adviser, but I am not willing to put into the Constitution of Georgia that an act is done there because he requires it to be done. In re ferring directly to repudiation and to the ne cessity of having the ordinance as part of the Constitution, he said : ‘T say for myself that when the act is done my cheek will never blush with shame that I assisted iu doing it. I wouldiet it stand for the present generation, as the great land-mark that should warn them in all future times against the repetition of what was done in Georgia. I think it was done unwisely, and I may be excused by its most ardent friends for saying that moch.” Vr. Matthews—I have no inteution to occupy the time of the Convention. I regret now ex ceeding y that I (eel it my duty to speak. I trust I will aolsn in a spirit of kindness as well aa of candor. When I see in this hall men greatly distinguished for their ability and services to the State aud aountry—when I see before me men, venerable from age, experience and wisdom, I candidly admit it ta not without d tfidence that I rise to address this Convention upon any ques tion. But when I reflect that tha wtseat men are fallible, that the best men ate imperfect, that the bravest men are sometimes ungen-rous, that it is human to err, I feel that 1 may here in th>s Convention give my humble opinion on the ques tion affecting tne interests aud welfare ot my State and country. If my experience bas taught meanytbing.it there is impressed on my soul one truth deeper than another, it is that saying that “tbe tear of God ia tbe beginning ot wisdom, bnt -be tear ot man is the consummation of all folly.” I have seen great men dream and talk those dreams as though they were wisdom. In a word, I have seen the beauty of boasted wisdom, but ihe vanity aud helpiessne-sof man’s presumption. In times of war when file itself is at stake; when the accumulation of wealth are passing away, and when all that we hold dear, seems to be passing out of our grasp, is it not natu ral that strong passions should be animated; we hare seen in times past countryman array ed against countrymon, friend against friend, and we have often heard of brothers meeting and embracing in the arms of death. My countrymen, these times have passed by and I pray to God they may never again return; may onr eyes never again behold such scenes, and may the past, y ith all its passions and animosi ties, vanish for ever. Ism unknown and with out influence—a young man just starting into life, in the legal profession. 1 gave my humble sympathies against wbat 1 considered ihe en terprising folly of statesmen, and the vanity of men called great. When Georgia was sece ding I was opposed to that measure; you dif fered with me, but when she went I went with her. I hare sacrificed the blood of ray man hood in defcuce of iter honor, and before Goi I will die before I will dishonor the State in whose defence I shed my blo-al.* The inten tion of these remarks is to show that there re mains nothing in me of the bitterness of feel ing engendered by the late war. It is gone. The p 1st is forever gone, and with it let all feelings of tanimosity go. The errors of the past will revive no more. The gre it Ameri can Republic is re-established—tbe flag of the United States again sweeps in mighty gran deur from the Atlantic to the Pacific—there is no power in this broad land that can say they will not now bow to it. Tne people of Georgia bow to it; and hero let me reply to the remark that has been thrown out by a gentleman from whose lips I was sorry to hear such a senti ment. (3 Hintrytnen, I respected you in times past, I respect you yet; there is a noble feel ing of manhood in you though you hare erred sometimes, and indeed I was truly sorry to hear such a sentiment from that gentleman’s lips. “Ah,” said he, “I see a spirit of discon tent,” and I think he added “of rebellion.” Mr. Joshua Hill. Not those words. Mr. Mathews: Well, that was the idea. Georgians, there is no spirit of rebellion in your heart. We have submitted to our destiny and to tlte will of God. We saw the magna nimity of those with whom we struggled in for mer years in that great and noble conflict to establish the independence of tbe South. Don’t produce tbe impression on the minds of the Northern people, on the mind of tbe President, on those who have control and management over us now, that we are rebellions and refrac tory. We have done like men ; we hare acted like men ; and 1 hope we tvili aet so again. The gentleman evidently referred in his speech to the remarks I made this morning. I repeat ft now, that I oppose that ordinance going into the Constitution- I do oppose its going there before the eyes of every man who reads the Con titution. I do consider it the evidence of our utter helplessness as a people, but I did not say let-it remain as the evidence of wbat was done by a tyrant. The abolition ot slave ry the Uuited States bad a right to demand, andBhe may demend this, and on that condi tion I would vote for it, bnt on no other, be cause 1 regard it as a debt of honor, as a sol emn pledge which Georgia made to tlte people of her State; and if there is no honor in this transaction, there is no honor under Heaven. It cannot he repudiated without thqviola ion of tbe most sacied pledges of Georgia. 1 do not wish to be represented here as obarging the President of the United States with being a tyraat. I think I have sail enough to show my fetaiugs towards him. He is diapjaying a magnanimous spirit io his polioy of reeonstrnoiion. f mty differ with him in sotnn matters, aud I hold there is-no evi dence of rebellion in differing with the President of (he United States, but I never will croueh te the footstool of authority ; that it not in keeping with the spirit which God has given me as a Southron. That is not the Soirit which actuated ns before the rebellion was raised—which said: -•Dome, let us stand by it”, and We did stand by it throughout tbs entire ot this glorious war—tor it was a glorious war. One other reflection and I am done I o;;ncur ia that feeling watch seems des.-endiog on tbe minds of this Convention, that the question of repudiation has become a well settled qusetlon. It seems to be one of the da erase of destiny. All the appeals to honor seam to have given way, and the conviotion ia that it is the condition preoedant to -cur return to tbs Union. If yon act conscientiously on that ids* that it4* required of yon by those In authority, I will never entertain feelings -* Fit-—1 ■ against you. Bnt I do ytgXbitkT' We hart that evidence which makes if ' ii4m%lt*b %Btv in order to return to the Union. We shonld nqt in this ordinance into tbe State Uonrtitetii another reason. The rnsjoiity of gen jfctm I her* converted on tho m»v this question on the ground that ic is demanded ot ns by tbe Government of tbe United States.— If so, y-.-n should be sati-fied with complying with that c ommand. Tbe demand is that you shall re pudiate it. Be satisfied with that and don't go beyond it. The President nf the United States has not said, “incorpirata it with you' Constitu tion.” When you have complied with the de mand* of Government you should bo satisfied — That is my other reas >n for opposing this ordi nance. I don’t waut it in the Constitution; I do want it in the archives of the State. We shall take it as among the destinies of war, and the people will submit to at without every officer being obliged to take an oath that be will be an honest man. Let it pass in that way, and, as has been already remarked, don’t seek to make this unpleasant doty which we have to perform still more unpleasant. If you will do it, if yon feel it your duty to do it, let it bo as little obnoxious to those who differ from you as possible. Don’t pnt it into the Consti tution. In this spirit let ns transact the busi ness before us, and let us return to our homes. I am not one of those who say that all is lost, all is ruined. There is yet hope for onr brave people; manly faith and courage actuate them. There is yet hope in the future ; all is not lost. We have the elements of a great nation left. We hare the same soil, the same expansive ter ritory, the same mountains and hills, the same majestic rivers, cascades and waterfalls. The same glorious sun shines to-day as it did before the war. All the elements of greatness are at our command. Let us hope and do our dnty, and we shall yet be able to leave our posterity an inheritance of which they may not be ashamed. Mr. Joshua Hill made a few further obser vations, in the coarse of which he said, in re ference to tho remarks of the previous speaker, that that gentleman was correct in saying the same sun still remained, which was almost tbe only thing now remaining to the people of the South. Allow roe to interrupt you, have still brave meu—bone Mr. Mathews ; my friend. We and muscle. Mr. Joshna Hill then brought his remarks to a close. Mr. Suralt, of Thomas—I believe this debt is neither legal, moral nor constitutional, and 1 will undertake to establish that proposition, and to show that tbis Convention bave endorsed it them selves, and that it is on record, ri r, this war was foagt't. on a great pnucipl-; it settled two distinct For repudiation Against it ; 133 - 117 princ pies whtcb have been maintained by op posing political part.es since the lonndattou of the r rhere w however, other -ubjects in that adl tuaintatu ag the doctrine - . . Majority : : : i 16 There was some applanso in the gallery when the Chairman announced that the ordinance was carried. Telegram from the President of the United States. The following telegram was received from ths President of tbe United States, and transmitted to the Convention : Tha Secretary read it as follows : “The organization of a Polios foroe in tbe several counties for the pa-pose of arresting marauders suppressing crime and enforcing civil authority is indicated in your preamble end re- sointiohs, moots with approbation. It is hoped that your (eople will, as soon as praoticable, take upon themselves the re-ponribility of en forcing and sustaining all laws, State and Nation al, in conformity with the Constitution of the United States.” (Signed.) Akdrbw Jobxsox, President of the United States. A petition to be forwarded to the President praytDg for restoration, the people Of Georgia having complied with all the requirements tut {tosed, was then read as a report from the Com. inittee of Sixteen. Mr. Joshua Hill suggested that in giving in formation to the President it should be expressly stated that the State refused to pay the war debt. There Was.no special allusion to that important matter,sand he (Mr. Hill) considered that therei should be. ' Mr Cannon opposed the amendment, as be considered there should not be any special allu sion to that ordinance when the general terms of the address were sufficient to convey wbat bod already been done. Why designate that particu lar ordinance more than any other that the Con vention had passed ? Why humiliate the body by stating that they passed an ordinance to -repo’* diate tbe public debt of Georgia; that was already known through the press to the public and he would oppose that in the address to the Presi dent, they should be called upon to humiliate themselves by crouching for favors ot Washing ton, and saying “Your Excellency we have pass ed this ordinance of repudiation.” That was re pugnant to every feeling of his nature. It looked like courting another teleg’am from Washington. They had already enough of ih,m. The ordinance nas now passed, and he hoped that its history would stand before the country. He trusted the gentleman would withdraw his amendment. He (Mr. CaDsou) did not wish to express his feelings to any s ror.ger terms Mr. llili said that if the matter were iu his hands be did not know that he would hare presented an address to ..the President at all, Government; one party w that tue Constitution ot the Uuited States was a social compact among the people, and that all questions of difference should be settled bv tbe Supreme Court. The opposing principle of the South maintained that whenever any State be lieved that there bad been an infraction of tbe Constitution of tbe United States, that then each State was the sole judge of t he mode and measure of redress. Tnis principle was embodied in tha Virginia and Kentucky resolutions ot 1793. These opposing princ.pies existed up to 1832-3, they culmiuated to South Carolina tu tbe ordinance of dress which (he gentleman had furgotton were embodied, for instance the abolition of slavery. Mr. Cannon—That was required. Mr. Hill—Are you sceptical Plough as to be lieve that the repudiation of tbe war debt was not required ? Mr. Can’jon—I am not sceptical, but I be lieve the President never intended that it should be repudiated. Mr. Hill—Wltile you hare adverted to one most important subject,; yon propose to re- SOUTHERN COTTON WAREHOUSE; Comer Lincoln and Bay Streets, SAVANNAH,GA. O'FALLOiU CQ„ FACTO as, FORWARDING,I AND Commission Merchants, Respectfully invite the attention to four facilities for Nullification against the authority of tbe United \ frain from touching the other, and give for a States. Presideut Jackson asserted that he had a right to exercise the wbo.e powers of the Ua’ted Status to bring her back, and on tue tssuea of that day, the South maintained that policy, and South Carolina bad to vield to that decision The issue was maintained and Kept np till ’til, when tbe Southern Sm'es seceded, aud ,t then became a reason that there is something degrading in it. The President never would bare sent a telegram if lw looked upon it iu that light. Mr. Hill then spoke against the Confederacy. Mr. Cannon—I hold in my hand a pardon which 1 received from the President, and I great practical quest,on. Wbether the Norm made j have b en pardotud without any command re- war 01 us or we 00 them, is a question 1 don't speeding repudiation. I have as high a re mean to discuss i h s whole question was spect for the President as the gentlemen who submitted to the swo d. The South was r — cooqu red aad hal to yield her principle s If, therefore, the principle as sett'ed by tbe reso lution .requTod a majo ity of the people of the Uni ed States to alter tie Constitution, how cun it be maintained tlmt one side, and a minority can change ihe; Constitution rig itfuiiy. The principle lies settled by the sword from which there is are inv >king his name. The gentleman made an allusion to tbe Confederacy, and stated that he did not think there was any gentlemen who would regret the overthrow of the Confederacy. Mr. Htf—Yon raw w y I said so. It was lik e putting a question. 1 did so interrogative ly. ' ’ > I " Mr. Cannon—Well, I will answer the inter- no appeal; wc lost everything but the judgment Tt> %*'.\ oam !, s * y w " t !3 ve titroughthis pronounced ug.risst i.s. After tho result of r.bolhon, whret, proved a rebellion and not a e war how did Georgia s and! Was her po- revelation. I was a Union man hve years Uiicil constitu ion legal or constitutional? ago bnt when Georgia sectded I gave to her r —1 —- -si an( j. to help true and loyal, have taken. Yet 1 I say before God and all honorable men, that if I had it otherwise, the Southein States liticil constitu ion legal or constitutional ? ago, bat "'hen Georgia sec ided Was her constitution which sue adopted and by m 7 my alleg.ance, which she became an associate of the Confed- j me God, for that period i was tr erale Siates legal and consti u ionai? It she to-d^y ,r o e te> >hc oa l > I bav< erate Smtes legal had no right to establish a constitution hostile to the government of the United Sta'es, she had no right to assemble her legislature under that consttiu ion, u r establish judiciary tri bunals. Therefore your constitution beiag violate!; your Lsgi-lature standing out in hostility to' the Government of the United would b : separate and independ-nt. (Cheers.) I told the President the same thing in my pe tition for pardon. I told him wt en Georgia seceded X gave to her my fortunes and my alle giance. When ray State speeded I did not fal- the ground of States, had no right to impose on the people I I «£»>* *** . of this State a public deb’, of any sort. When ■ * Uni m man. I admitted I had been for the armies of the United States descended on I f‘> ur or five^eara a rebel the soil of Georgia, they dissolved the Leg islature: they made judges leave the leuch, and you had no civil authority. That was and when the 1 evo lution eaded I submitted to its results. 1 had no appeal ta make oh the ground -of being a Union man, and that calls to my mind carrying the judgment of the war into effect; ! <1»3 fact of gentlemen having asked for pardon - J on ;h 11 ground. CTey applied lor special par don on the ground th it (hey had r ot fought in the STS _ eaten with plMhd vour civil government was set at liaugntby the Federal Army. Now then what have we done during ibis Convention. When it was decided 1 hat Governor Bro >vn should continue in office,lh”y ignored himand ignored the Legisla ture. Was not the t a concession that tbe poiitali Constitution of Georgia was absolutely a nul lity. If you have decided in this Convention that you had no Governor to approve your laws," and no Legislature that had a rigut to make them, I want to know how then this public debt c in be set up as a legal condition ? You have declared li re that uvery law subver sive to, or antagonistic to, tho Constitution of the United States, was repealed and set aside. You had no legal or political, organization ia Georgia for four years, and, therefore, during that period, there was nothing binding upon the people of this country. I do not think that there sau be any questiou on this matter. No gentleman has been bold enough on tbis floor to assert that this was a legal.debt— that it was a constitutional debt. I maintain, there fore, that there is no public debt, because all public debts must spring from legal engage ments, (M from tha expresdou of some legis lative bodv that has the power to create that debt. Your Constitution declares that taxa tion shall ext-nd over the people of tha whole State, and that no tax shall bo imposed exr cept to pay a public debt, or to provide for the government of the State. That is the legal view of it. But where is the legal, the consti tutional view of it? Where is the honor, if the majority of the people of the State, under excitement, assume the reins of government and are overthrown, and the revolution goes down ? Whether it is a debt ol honor is not a question for Convention to se tie. There are other debts'hat stand higher than this. Tbe State ot Georgia owed me prutectiou fdr my life.uiy liberty and property; she inaugurated a revolnt on by which my property became endangered and by which I lost it. I have had to eccept ths calami ty that befel my countrymen all over tbe State, yet you don’t hear any talking about honor to pay me, or auy body else. AFbo are to pay the widow* and orphans ot the Stale? Are not ibeir clajins- as high as those of the gentlemen * bo hold bond's. 1 was willing at first to soate in« anoi down so as to cover tbe civil iUt.b*** »re» since enquired into the matter, and I !* „ , .„ paid off in some way or other; “ favor of wiping out the war deb* m teto unless it can be shown th** tiiere are portions of U not contracted for th»t porpoto* The motion was then put and lost after a divi sion. - - - - There was no farther argument of the ques tion und at the afternoon session the preriitas question was caUed, and the drdinaoce of repadi-f ation, as a separata ordinance aad no pert of tk* ohatitoilon, was passed without, debate and’aftne dir trios The numbers were rebellion. Ah! said the Prasident, yon did not fight against tbs Coion. .No, Did yon* da any thing in defenoa of the Union? No. Then yon left the U-ion to take ears of itself. Then turning ten.boy tmtii eighteen year* old: Well »h*t ana I de fur yon ? -1 ended for pardon, whet did yon do? I a re ret and f foaeht, I ran sway from my father ar tbe egs of sixteen and I have been in tbe war for ye* s How many bat ties have yon beo - engaswd ia ? I was all thrtugh tbe revo'atioa. Never wounded ? Y”*, I received six or seven wmnifs." Then'balling to his Secre tary be ordered him to irake out a sret-ial par Ion forthebra e *nd gallant yonng follow who ac knowledged he bad been a rebel and a fighting robe’, wbi e Returned a cold ►bon der etbe 'Ur- inn men.” After slew farther observations from Mr. Cannon, , . , Mr Hiil roseand spoke in strangterms against the Confederacy. He never had any influence w th the Confederate Government, end when hie sane went to ibe war be tad them they shonld go II privates, as be had no influence to get them oomtni'Sion#.. . .. . ' Mr. C annon then ss ; d that io attacking 'the Confederacy, Mr. till! should not forget that there was a time when he was a candidate for the office of Governor of Georgia. . Judge Jenkins u>en culled the gentlemen <0 order. lie icgrpUed exccedingly any each dis c-junto 3 had occurred.' The question was then pnt »nd the amendment lost by an almost ubun-niuns vote. It was then decided that the address to the President _shon.d be forwarded by mail, after which the Conven tion adjourned. Milledguvillb, Nov. 8. The Convention metth.s morning at helf past ni R*«>’otioiKtof thanks were offered to the Gov- „™v,rhis courtesy to the Convention, and ti- . resolution to ibe l’reifdeot for the shle msn- wbteh be had acted as presiding officer. ■ A petition to tho Preoident for pardon of re- maroing prisoners of tho Slate wafe also unani- A few ol tbe remaining ordiasnees on the table having boon disposed of. . The Secretary inn on need that the business was «U finished, in hoar’s reees- was then granted for the parpoeeof giving the President sna Secre tary an opportunity of signing tho ordinance*. A resolution was adopted, leaving it Hi the-pow- or-of tbe Prssidoot to renoil the Convention St any feinre period of neeesiMy. I most olose this despatch now. Han obeli V, Johnson is delivering his final sd- of adjournment FUSSHAS-- OR MOVEMENT OP SOUTHERNPRODUCTS and will give prompt attentiob to all bn*incs* entrus ted to onr care. Intending to fistabll h permanently a bouse in -uivannah. expect, by -Strict Business Principles, to merit and receive abortion of the Trade. II living a commodious . - IiSfiilflUS’! FOR corn are prepared to »■ uy or Receive on consignment to our friends in Ne tv York or Europe, and will m.-tke advance? on same—picking rebaiing or mending ali Cotton before shipping, thereby saving the enor moms expense incurred in Northern cities by this pro cess. We solicit a portion of the business of the Poo— pic of (icocgia and adjoining L-tates. OFFICE, STODDARD’S RANGE. Cor. Bay and Lincoln Streets. Poet Ofilce address. Lock Box 25. oct7 tf fill Immense STOCK! JacobLanpdorf&Co ITaVq jiist received per, steamer Ariadne from thel r old and well-known House in Pb!l idefpWa, as well a* from >ew*¥ork and Baltimore Establishments, an im- ^ mu nee addition to their usual Large 'StocK. We have now on hand the largest assortment of Goods in the -South, consisting in part of. El €3 A R S y fboth Forelgni* Domestic. J TOBACCO, 8MUFT, PIPES, of every style and finish, making our new stock cae of the largest In the- ' UNITED STATES Wc propose to offer these Fresh Importations to Dealers at prices which will BEFT COJtPETITIOS with any market in file South. Merchants dcsMous cf purchasing Goods iu oar line, wi 1 find it. to their ad* vanti<m to c til and examine before pcrchasing else where! Our Catalogue embraces— One Million Assorted Brands of Segan, 25 boxes Navy Tobacco, 25 boxes Light Twist Tobacco, 25 boxes Black Twisi do, 20 boxes felack Sweet do. _ ‘ 20 boxes Fine Virginia do. ’ 500 lbs. Maccaboy Snuff, in Jars, Scotch Snnff, in Bladders and Packs. ' A comp’ete assortment of-fine and comnKmJdmok lag Tobacco, also a few dozen packages genuine Turkish Smsking Tobacco. With,endless variety of genuine MenckauinPlpes, fiegar Tribeu and Bowls. We have a huge assortment of Tobacco Pouches and Briar, KosetVoea Powhatan and Clay Pipes. Solititing a continuance of the patronage which has been so illwraiiy bestowed uponns heretofore, we hope to be asleno offer soch ’supertfir inducements aa wm ‘“TVB* ar£AN«s 171 Buy ftreet, between ,oct2&—Ini W’rd, Savannah. Mitchell & Allen, IMPORTERS OF WINES, BRANDIES, 6IN§, &l\, AND DEALERS IN OLD lOIOXeAHELA A BOIBBO.V Wfllttlft No. 314 South Front street, P 13,11*4. 0 E Li P IJ k 000