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(Mmb American. AUGUSTA, GA., DECEMBER 30, 1865. MR. THOMAS P. BEARD Will be general agent and editor of the “Colored American,” during my ab sence from the city. He is fully author ized to transact all business connected with the paper. WHAT IS A MAN? In our every-day intercourse with the world, we often hear the expression, 'He is every inch of him, cl man.' On hearing such an expression as this, the mind very naturally asks, Why is that parti alar person said to be ‘a man more than the great mass of his fellows. If you look/at him you may not see a noble forehead, or ma jestic mein, or an extraordinary developed physical frame, but to the contrary, probably, a low fore ’head with carelessly arranged hair, any thing but a majestic air about his person, and more than probably, an ordinary sized man. You naturally conclude from your survey that these particular quali ties do not make him a man more than his fellows. You look in vain, for a dis play of this world’s wealth, fof he may be clothed in the habilaments of poverty. You look for a handsome equipage, but he may never have had his foot lifted from the lap of mother earth beyond a common wagon. In your perplexity you again ask the question : ‘ Why is that one said to be a 1 man ’ more than the mass, seeing that personal appearance nor wealth are necessary qualifications. Your ear catches the sound of the ‘ still small voice/ saying that he is a ‘ man ’ because he is honest, in all his dealings, charitable to the needy, would rather injure himself than injure others, and has peace and good will towards all men; in a word, he is a Christian. You are no longer in the dark concerning the qualifications necessary te make a man, for you at once perceive that they are moral in their nature, and not physical. If is somewhat strange that the world at large should so universally recognize the man in any one displaying these last mentioned qualifications, seeing that physical as well as pecuniary merits enter so largely into the balance by which society weighs character. Nevertheless, he who displays the merits of a Christian, though he were as poor as the comfort less man of Uzz, will receive from the men of the world the commendation that he is a man. They may not recognize him in the whirl of business, nor in the sordid circle of reckless fashion, but they will have a respect and a defference for him that one of their own fraternity never could enjoy. It is very evident, there fore,‘from this stand point of the matter, that character makes the man, and not color. And if character is the standard of manhood, we cannot see any just rea* »on for withholding the titles tomenhood from any one on account of his physical nature. It is not because a person is six feet high that he is a ‘ man,’ nor because he has .a big brow and thick straight hitr, but because he has the moral qualifications of a man. Why then exclude a person from this position be cause he has a black face. If he displays the character, the moral character of a man with a white face, who, in the judge ment of his fellows, is deserving of the title ‘man ’in its fullest sense, common sense and justice, we surely think de mands that he receive the same honor able distinction. The ipse dad of the world declares that physical qualification has nothing to do in the formation of a man, is it just then that this decree should lose its force when another race is concerned, and that race producing the self same traits as produced by others, but not of the same physical contour? We think not, and every wis > man will think with us. It is well understood by all, that governments are the creations of men, although in every ca*c they them selves do not come up to the standard of men. It is also well understood that governments are not the creations .of TQttS of men y for in that case, the five J. T. Shuften. races laid down by physiologists would govern themselves independent of each other; but history, both ancient and modern, plai teaches lhat they have governed each other as fate and force of arms permitted. And if the student of history will only reflect upon her develop ments, he will there find, that just as a man of another race displayed the neces sary characteristics demanded bv those who governed, he was elevated to the posi tion which his character required. And if that was the customs among nations and races, who, in point of character are immensely below the standard of true manhood as we conceive of that standard through the light of Christianity, what ought to be the custom with us? Yet, at the present day, we are infinitely less generous than the semi-savage of a thousand years ago, for we are determin ed to govern by one race and totaly ig nore the existence of graces in any other outside of ourselves. If it was proposed to place an African in the jury-box, even allowing him to be an infranchised voter, a howl of discon tent would be raised from the shores of New England auriferous plains of California, although that African might have a better sense of justice, and be able to render a verdict more in accord ance with her mandates than any one of his white brother jurors. Yet these same white judges, no matter from what State they might come, would find no difficul ty in siting down with a Chinese to decide any question of legality, although he was as ignorant as when he left his native shores, with the exception of being able to understand our language. Now, why is this ? A Chinese no more belongs to the Circassian race than the Negro, and if there is any solid reason for excluding the Negro because be is not of the same race, there is equally as good a reason for excluding the Chinese. If the gov erning race bfcak the walls of their oneness in favor of another, but one step removed in the social scale, they are chargeable with selfishness when they re fuse the same privileges to a third, be cause they may be two or three steps removed, yet who develope traits of character vastly beyond those privileged recipients. Physiologists have divided the human family into five clases. or races, the highest of which is the Cir cassian, and the lowest, the Negro. Be tween those there are the Mongolian, the Malay and Indian. Now, we are very much mistaken if either of these three go-between races would not find a hearty welcome at the poles of this country, and in the jury boxes of justice should they present themselves for the necessary qualifications, while the poor African would be houted and kicked for his pre sumptive temerity. We lay it before the bar of human reason if this is not spite and prejudice. We cannot but look for such things from monarchial, tyranical Europe, but when we see the professions of this free and enlightened country, and hear the boast that it is free from the polutions of the old world, we certainly do expect a better conception of of things from it. Yet, what is its pat ent practice ? The very reverse of its profession ! Our citizens are shocked beyond all conception when they are told that the Emperor of Brazil has a negro for a Prime Ministep, and that it is quite common to see 'black judges administering justice to the whites in that country -Now, why .are they shocked ? Is there anything appalling to the senses on ac count of it being a fact? Do they think that justice has not her habitation in Brazil as well as in Columbia ? Our plain unvarnished opinion of the matter is just this, that they are shocked because of prejudice ; that they are appalled be cause of spite; and that they cannot con ceive how a negro knows what justice is I made of. They have been accustomed from their infancy to use him as a tool for their own aggrandizment to tread upon him, if by that means they could rise above him, and make him the willing vassel to all their whims and fancies, never dreaming that under different in fluences he might become their equal in character, if not their superior. V o are proud to thiuk that Don Pedro, the cul tivated Brazilian Emperor, should have discovered the ,r cm of native worth in the African, under his fostering care it shouJ have made an indelible mark in the history of races. The ideas of the attainments and capabilities of the African have been largely drawn from the plantation slave, around whom was built a wall of law that he should not do thus and so. From him the ideas were taken of the whole race, regardless of what the race might do under different influences and dhtside the restraint which trammelled his action. In our opinion, the fact that it was deemed necessary to hedge him around by law in his mental abilities, was a positive proof and a de claration to the world -hat under these forbidden influences, he might rise and become a competitor with the race that bound Idm. The reason we put shutters on our windows and locks on our doors is because of robbers, but if we were not afraid of robbers we would not put our selves to so much trouble and useless ex pense. So with the African and the Circassian. The fact that laws were made to keep him from stealing know ledge, and by that means advancing* him self, is a proof that the Circassian was afraid that he would steal knowledge, and could advance himself through its agency. Therefore, he made laws, or fastened up the shutters and looked the doors of that temple in order to keep him just where he wanted him to be, namely, on the outside. It is quite customary to hear the remarks that ‘ the negro is fit for nothing,’ that ‘ he cannot bo taught anything,’ and that ‘he cannot advance in the scale of humanity.’ If this is really so, how very foolish for men to sit 'down in legislative halls and make laws to prevent him from learning anything, and advancing in the human scale, when these men, in their own minds, are con vinced that he cannot do what they are determined he shall not get the chance to do. It is very evident from this that they utter with their lips what they do not think with their hearts. But these laws are dead, and we are glad of it. Fate has torn down the shutters and broken the locks of the temple of knowledge, and the great problem of advancement has commenced, and if, in its solution, it should give ’ birth to men in the full sense of the term; we hope and trust that the boundary lines of color and race shall be obliterated from the map of common sense, and every man shall stand on his own merits as a man, and the world shall behold the consummation of Vie poet’s highest hope, that ‘Man to man the world o’er Shall brothers be, an’ a’ that. A RUNNING COMMENTARY ON A RENEGADE. Ist. Once upon a time a woodman found a snake almost frozen to death, and being of a compassionate disposition he carried the half dead reptile to his home, and laid it down in front of a blazing fire. He seated himself beside it and watched with anxious eye the signs of returning animation. He had not watch ed and waited long, when his,snake-ship began slowly to unfold bis feow limber coils„ and with a spring like a flash of lightening, he bit the poor woodman, who had been the means of saving its life. Moral— Ingratitude. In our intercourse with the world we sometimes strike up with just such a snake as this, enrobed in the garments of the human form devine,and we think our city is particularly blessed (or cursed as the case may be) with a very fine speci men of this “genus homo.” 2d. On glancing over the columns of a Broad street daily, our eye was attrac ted to some very high toned language. After announcing that military guards were patroling the streets and disarming all the colored people, the editor of that “daily” says:\ Now there is no earthly use for our colored population to carry weapons. A majority ot those rambling around the streets might, better by far be at home. And if they would keep at home, they would not be disturbed or molested. We are somewhat of the opinion that there is jtfSt as much reason and just as ] good a reason for colored people to can- < arms, as their is fcran “editor ot a daily j newspaper to do so. V e have often < heard it said that, that editoi s per.-on . presents a very fine specimen oi a “walk- 1 ing ar sued. Now the reason he has to bolster up his person with such aformida- i ble array of “tooth picks ’ is. he is afraid : of danger to his person, and that is just the ; reason and the right of the colored man to carry arms. He has found out that * some man, especially “editors of daily newspapers,” can blow hot and cold with ; ' the same breath, who speak fair to his •face, but “stabs his reputation” behind his back. Against such men he has been forced to carry arms, for those who could bemean themselves that far, would not scruple to put their hands iu.'o pockets, not their own. It is simply the develop ment of the natural instinct of self preser vation, that demands him to carry arms. Will that Broad street editor take a note of this. 3d. “But our Broad street editor tell the colored man be has no right to be on the street afternig btfall, and consequently he would not be knocked down and moles ted. Has no one the courage to tell that editor that he has no right to be in this city ? If there is not, we tell him now, that the colored man has as much right to walk on the street after dark as he has to publish his abominable, filthy and pestiferous, sheet, in this city. And a great deal more so. This city would get. along a great deal better without him and his subsidized editorials than it could without the colored man. The colored man is of some use to the community, but his “daily” does not ever afford a good piece of wrapping paper. 4th. His two positions—Position Ist: If you freedmen, conduct yourselves properly, you will have no occasion to use weapons. Ah ! what brilliant language! what sparkling power of diction! It is a strange rule, however that will not work both ways. Let us try his one. “If you, the editor conduct, yourself properly, you wdl have no occasion to use weapons." By attending to this, your own position i Mr. editor, you would not need to carry that portable armory, which lends rotun dity to your obese corporosity. Position 2d. “If on the other hand you do not intend to behave yourselves you ought not to be allowed to have wea pons. • lhat is your way Mr. editor; be pleased to read oz/'.s'. If on the other hand, you do not intend to behave yourself, you ought not to be allowed to have weapons. sth. But our Law Maker still further says: • “Freedom does not consist in your making disturbances; or in breaking laws; or in carrying concealed weapons; or in doing any thing that will not be tolerat ed by society.” We are of the opinion that an editor's freedom does not consist .in “making dis— turbaaces” among a community, by fos tering ill will in one party to another and all such editors had better shut shop, than continue doing so, nor does his freedmom allow him to “break the laws” of society, by hypocritical editorials and comments, when his past professions, are opposite of his present practice, nor is he allowed to “carry concealed wea pons” to the exclusion of all others, nor in doing nor saying anything that will not be tolerated by society. Editor, Not a bone. Finale. If the “renegade editor” will mind his own business and let other peo ple’s alone which in no way concerns him, the wheels of the world and especial ly oi this city will move all the quicker, being relieved of loads of garbage and putrid “bunkum” which are the off of his prolific brain. says: In the meantime we call upon our rea ders and patrons generally, to withdraw whatever support they may have given him, when he appeared in the garments of a “sheep” but who now throws his , disguise aside and stands in his natural ' dress of a “wolf,” Not long ago he was using his utmost endeavor to curry favor with the colored people and not a few patronized him b\ subscriptions and advertisements. He has now openly declared himself their enemy. them put no money ttl their enemies packets. SLAVERY OFFICIALLY AT XV END. N sexvard’s official. To all whom these presents may come greeting: • ’ Know ye, that, whereas the Congress of the United States on the Ist of Febru ary last passed a resolution submitting to the Legislatures of the several States a proposition to amend the constitution of the United States: Resolved, By the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, two thirds of both houses concurring, that the following article he proposed to the Legislatures of the sever.il States as an amendment to the constitution of the United States, which, when ratified by three fourths of said Legislatures, shall be valid to all intents and purposes as a part of said constitution, namely. Article 13—Section Neither slave ry nor involuntary servitude except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall ex ist within the Uniied States or any place svbject to their jurisdiction. Section 12.—Congress shall have pow er to enforce the article by appropriate legislation. And whereas it appears from official docurr.ents on file in this Department that the amendment to the constitution of the United States proposed as afore said has been ratified by the Legislatures of the States of Illinois, Rhode Island, Michigan, Maryland, New York, West Virginia, Maine, Kansas, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Virginia, Ohio, Missouri, Nevada, Indiana, Louisiana, Minnesota, Wisconsin, Vermont, Tennessee, Arkan sas, Connecticut, New Hampshire,South Carolina, Alabama, North Caroliia and Georgia, in all twenty-seven States And whereas the whole nuioer of States in the United States is thitysix. And whereas the before spec'al; nam ed States, whose Legislatures hav ratifi. ed the said proposed amendment,musti tnte three-fourths of the whole umber of States in the United States; Now, therefore, be it known, hat I, Win. IT. Seward, Secretary of Sate of the United Slates, by virtue in puauance of the second section of the act f Con gress, approved the 20th of April, 1818, entitled “ An act to provide for th pub lication of the laws of the United States, and for other purposes,” do hereby lertify that the amendment aforesaid has lecoine valid to all intents and purposes asi part of tiie constitution of the United Sates, i In testimoney whereof I ha ve he:euiito set my hand and caused the seal if the Department of State to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington thi ; 18th day of December, in the year of our Lord, 1865, and of the iudepenlence of the United States of America the 90th. Wm. H. Seward, Secretary .of Staty. A lady of culture, refinement, and unusual powers of observation com parison, became a widow. Reduced from affluence to poverty, with a large family of small children dependent on her man ual labor for daily food, she made a varie ty of experiments to ascertain what article could be purchased for the least money, and would at the same time ‘go the furthest,’ by keeping her children longest from crying for something to eat. She soon discovered that when they ate buckwheat cakes and molasses they were quiet for a longer time than after eating any other kind of food. rairans’s Gon w fit®. TO THE FRIENDS OF EQUAL JUSTICE IN GEORGIA. You are invited to send Delegates to a Convention to tie held in the city of Augusta, on Wednesday, the 10th day of January next. Believing that the time has come when we should consult together, and that iin* portant questions demand our immediate attention. We feel that it is important that the friends from every part of the State meet, and carefully consider the present state of affairs. We are living in an important era in the history of the world. A large num* her of our citizens were, but a few months since, held in bondage; now, that they are freemen thej'”" ar ® entitled to all the rights of citizenship. How to secure those rights is the important question. We appeal to the nobler feelings of those in authority asking them to deal justly by all the citrons of the State. With this spirit let us assemble and show to the world that the friends of equal jus tice, are, also, the fiends of law. Counties that have large cities in them are invited to send five delegates, and those that have small towns are invited to send three, by the request of Mani Crrizejis, •