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% Mmnii.j 1 -I-!■—awsBJj* loteadcd ro be sonified, rut only the other de pendencies of Great Britain, but tlio 'Mother Country itself,’ The undersigned, nt the sumo time, begs that it may not be supposed that tliu British Government withheld from the Government of the United Slates coininiitiication of the act of Parliament of 1823, from any notion of reta liation for the omission of the Government of the United Stales to fomminiicute to that of li.s Majesty the net of Congress of 1828. lie refers to that instance of ommission on the part of thu American Government only in proof: First, That the ordinary and natural course between States, is not to make diplomatic com munications of the acts of the respective leg's* la'll res; and secondly, that no inference could be drawn from sucli an omission on the one side, any morn than- on the other, of (what the un dersigned disclaims for his Government) an in tention d want of courtesy or respect. But site act of 1825 did not relate specially to the United States. It held eut to all na tions of tho world certain benefits, (or what were believed lay the British Government to be so,) on certain conditions If a communication of tho act had been made to one nation, it must have been made a- l.ke to till. Such communication would have been liable to different misrepresentations Soma Governments might have considered it as a soli :itat:oii to which they wera.btmnT in courtesy io give soma answer, explaining their reasons for deciding (if they did decline,) .to avail themselves tif the provisions of >ha act: Olliers might perhaps have taken umbrage at it, as r-n authoritative pretension to impose the 1«- gixlaiou of this country upon o her nations. Tho siinplesi course was to allow tho provi sions'of the act to find their way to general knowledge through thu usual channels of cum- luurcial information The undersigned has no reason to apprehend that this course Ins proved less effectual on the present than on dormer occasions. Tho condition* of tho act of 1825 have been accepted .ind c.trne l into effect bv some Gov ernments: lint* of tho United Sires has not thought it expedient to take advantage of them Bui the undersigned cannot but he still of opi« n on, that tho resolution proposed in tho House ,t»f Representatives, at Washington, at 'lie be • pinning of the las’ session of Congress, for the • express purpose of urging iho Executive Gov ernment of the Unite,! S'atos to come into tho term i of the act of 1825, the debates which took place upon that proposition, and the fin d rejection of it by a majority of only two votes, snow that it was not for want of a sufficient un dcrstnndiog of the intent of the act of Parlia ment, that the conditions of it were not accept' cd by the Un tod States. To one piece of evidence, which proves tho perfect understanding in America, not only of the purport and provisions of the act of Parlia- ' meat of 1825, hut of tho conditions which it would bo rcqtvsiio for the American Legisla ture to perform in order to entitle tho United States to iho benefit of that Act, tho undersign ed migh' have scrupled to refer, (as not being of the. nature of a diplomatic document,) if Mr. Gallatin had not encouraged. him to bring for ward any document tending to tltrottlight on the matter in dispmo, liy citing, in support of his own view of that matter, a private letter from Mr. Clayton Member of Congress. Early in the session of C Digress of 1825-26, n petition from B dtimorc wis presented to both Houses of the American Legislature, in which petition it was distinctly pointed out that flic British act of Parliament of July, 1825, had not only manifested iho readiness of this country to. remove .ill discrimmating dunes, hut also to per rift American ships to clear out from Bri' tisli Colonies, not, as theretofore, to the ports of the United States only, but to all parts of the world, (tho United Kingdom and its de pendencies alone excepted.) Tho petition, with equal distinctness, ir.vit ed the attention of the American Legislature to the conditions’on which these advantages might bo secured to tho United States,, and prayed lb* the removal of the several restric tions imposed by tho American act of 1823, sot of the discrimmating duties only, hut of the prohibition of what is called by Mr. Galla tin ‘die circuitous intercourse n British ships:’ the petitioners expressly submitting to Con gress the propriety t>f admitting Brifsb ves sels, from whattver ports, on the same terms as tho vessels of the must favored Nations. It appears from iho reports of the proceed^ ings of Congress, that it was against tho pray er of this petition (but without impeachment of any "f its allegations) that the decision of the American Legislature, at-the closo of tho ses sion, w is tnken; it cannot be doubted, there' fore, that the Amcr can Legislature had the whole purport and buaring of the. act of 1825 full before their eyes. The fact that some of the British authorities abroad, took upon thcinsclvos' to suspend the execution of the act of 1825, towards tho Unit ed States, is undented. But the ouly effect of this suspension was— tho continuance of tho benefits of the then ex isting state of things to the United States, for neatly n twelvemonth longer than they would otherwise have enjoyed it. That continuance was permitted by the Bri tisli Government, rnainlv in consideration of tho then pendency, in tho Legislature of the United Slates, of the Resolution herein before mentioned, for conforming to tho conditions of • tho act of 1825. Immediately upon tho receipt of authentic intelligence of theso proceedings at Washing ton, an instruction was soul out to Mr. Vtiugh* on, grounded on the belief of the British Gov ernment, that Congress would not separate without adopting the Resolution then under their.consideration.—-In that case, and upon rcceiv.ng nn assurance front tho American Go vernment that tho restrictions and charges on B" tish shipping, and British colonial produce, would bo withdrawn by the Unite.! States, Mr. V m.dnn was authorized to deliver a note to tho American Secretary of State',, declaring— ,th it the discrimpi tting duties, imposeduponA- ' their cargoes in the West In- was actually in possession of this instruction when tho resolution, on the assumed adoption of which the ins. ruction to Mr. Vaughan had been founded, was rejected. It was no part of Mr. Vaughan’s duty to make any communica tion upon tho subject to tho American Govern ment before tho result of the discussion was ascertained. After that result (wholly unex pected in this country,) any such communica tion would have been not only useless, but | might, perhaps, have been considered as an improper appeal against the formal decision ol the American Legislature. That Mr. Vaughan should not afterwards have been authorised.to enter into any discus sion of tho provisions of the act of 1825, “so late ns October last," is not surprising, when it is considered that Mr. Vaughan, immediately after the clo3o of the session of Congress, in structed to announce the intention of his Majes ty’s Government to pass the Order in Council of July (consequent upon tho decision of the American Legislature,) by which the terms of tho act of 1825 were virtually declined. Mr. Gallatin accounts for the rejection of tho resolution proposed to the American Legis lature, by tho parsuasion, which, lie says, tho Government of the United Slates entertained, that the Negotiation on the subject of the Com inercial Intercourse between the United S'ates and the British West India Colonies would be renewed. The undersigned is at a loss to understand on what ground it was assumed at Wishington, that there would be, at all times, an unabated disposition on (lie part of the British G were- mont to make tho trade of its West India colo nies'tho subject of diplomttic arrangement.. Repeated negotiation had failed to produce tiny material approximation of opinions-upon that subject. ' The Iasi attempt at an adjustment had been made, with an evident convict.on on both sides, that tlicro existed between them an unconquer able difference of principle: and that it was by that difference, rather than by any decided ir- reconciloubloness of interests, that a satisfaC' torv arrangement was rendered hopeless. The nature of that difference has been suffi eieirly discussed; it lies in the determination of the United States to dispute, and in that of Groat Britain to maintain, the established dis tinction between general and colonial trade. Great Britain had, therefore, an obvious mo tive for doing thenceforward whatever she might think it right to do, in relaxation of her colonial system, rather by the instrumentality of her own legislature than l>y compact with a state with which she disagreed in opinion, as to the principles of colonial trade, so widely that it would have been impossible to construct a preamble to n treaty on that subject, in enun ciations of which the two contracting parties should have concurred. But there was yet another reason for avoid ing further negotiations upon the subject. Hitherto, when the trade-With the British Wist India colonies had beer, opened at all, it had been opened chiefly, though not exclusive ly to tho United States. To no other country had it been opened by specific and positive convention. But a lime had now arrived, when, from mo tives of general polity, Great Britain thought it advisable to allow access to her colonies to all foreign powors, without exception, on condi tions tendered alike to all. Such indiscriminate opening could only be effected by some process common to all those who wore permitted or invited to take advan tage of it; impartiality was thus maintained to wards all parties, and the power of control over her own colonies was, tit the sumo time, retain ed in the hands of the mother country. The undersigned believes that he has now touched on every topic in the last note address ed to him by Mr. Gallatin, to which he had not had occcasion to advert in former stages of their correspondence. Ho will not allow hint- self to be again drawn into a discussion-of to pics already more than sufficiently debated. The undei signed trusts that it is unnecessa ry for him, in concluding this note, to reiurn to Mr. Gallatin’s assurances of the friendly dis position of the United Statos of America, as surances equally sincere, that there is tho most cordial desire on the part of Great Britain, to cultivate the friendship of the United States. Tho ties of common origin, laws and laa tween the two kindred nations. The undersigned has tho honor, &c. GEORGE CANNING. Albert Gallatin, Esq. fyc. CONGRESSIONAL. UNITED STATES AND GEORGIA. guage, must always form strong bonds of,nation al alliance between them. Thoir respective interests, well understood, harmonize together us much as their feelings. But it has never yet been held a duty of in ternational amity, (any more than of friendship in private lifo,) to submit to unequal compacts. Nor has it ever been held an offence against such duty that a nation, (any more than un in dividual,) should decline to muko such uncom- pensnted sacrifices. Between two nations, as between two indi viduals, most friendly to each other, there may somotimes happen, unfortunately, to exist some known subject of incurable difference of opin ion. In any such case it is perhaps most ad visable to keep that subject as much as pussi- hie out of sight, and to take care that it shall not interfere with the ienor of thoir gcnorol in tercourse,' and of their habitual relations. The refusal to regulate the trade of our co- lonios by u commercial treaty, which the Bri tish government may think (even if erroneous ly) disadvantageous to its interests, ennnot give just cause of offence to any power whatever. In the present instance, the undersigned is most happy to bo ablo to qualify such refusal with the declaration, that it is not in any de gree dictated by sentiments cither unfriendly or disrespectful to the United States, or by any indifference to the amicable adjustment of all oilier questions nt present pendjng between them and Groat Britain. Of lltcso questions, ono has been already happily arranged sinco Mr. Gallatin’s arrival in this country. Tho undersigned looks forward with confi dence, dp less than with anxiety, to such an arrangement of the remainder, as, effacing all traces of past discussions, and sat isfying all fair and reasonable pretensions on both sides, may fc ■dNBeaS’S v«£> HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. March 3, 1827. Mr. Everett, of Mass, from the select commit tee to whom were referred the messages of the President of the U. Statos on the subject oftlie Creek Treaties, having made a report as here tofore published at large, and stated *thc unwil lingness of the Committee to enter into a dis cussion of the subject unless compelled to do so, moved that the report and accompanying docu ments be printed. Mr. Forsyth of Georgia, objected to the printing; and made a long speech on the occa sion, tbe object of which, as usual, it is difficult to come at. Ho was followed by Mr. Whittlesey of Ohio, (a member of the select committee,) tvhn said, the gentleman front Georgia, (Mr. Forsyth,) complains that there is not time, before the close of this Con gress, to discuss the report of the Committee between the State of Georgia and the United States,‘and seems to insinuate that tho report has been delayed to this late period to prevent in investigatiaii of the subject before this House. If it had been presented and referred to a com mittee at an earlier period (whose duly it is to report) tlie gentleman would not have had an occasion ;o complain of the want of time to pre sent tlio case in its true light before tho na tion. Since the committee was raised tho time of each individual composing it has been most assiduously engaged, by night and by day, in examining the important questions submitted, and tho voluminous documents which the gen tleman himself had referred and which the committee called for, from the Department of War, This morning was the eaiTivst moment a report could have been presented doing jus tice to the case, bv viewing die whole field of controversy. If fault is attributable anv where it is not to tho committee, wich has attempted to discharge its duty promptly, impartially, and fearlessly. As to tho time when the report and resolutions shall he discussed; the comm i( - tee leaves that to the House to determine. Wo arc willing to devote tho few moments which remain before the expiration of Congress, to sustain the report if it is the pleasure of tho House to pursue this course, or wo are willing that the report should be laid on tho table, and that it with the accompanying documents should be printed. The gentleman, however, objects to print ing the papers, because no legislation cqn be perfbetedduring tho present session, in matters to which thov refer, and because the testimony was taken ex-narte and unknown to the House, and because the witnesses were not sworn hv competent authority, nor entitled to credit. It : s ttnlookcd for, that Georgia by her Repre sentative, should object to have tho whole case, and the evidence on which it rests presented to tho nation. , Sho has appealed to the nation at large, and to each individual state, to pass judgement between her and the United States; and does she calculate that an impartial judge ment will be rendered on the hearing of one side Of-tho case? Having courted the investi gation, having presen’ed her charges, is it con sistent with her magnanimity to exclude the e- vidcnce produced on tho part of the defence?— Sho will be mistaken, if sho expects by such means to inculpate the General Government. The triers are too imell gent not to discover the difference between the whole and a part of tho testimony, and they are too impartial to form an opinion when the whole caso is not before them. It is not novel in the history of legislation to have documents printed, when no imme diate act of legislation is expected, hut in this instance, .Georgia has appealed to tho States as sovereignties, and to tho People at largo, to sustain Iter in the course she has taken in the measures sho has adopted, and part of the evi dence, at least, is with us', and it is our bounden duty to make it public oven if no farther legis lation is contemplated here. But, it is said, that tho House (loos not know win; is contained in the documents and there fore they pught uot to bo published. They have, however, undergone the careful and di ligent examination of the committee to which they were referred, and what more is done in any case? The report of tho committee is,rin part, based on them, and tho priming of them is thorefoto necessary, otherwise it cannot be known whether the committee has fairly stntod them or not. During the sossion tho gentle man presented tho resolutions passed by the Le gislature of Georgia, had them referred to tho committeo of the whole on tho state of Union, and obtained an ordor to lmve thorn printed together with the accompanying docu ments, without any membcr'of tho House hav ing an opportunity to bccomo acquainted with their contents. They form a voliimo of four hundred and sevonty-fivo pages, and are those to which the committeo refer thoir report. It is truo that tho Georgia commissioners were excluded from forming a part of the board constituted hy tho President, to investigate the circumstances attending tho formation of tho treaty of tho Indian Springs, and tho conduct of the Indiatv Agent; but they were invited to be present, and were .assured that all rea sonable indulgence should be granted to them, in the cross examination of the witnesses. If the testimony was therefore taken ex parte the fault is not to bo traced to the Agents acting on behalf of tho United States. No notice whatever was given to tho Indian Agent nor to tho Agents on behalf of the United States of the time when, and the place where depositions on behalf of Georgia tvero to be taken, and yet the gentleman has had tho depositions so taken printed by the orderof this House, and this too before they were examined by a corainmittee or their contents known. Whether the depositions were taken before a legally authorized magistrate, I know not, nor can that question bo investigated on a mo tion to print. As to tho credibility of tho wit nesses, we cannot inquire at this time, nor on this motion; the House will wish to know who are n*s;tiled, and what they testify to. It will wish an opportunity to compare the different depositions with each other, and with facts and circumstances admitted to he true, or clearly proven hy witnesses who staud unimpeached, and by this mode either support or destroy the testimony. The gentleman surely did not intend that his observations should apply to all the witnesses, as a part of them were members of the'Georgia Legislature, and said to be gentlemen of res pectability. It hud been said that some of the depositions MA€OSr A\onda>j, ‘28, 1821. “ Our Country—Our whole Country." The pitiful shifts to which faction is driven to n. tain its tottering influence, merits nothing tut Wntf When falsehood and scandal ore the metn, to by a party for its success, its cause must be d ^ rate indeed, t Among other ridiculousthingsurged hy the. Werewrittcn'by^theAttmdeyofthelndiup A- j td Republicans, to help their cause, and inj ure lt '| gent, Colonel Crowell, and therefore they ; lection of Col. Campbell, tbe stoy of c ea . C! I ought not to be printed, and that they would not turning Trouper, and being opposed to his jn*tn„j I bo received in any court of justice. The fact; mbs malicious asltisfalso. So farfrom this Win, J was not known to the committee, nor do I con- i 'act, the contrary can bncttAbliibed. It was sider it of any importance. There was no suit measure owing to Gen. Clark’s Influence that C„ pending, in which these depositions were to be I bell was nominated. This we know and challi used, and the person who wrote them could on- j contradiction.' ly have acted as agent, and not in his official j The contemptible fabrication here alluded to, capacity. They were taken in the presence ginated we believe in the Columbian ,1 of General Gaines, and Major Andrews, the j defunct,) a spurious bantling ol a certain esJufal special agent, and in many instances of other j who bad laid hold of the press as the real lever ofj^l persons, who have attested to the accuracy with j chimedes, expecting thereby to move the world ui' which they were taken. It has been said by j controul its destinies. But, as often happen,, win,. L another gentleman, (Mr. Haynes,) that there i proper hold is not obtained, his levergavevny, M . 1 is a chasm in tho testimony, that all the dopo-j set his dreams. His talents as a writer being nobijl sitions have not beet) obtained from tho War’ appreciated than his impartiality as a mtgi&ate, t Office; and leaves tho inferences to be drawn, paper ex pired fiom atrophy, and its fatuotu tmii that a part of them have been suppressed from tor , unk in to obsclirity. The above falsehood some improper motives. The Committee re- , one of the last it uttered: so it maybe said to hare sJ quested dm Secretary of War to send all the | cn up the ghost with a liv on Us tongue. Thetis,I Documents in Ins Department relating to this i who penncd ^ and tUc prir , ter who *1 subject, and the high standing of that officer for U u erance knew it was false; and all who read itkr - st.-ict integrity, leaves no room to suspect they ’ were not all sent. It was believed by the committee that the first chasm mentioned by the gentleman from M issacltuscetts, (Mv. E verilt,) was supplied hy it,to be false; yet It is bandied from' mouth to moQ j and from press to press, as an important item of histotj I The public are referred to the advZrtisementofC.I B. Lamar, Esq. President of the Macon Bonk,fornl the printed Documents; and it does not appear i r;U ; rc refutation of the reports in circulation to thek.1 r..... nf (tin ipinors , «hn niinl IHr< lint * from any of the papers that tho numbers last mentioned by the same gentleman, were of an importance, (and they arc not alluded tooltip in the report of General Gaines or that of Ma jor Andrews,) or that they were ever reported to tho War Office. If it is really the desire of gen lenten to have a fair and impartial investigation of tho impor tant questions involved in this controversy it .s not perceived whyob ections are in’erposed to the motion to print tho report and the testimo ny which accompanies it. During tho last session of the Legislature, the Committee on Printing, notified the differ ent printers of M.lledgevile, that they would, on a given day, receive proposals for the print ing the laws and journals of that session, and thai tho work would be given to him who would do it on terras most advantageous to tho state. Proposals were accordingly given in; one set of proposals oflered to do the work for eight mills per sheet, and tendered good security.— Messrs. Camack & Ragland proposed to<do the work for one cent per sheet. After much rig*, glingatid twisting the Committee, a majority of whom were Troupers, agreed to accept Messrs. Camack & Ragland’s proposal;—rdthough they were not the lowest—because they were politi cal favorites; and rejected the lowest terms, because they came from printers who did not support Troup. Thus turning their official station into ait engine to corrupt and bribe the independency of the press. To hush the clamors of the house, however, the Committee made the following specious re port upon the subject, viz: “They haveatgreed to receive the proposals of Messrs. Camack & Ragland, at one cen' per sheet, of eight octavo pages, the laws to he printed in three weeks after the close of the session, aud the Journals in six weeks." Thus makjng the promptness of thoir de spatch, the pretended condition of their prefer ence over a lower bid. Now wo have to ask his excellency the Gov ernor, or whoever else may have the superin tendence of this afftir, and tho custody of Mr. Camack’s bond, whether tho laws wtre printed in three weeks after the close of the session; or indeed whether they were ready for delivery in threo months, from that time, and whether tho journals, instead of being printed in six weeks, wore not still in the press on (ho middle of iUiy. This is one of the ways in which the radical printers are bribed to do the work of their inns tors; and in which tho people aro tricked out of their money by a corrupt aristocracy.—Pw triot. From Niles’ Register. Wo have often assorted that a great change was going on in tho south, in regard to tho po licy of encouraging domestic manufactures; we have expressed our belief that tho time would como speedily (if it even has not ai.iieady arrived,) when the tariff would more benefit the cotton growers than the cotton spinners —wo have ventured nn opinion, that our south ern fellow citizens would receivo instructions from experience, os our eastern brethren have received it. Tho latter were, a very short time sinco, nearly ns much opposed to a pro tective tariff as the former. The ono thought jt would injure tho commercial interest, the other that it would ruin tho planting.* The ono has seon that it increased tho commerce of tho United States, and has completely changed sides—the other is beginning to seo that it mightily increases the profits of the planters of die United States, and they will, also, be friends of the “American system." Of thisivc do not entertain the slightest doubt. We veri ly believe that cotton would boar at least one cent less per pound, at present, than it ob tains, except for the domestic manufacture of tho article. Calcttlate this on the whole quan tity produced, and put it down as affecting the present trice of.this great staplo of the south! • It is not In our nature to wish tho prosperity ofn- ny one of the great interests of the people of the Uni t- ed States at tho cost of another, and we totally reject the idea that such a result is necessary—we say boldly, and defy contradiction—that it has not resulted from the tariff to any class of persons, in this union, however small, except those who have immei/ia/e/y dcncnded on the sale of British goods; and it is perfectly evident, if the tariff was not, that the business of cotton plant ing, ted as It is just now, would be a great As? worse —perhaps 25 per cent/less productive ofproj jury of this instiutibn. Sloops and Schooners Ahoy! It is stated in Nike I Register, in an article giving the amount ofcottosni c cived at Darien, that three schooners and ion run I sloops, with full cargoes, hud arrived there fromShJ coil end 51illcdgevjlje! This it a mistake. Schooa.1 era nor sloops dp jiot navigate the Alatomaba ahoTtl Darien—from thence to Macon and AliUedgevfllsI heavy articles are transported by pole boats, iijkl goods ore generally conveyed to these toWMintufl goiis from Savannah Or Augusta. /fives Look out! A man by the name of Forkei was lately tri> d ui Warren Superior court, N. C.la whipping his wife, and acquitted! The Rep stales, that Judge Kuflin [what better could be tip cd from a rnjjhin?'] laid it dowd as the lair, thank husband has a right to inflict modulate punishmento his wile! H'o ktibw a learned Judge in Knglnaddt| cided that the husband had this right, provided then struuicnt of correcti^jpdid not exceed the thick seif his thumb! but did not know belore that this deciiw had advocates iu this' country. As the above becomes notorious, we'fear the opinion wilibtct: unpopular, t “That he who lays his hand on woman Save in ihe way ol kindness, Is a wretch, whom ’tw etc base flattery To call a coward." . " /loti lo gtt Satisfaction. A woman in Netr Toil w e are told, whose husband bud been exercisis{ t prerogative in the above /,'i/^in-liko manner, find: him fait asleep, sewed him up in the bed clalhci,ut| in thut situation thrashed him soundly. To Correspondents. “THE LIME SINK; ATAU'| —is received, aud under consideration. "5fn. A. S. Cato in’s /feebly Messenger.” Ftontlil excellent paper, publish 'd at Washington Cny,(«M which we recommend particularly to thepatronijcdl our lemale friends,) we make the following estiuu "The improving, tender and gallant bearing oil 1 * I prescnt age towards our sex, is u glorious ptiviligI which we enjoy, and 'which we canuot too hi Ago I tiinate. It is uot only displayed iu the polished whs I ty oi the Saloon, and in thu endearing circle oI coksI tic intercourse, but' like the borealis streamer, <n ti»| cold, repulsive uud silent regions, of eternal »ne».s,»l kies round our un'skihulncss, and sustains, by tkorl fidciice it bestows, our benighted te itsteps evrskMl circle of scientific competition, whera the abdiutnal of the student, Ind the inestimable value oitbrpAl might well afford ample reasons for an indiflercsec, < I not a coldness, of deportmont towards us." | Persons disposed to encourage the above *<A| which possesses literary merit beyoud the comm 0Bl ^| der of similar peblieations, will have an opporUsif examining specimens ofit at this office. To the Editor of the Macon Telegraph. ’ "Let no suck man be trusted." For he - — “Is fit for treasons,.stratagems and «P°“ ! To tho man of observation und discerns it must bo apparent that an unprincipled dangerous faction exists in this statu; a W®" as regardless of the Republican priuciplcsolc- Governmcnt, as ihejr aro of the means 1 make use of to accomplish thoir unM' 0 ** purposes. The loaders of this faction, whom John Forsyth is numbered, havelaWf ed hard to break down the plain dgfiniti ve r“! marks of political virtue, and so effectual!) w™ they succeeded, in their own cstimat-oo, _ i they are foign to boliovo the people can n0 "j ger discriminate between political virtu° political vice. Such an innordiate thirst off 10 er—such a corrupting love of populan taken its vaiupyru hold on tho mind o! vTl Forsyth, that holms lost sight of event co ration, but that of Ills own personal au mont. Intrigue and duplicity have so his "work, his strange work/’ that. como' uot only treacherous to private * •. but recreant to public confidence. With let mo ask, is he associated in thA unprintP faction?—With FEDERALISTS!— j those men, who, dnnii.r the l-tst war, w' 1 ' I denvoring to paralizo thc energies ol the T J ral government, in their glorious vindicate our national character against , ; l agression. It is not to bo forgotten tha “ ^1 period of darkness and almost of ikT 1 ''J Federal party SWORE “they SOLVE THE UNION—PEACEABLY IF Tl' 1 " —lORCl.H.V IT, THEY MIST.” 1 I" 1 ' 0 . vivid ii.ridli.'Clioli, that while thoiism ’' .'J ...a> i rcntW' ll suffering want and privation orf the tenb the Federalists wore heaping upon 4 tbc®