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17© 'jut*?** -|n Uio newspapers; anJ yot M.. Clay at tli s late period, professes to bo rejo ceJ, that *‘a specific accusation, by a responsible accuser, Ins at length appeared.” Certainly mote than two years ago, e:i accuser respectable, and mi accusation spec die, were hoth before him— were before within his reach, mid might Jrtvo been met, had ho bocn.nt all disposed to tho in terview, or rejoiced nt tho prospect of mooting mi accuser,', IIad Mr, M’Diiflie believed the charge groundless anJ untrue, he is a man ol too nigh sense of honor to h ive passed upon tho consideration of tho committee an instruc tion frothed in the pointed phraseology that this is; nor can it lie inferred, that iu a matter so serious, the friends of Mr. Clay would have voted against extending this asked for power to tho Committee. An innocent man befote an impartial tribunal fears not to meet the exer cise of any power that competent authority, gives; and far loss should Ito distrust that exer cise,when in the hands of correct and honorable men. Innocence never seeks for safely through co ven ways and hidden ambuscades; she lights by day and in tlio.opon plain, and proud in iter own strength, meets her enemy fearlessly. In the proposition submitted by Mr, M‘ Dnffto, there principle of honor and lioncs y binds a man, i lowphy” that were to shrink before the “long . lien called upon, to prove or withdraw any | estahlwhed opinion* ol ihe elder Adams! assertion that lie has made. the hue and cry which lias lately hnen raise iu the Siate, mid handled about for sinister motives, by a few disappointed office hunters, and a few pretended polit.clans, wiia, under the garb and sanctified name of Republican, con ceal tho most pernicious political principles”— “that Mr. Forsyth was a Federalist in t-mes past'/—and ho might hive added, in times pre sent, also. But, to continue, he says, “those most conspicuous in tho dissemination of (ho charge above alluded to, are themselves to all intents and purposes, Federalists of the eld school—black cocka<le3 to the hone. Being Federalists, as I shall bo able In prove, [then why not tie so] how can they oppose Mr. For syth lor principles which ii would appear ac cord wifn their own," &c.—“They advocate internal improvements, exclusively under tho patronage of tlio federal government; they ad vocate the abominable doctrine that the presi- lont can cat ingle the country with foreign nl- ‘Long established opinion's”! and what is IIAC0S, Tuesday, August‘2\, t&2,". “ Our Country—-Our whale Country." was- nothing to alarm, nothing that innocence J lienees; they advocate dii exclusive protection should have doubted about; it was neither more noi less, than a call of tho attention of the committee to particul r enquiries, with an application for powor to ferret out tho truth, through an appeal to tho oath of tlioso who might be called upon to depute before them. Without documents, an i unacquainted with tlio numhorof Mr. Clay’s friends iu the House, l cannot assert that they wore m opposition to Mr, M'Duflie’s resolution. Vet it is obvious, that tho influence lie possessed would have been amply sufficient to produce a different re sult, had Mr. Clay been at nil desirous that a different one should liaito been produced.—■ Tho resolution contained str< ng imptitn*’ tions, one! serious charges—Mr.-Clay and his friends wete both implicated. Can it he pre sumed, under such a stato'of general-exeke- meuf, that ifJMr. Cl.ay desired if, he could not liuvo found, present and at hand, so,mo friend to ask in his behalf, that the resolution should ho adopted, and full powers extended to tho committed And moreover, can it he thought, that such an indulgence, if desired by Mr. Clay, or any of Ills liicnds, could or 'wild but been denied? And yet, it was denied, inasmuch as the resolution was rejected, anil the power asked for, refused to the committee. A soli- eitudo to find “a specific accusation, by a re sponsible accuser,'” could not have been so seri ously entertained then, ns it is earnestly express ed now, or else so excellent an opportunity be ing afforded to encounter both, both could not have been so carelessly regarded—so contemn ed, and so thrown away. A^controversy with too can no more disclose or”render apparent Mr. Clay’s innocence, than could tho contro versy placed wiihin his roach two and a half yours ago; nnd yot, whilo the out) was avoided, or at any rate not embraced with a zs tl corres ponding with the necessity of tho occasion, at the prospects presented by the other, exceeding joy seems to be manifested. Then, as now, a specific accusation, was before him. . One further remark and I am clone, with a hope that, on this subject, 1 may not lie under any necessity of again appearing in the nowspa- pops. In saying what l hive, all the circum stances considered, I have felt it was duo to tpyself, and to the public. .My wish would have been, to avoid having any thing to say or do in til's matter, from nn apprehension well conceiv ed, that persons will not bo wanting who may charge what ever is done, to a desire to affect others, and benefit myself. My own feelings, though, nro of higher importance and vuluo to me, than tho opinion of those who impose cen sure whoro it is believed not to bo deserved. 1 have been actuated by no such design, nor governed by any such conshloration. Tho o- rigin—tho beginning of this matter, was at my own house and firosido, where surely a jrec- tn m may bo permitted to speak on public to< pics without having ascribed to him improper designs. I have not gone into the highways and market places, to proclaim my opinions, and in this, fool that I have differed from sumo, who, evon at ’ffiiblic dinner tables, have not scrupled to consider me as a legitimate sulijoct for a speech, and the entertainment of tho com- pnny. Yet, for this, who has heard me complaint No one. .Trusting to the justice of an intelli gent people, I have been content to rely for sorority on their decision, against tho countless assaults and slandors, which so repeatedly arc (ought to bo palmed upon thorn, without scek- Ine to present myself in my own defence, nnd Still less, to beconjo “the responsible accuser” of Mi;. Clay or any other norson. v. ANDREW JACKSON. Hermitago, July ISili, 1827. CHAItfELEONISDI. ■From tic 'Augusta Chronicle. An article appeared in tho Courier of tho ‘ 19th inst. under tho signature of “A.ratus,” which wo but briefly noticed at that time, un der the hope, which wo thou expressed, that a sense of justice would induce the author, upon reflection, to correct, the misrepresentations contained in it;, but, as ho has not thought pro per to do so, wo shall now tako tlio liberty of doing it ourselves. It is made up of about thir ty or forty positive assertions, totally destitute of truth, and brought forward without tho. least shadow of argument to support them. A few of tho most prominent of theso wo shall copy only, merely to show their absurdity; as tho principal object of the pieco is to assert that Mr. Forsyth is a Republican/ and that his op ponents are Federalists! tvo shall confine our selves particularly, for the present, to this point of die subject. And hero lot it be recollected, that the onus prolandi rests properly upon the author of the charges, who has been called up on for. proof in the strongest terms; but, slun- dcrer-like, be has meanly shrunk, under tho cover of an anonymous name,’from tho support or retraction of them. This, of itself, i s .suffi cient to satisfy every unprejudiced mind, that he himself is awaro of thotr falsity; for ovory of tho m.umfacturos, to tlio detriment of the agricultural afforest; they advocate tho en croachments of (he federal upon tlio state govorumots” &c. Sec. Now wool 1 it have been believed that there was an individual so grossly hardened npd so lost to decency and truth, as to !i ivo made assertions such as these, an I for which he mast know tint it is not pos sible to produce tlio least shadow of evidence? And again, he stys, “hut, sav they, Mr. For syth was a federalist. When? Was it during old Mr. Adams’ administration? By tho im prudence, mini tile, and English partiality of tim President, tho country became involved in difficulties with Franc?. Tito democrats, pa triots to tho bone, condemned tha administra tion; hut they did not desert the country iu danger.”—“They said to tho government, the country is in danger, wo n il support yo t, hut when til’s danger is past, wo shall endeavor to elect a Presideut wo like better win. will di rect tlio destinies of the Roptib' c to better pur poses. Thus the democrats of .hose d-iys act ed; [this is trite] thus Mr. Forsyth acted.” [But this is nut true, as we shall pr-scnily show, and in this will appear distinctly, the broad lino of demarcation which existed between Mr. For syth nnd “tlio democrats of those days.”] A- gain, “Mr. l'oisydi was elected to Congress in 1812. His enemies cannot point oat one sin gle act of Iris public life, since that time to this day, which scented of federalism.” [Well, truly, this is very decisive—bnt tvo will look into the truth of it presently.] And then, af ter a [limiting him very profusely with the “oil of fool” as__ Peter Pindar significantly culls it, he says, in compliment to his opponents: “such a man I am hold to say [ves quite bold enough, in till conscience] cannot he supported for the " st magistracy of the State, by the political hypocrites of the day—by federal wolves, whom hunger far the crumbs of tho liyrantine Pa lace, loads to pounce upon tho fair fame of vir tuous and distinguished citizens, that by their destruction, they may gratify their ravenous appetite for wealth and power.” Any com mentary upon such languago as this, directed against at least ono half of the good citizens of his Stain, would bo worse than useless; it car ies its turn character npofl the face of it, and wo shall therefore Ioavo it wholly to tho honest ndignation anil ineffilbio contempt of those who ure traduced by it. And nmv for die federalism of Mr. Forsyth, which is so positively denied by this stanch friend of his; and when ho fiuds.il- glaring him so fully and unequivocally in tho ficc, we hope it may act ns an intructivo los3on, to teach him more caution in tho display of his asser tions, nnd if tho words, “huo nnd cry of Feder alism,” were applied to us, that wo arc not in tho hubit of making charges of any kind, which wo arc not prepared to prove.” It Ir s boon seen by the preceding remarks of‘Aratus,* that ho declares Mr. Forsyth was not friendly to tho administration of tlio elder Adams; that all tho support he yielded it, was to give it efficien cy agiaust a foreign enemy, and that when the country was out of danger he opposed it and gave his support to another—Thomas Jeffer son: for it was him and his principles that were opposod to Mr. Adams. Now, how docs this agree with tho facts, which we are prepared to shew, that Mr. Forsyth opposed the adminis tration of Mr. Jefferson, nnd evinced his pre ference of Me. Adums and his principles long after ho had been turnod out of office.. Mr. Jefferson was elected, in opposition to Mr. Adams, in 1801, and on the third of July, 1802, Mr. Forsyth delivered an Oration in this city, from which tlio following passages are extract ed, and which prove beyond contradiction, tho state of his political feelings at that time. . “The present administration of our general govern' went, commenced Its career undertbo most favorable circumstances for tho destruction nf the spirit of party. Uinordinately its lending principles have served to render it still more rancorous. On the measures of that administration, I forbear to observe; the experi ence of a few years will more forcibly evince its im perfections and its follies, than the most pointed lan guage of individual censure.”, in* L e re '^ n Political delusion is paslng awa; like the storms and commotions of the natural worti try wltere every blessing is iu its infancy, and where all it* glories and sublime institutions were raised upon tlio ruins of “long established opinions.” Here '.vo have none such, and tho bigots and aristocrats who worship them niust go seek their idols in the dungeons of the Holy Inquisition, upon tlio crumbling thrones of the Holy Alliance, and upon the manacled limbs and subservient minds of European slaves. Hero wo are Frcbmbn!—and not only in name, hat in thoughts, in words, and in deeds—and it is our proudest glory and our highest hap piness to have burst through tho miserable nnd degrading slavery of “long established opin ions." Hiving proved beyond doubt, that Mr. For syth “mas a Federalist,” we presume his friends will now seek refuge beneath tho cloak of his "mo,lens'philosophy**—his “political delusion,” —Ids soi disant Republicanism! Tlipy will tell us, perhaps, that he has recanted,'aposta tized, been convicted and converted, and that lie is now a true disciple of the orthodox faith and the “reign of political dejusion”! But will this serve them? No—for we shall now shew, timt lie “is a Federalist,” and conseqnetly, that ho has so far, unfortunately, been consistent. In Ids Eulogium on the lives aad characters of Adams and Jefferson, delivered in this city twelve months ago, he says: “Mr. Adams vin dicated the character of otir political institu tions in his learned and elaborate defence of the American Constitution.” Vindicated tho chiractor of our political institutions and do- fended our Constitution! Header, did’st thou over peruse that “learned and elaborate” do cument? If thou has', thou wilt assuredly cry, Heaven relieve us from such vindications and defences! but, as po. adventure, thou may’s! not have seen it, wo w.il give thee a specimen of its “learned” contents. “At pagrSGf), vol. I. of that book. Mr, Adams says, "Tim distinction of poor uud rich m e ns necessary in states of coniiderable extent, ns labor and good go vernment. Tho poor are destined to labor; and the nth, by the advantages of education, leisure, and in dependence, arc qualified for superior stations.” A- gain, at page 458, vol. 3, he says, “The people in all nations are naturally divided into two sorts, the gentleman and the simpleton, a word which is here chosen to signify the common people." “By the com mon people we mean t-ABORr.r.s hvssavdmis.v, mechan ics, and merchants, ill general, who pursue their oc cupations and industiy without any knowledge in li beral nrts or sciences, or in any thing bnt their own trades or pursuits.” Again nt pago 469, same vol. •‘It is the true policy o: the common people to place the whole executive power in one men.” Page 401, “By Kings and Kingly power, is meant, the executive power, in a single person.” Pago .'565, There is not in tho whole Roman history so hippy a period as this under their kings" Vol. 1, p. 70, “1 only con tend that the English constitution (king, lords and commons;) is, in theory, the most stupendous fabric of human invention.” Page 115, “It (the aristocracy,) is a body of men which contains the greatest col lection of rir'ne and abilities in a free government; is the brightest ornament and lie glory of the nation, and may always bn made the greatest blesing of so ciety, ifitbe judiciously managed, in tho constitu- U>n." PagnaS-t, vol. 3, “First Magistrates and Se nators had better be made hsuboitaky at once, than that the people should be universally debauched and bribed, go to loggerheads and fly to arms every year.” Now, what w.il tho reader think of Mr. Forsyth’s fieupbUcanisml This was Mr. Ad ams’ Republicanism—Mr. Forsyth was tho acknowledged admirer ami supporter of Mr. Adams in 1802, and in 1826 he expressed his approbation of these principles by styling the document, which contains them, an “elaborate and learned vindication, defence,"&c. and con sequently it is a fair specimen of A is Ropubli- canistn. Again, in tho same eulogium, pago 10, wo find the following significant remarks: “The parties embittered by frequent collision, ranged themselves under the names of Adams and Jefferson. On this contest for power, in which the chief office was given to Mr. Adams, and tho second to Mr. Jeffer son, or of the succeeding contest, in which the friends of Mr. Jefferson were victorious, it is unnecessary to dwell. Thosa most deeply interested examined and decided between them. History may set in judgment it may perhaps scree to purify oar political atmos-' phere. The people of the union will soon learn to discrmlnsto between the promises and performsnees Of the candidates for their favor; between the acts of tho present and former administrations; between long established opiuioas and tho speculations of modern philosophy.” Now, Mr. “Aratus,” what have you to say to this? You certainly caunot require any thing more plain, more positive, or'more intelligible. Hero he speaks of the administration of Thom as Jcfforson upwards of ono year after that illustrious Republican and patriot had been oloctod. They were tho “imperfections and follies” of his “administration” that were to bo “ovinced by the experience of a fewyears"! —IFts was the “reign of political delusion” that was said to be “passing atoay"\—His was tho “political atmosphere” to be “purifi «/.”! —They were his “acts'* which Mr. Forsyth upon those decisions, but the ilay has not yet arrived when she can faithfully perform her office. We are too near the times when the questions were agitated, to speak of thorn without prejudice, nnd with perfect impartiality. It is more grateful to speak of their uni versally acknowledged good actions: passing without notice'those of disputed excellence.” Docs it need our assistance to point out those acts of “disputed excellence” hero allud ed to? Certainly not. -Tho mind of tho rea der naturally reverts to those odious and aristo- cratical measures of the^elder Adams, called tho alien and sedition laws. We have not room lor an explanation of tlioso vile docu meats, at the present timo, but they are ulroad- y too well known and too generally despised iu this country, to need any; and to'the genu ine patriot and republican, all comment upon them would bo superfluous. And is it indeed true, that wo cannot yet judge “impartially” and “without prejudice,” of such execrable measures? Let each one answer for himself, and at the same timo say, whethor the doubts of Mr. Forsyth have been thoso of a Patriot and Republican. Our limits do not admit of our extending this subject further at the present time, and we will therefore udviso tho reader to add to these remarks, Mr. Forsyth’s lato abuse of tho me. mory of General Washington, nnd also, liis ce' ■IcbratoJ toast—“Charles Cotesworth Pinck ney—the eldest child of Federalism/” nnd then, if ho still neods further proofs of Mr. For syth’s Federalism, let him call upon us and ho shall have thorn; for wo have plenty more of. the “documents” on hand. Richmond Whig.—li was with surprise that we found ill this periodical the following re marks: “Whnt course would the Alabama Advocate, ‘.lie Macon Telegraph, the Nashville Whig. _ and the Knoxville Register, pursue, was their conscience their guide? Iu one or two of those mentioned, the editors profess great zeal for General Jackson, while the tea- or and spirit of- their reflections,, nnd the entire testi mony of their journals, declare the conviction that General Jacksoujs not qualified for the presidency.” By ulut legitim ito method of construction tho foregoing conclusion is made, wo are at a loss to conjecture. It is true, tint the papers mentioned do not and will not, like some fugi tivo spirits driven to seek the privilege of sane- tuury under the name of Andrew Jackson, op pose the Administration right' or wrong; be cause tlioy would prefer other men to nianngo the affairs of the nation. They consider them selves bound to sustain tlio constitutional au thorities of tlio country, so far as their acts comport with the welfare of tho people. That several measures of tho preseut Executive Imve that tendency, they solemnly believe, mid have tho bust reasons for supposing that General Jackson will not abandon them. Does tho Whig think it wuuld be comport ing with a good conscience to condemn in tlioso wo dislike what'wo.approve in itself and must applaud in a friend? God forbid that any sin cere friend of General Jackson would, from pariiziin fervor, lie guilty of so much moral tur pitude. For the welfare of our country and the approbation of a quiet conscience, wo shall continue to approve any legitimate regulation Having for its object' tho prosperity of the A- merican people; whether it originate with Chy or Cliuton, Van Btircn or Crawford, John Q. Adams or Andrew Jackson. Such a course, wc imagine, is somewhat different from os- pressibg doubts as to the capacity of-Genornl Jackson for tho office of President, or affirming the mental superiority of the present incum bent. On this point we intend to bo explicit. It is our soletmi opinion that, the practical judg ment of (lie General transcends his competitor’s; that he tins in one hour done more for the na tion than the other during his whole life; that if elected, his policy will bo based on tho men tal and physical independence of the U- nion, and consequent prosperity of ail classes; that lie is the choico of a largo majority of tin? people; and that his elevation would in a great measure calm tho spirit "of party strife that'un- happily divides and distracts our citizens at present. We believe further, that'lie will not imitate Mr. Adams in appointing men to of fices of high trust who endeavored to unnerve the United States during tho last contest with England; that ho will appoint no individual obnoxious to nine tenths of ‘tlioso who must ap proach him in his official capacity; that he will not continue at a foreign court any agent who, from complacency ton despot, compromitsthe dignity of his country and attributes dishonor able sentiments to his fellow citizens; that he will use his exertions to prune the treo of exe cutive patronage, so as to leave it no longer in the power of tho President to corrupt the le gislative department with the fruit; and exert himself to tlio utmost to bring the presidential election within tho docision of the people.— Such are our views of tho men; ami while we have the independence to do justice to Adams, 'vp would scorn in ourselves tbo ingratitude that could neglect tho superior pretensions of Jack- son. If this bo disingenuous and at variance with a good conscience, we are content to bear the cognominatton of hypocrite: for we will not indiscriminately censure measures on account of their origin. JACKSON AND TALBOT MEETING. At a very respectablo meeting of tlio friends of Union, consisting of about four hundred per sons, assembled near Macon, in Bibb county, on the 13th instant, tho following preamble and resolutions were submitted to tlio people, and adopted by them without a dissenting voice: Tho Constitution and laws of our country guaranty to the people the tight peaceably to assemble and freoly to express their opin ions on all subjects connected with the welfare of their government. Tho character and con duct of our public servants and of thoso 'who offor themselves for the suffrages of tho People, are therefore proper subjocts of investigation n "' 1 animadversion, commendation and re- given tlio best evidence of vvhht A* (r , befin, ami the best pledge of what hefjZ La be—an honest man—-a consistent and fi- -I trip’—a sincere friend. This meeting sincerely believing if,,,,, ■ limits are admirably blended iu MATTtir I TALBOT of Wilkes comity, an<U,l"1 that his elevation to tho Chief Magi«t ra( . v *|g State, w.otild have a tondbney to hir.il ifg, *■, that have been recently inflicted upon LI character—to soften .he asperities of- D cherish an attachment to tlio seuiiaUy contribute to the election of lii m f in the language of Thomas Jufferson, “Urfl ed tlio measure of his country’s gloryI drew J'tclcson— - ' "**■ Do therefore Htsplre. Tlint we hnll with Bnnuucintioii of Matthew Tat.dot, an t . ca .vr for the Executive of Georgiu; aiidwepled» t0 “ r j* to unite in all honorable means to ensure hi. e U? :, | Bcsotredfurther, Thnt ivc cannot consh( eil Jr lt J port his opponent the Hon. John Forsylh: - JJecausc, His wholo public life pre,,,^ I continued scence of political change aniiinJf sistency, from the poriod of ultra ftdtrall a '\ 1802, down to the new fungled code of J * ern radicalism. Because, Wo find him at that p ( - r j 0( | nonliving the administration of Jefferson ?s“i| perfect and foolish," and as “f,i« reign ofoavl cal delusion" ■ F I Because, Wo find him at the same g tonsting “(Ac eldest son-of federalism." Because, Shortly after this period, him a flaming democrat, converted by theii7(l| sistiblc argument of self promotion. I Because, Wo find him first a warm ailmiml of the policy nnd administration of the virtoiral judicious and enlightened Janies .Vcm-st-al terwards his equally virulent auJ bitter«puj tient. Because, \Vo find him opposing the his constituents at home and in Conpnu-jA opposing the election of Jackson, and’tliecisJ tion of Electors by the people—,md m ad” 1 4ng the creed of those who opposed tha#ki of Governor l»v the people.. Because, Of his hesitancy and indecislmi relation, to tlio present Exe.cutiye.anJ C.ik2 officers at Washington City, and hissflbxfyq abandonment ,of all decency nud decatcait relation tb the sinieofficers. Btcausr, Even now, xve have no cv’id of his cordial anil unqualified support of ft al Jackson for the presidency—and -We! intriguo to be on foot to gdt 'up ; a /AirJ('d dilate, end thereby deprive tho people ofi" opportunity nf select ing. for tlieinsel.'-. Because, lie opposed the qiQandm- tho Constitution of the United Stater, r. amendment provided for tftd clecticn orP.c dent and Vico-T*resident by the people j; selves—and against the possibility of ant tion by the llntiso of Representatives. Because, Wo cannot consisteltsly g’vao support to that .individual,.'who-places sodyul value upon the rcvolutbt^ary rind ssheju services of Him who was truly the tyviitii Fit'er nf his Country—GEOllGE IVAljl INGTON. • ’ t Soveral cases of Yellow Feoer havo a ppeared in Charleston. donouncod, and the “speculations” ofAis “phi-1 Macon, JUy j«? 30 DRUGS & MEDICINES. ELLIS, SHOT WELL CO. ^FFER for tale, n laige and general asssortmoent DRUGS, FAMILY nnd PATENT MEDICINES, all of which being selected by competent judges, are offered with confidence to (he public, nt Savannah pri ces, or lew. Merchants, Physicians, Plantersandothera ore requested to call ana examine for themselves. Also on hnnd a large supply of PAINTS, OILS. GLASS, DYE 1VOODS, DYE STUFFS, &c. &c. and preach, within tho limits of those Laws and that Constitution. Holding theso doctrines as self- evident propositions, or at least, as irresistible conclusions from tho nature of our Republican Institutions, “wo tho People,” having learned, that our distinguished follow citizen, Col. Dun can G. Campbell, declines any farther con test for the highest office of our State, have as sembled to express to our fellow citizens at large, tho very high estimation in which wo hold tho character both private nnd political of the venorablo MATTHEW TALBOT of W.'lkcs-(-to announce our acquiescence in his nomination to fill the Executive chair of Geor gia, and tho grounds of that acquiescence. And whilo wo would shew tho claims of our fovourite, we assert also tho privilege of free men, the freedom of speech and of the press, to express, firmly and decisively, but decorous ly, our candid opinions of liis distinguished op ponent. Without pretending to enter into a minute investigation of tho claims of the candidates, we are bold to say, that tho man who aspires to tho Executive office of any country, should present a character distinguished aliko for its moral and social virtues—for pure patriotism— n judgment solid and decisive inaction, with manners conciliating—a character formed with in our stuto and intimately acquainted, by con tinued intercourse, with our wishes and our wants—a character devoted to tho Union of the stales—one ever ready to serve his countrv, without seeking to make that country subservi ent to htmself—otw, in fine, whom wo can trust—whoso consistent, upright course has . .{cOSiMU.NICAT TO COLONEL BLANKET Cf Vai Buren memory ‘and the nclcr'm n ~ vil.r of General Jack sort. Ilavo you not said, sir, that, Inasmuch * you could not got Crawford ducted prait you were glad that Mr. Adams -.v.tj electa preference to General Jackson?—mil ht| you nut subsequently ({onied In A a; si'-:d| sratcnipnt? The affirmative of hb'li the tibi: interrogatories is confidently bclieyi'd; ul must bo taken for granted, unless ynu c iicu-l vict some of your most respectable countij-l mon of absolute falsehood. By failing M] convict them, you cannot den/yourselfipt^l of the saino offence, nn offence (b;ui which wii can be more dishomirnblo in the vleivofjwra-l men, or more heinous in tho sight of GnJ.rtl that of tittering a wilful ami deliberate LIs^.l hood. Had you, sir, when requested so tAJ fioed your respectable accuser (wlio-w.is t-Jt-J in a few foot of yon) to answer to tho s^l chargoi, you, or your advisers for yov, mt* have had ingenuity enough to have fraineJ * dofonco or oxctiso (to your mind) inlficieojl plausible, to hoodwink, nt least yoar i «n*l adherents. But, sir, your meanly refusing-sI interview with your accuser, whoa respite**'! ly invited, seals conviction of your gut/I sjl baseness upon the mind ofaevory intnlii-eu-aa*| honest man. INVESTIJATOR- [COMMUNUCATW- Colonel Lamab not having yot r*pW M tho interrogatories propounded to him ty' in my communication of tho 3lst ult. I* I take occasion, to notice some of tho and learned remarks iu his lUvor.tbst app®** in tho editorial column of the hlesstngtr of I 7tli instant. In doing so, I would, by no moans, tr® be understood, us acknowledging tKatthoseI marks deserve aa answer; blit I do '• [ ne,c -‘ to afford tlio. editors un opportunity of -V displaying thoir learning, and also to ■•Jo* Colonel sufficient leisure to prepare h:s» swor. J In tho first place;- then, I would rc < l” c “. 1 ij editors aforemid (or the author of the ar,! ^j alluded to) to bo so good ns to explain i«* [ sentenco of the first paragraph, so a* 1° rf “ it intolligiblo at least to some of their r« J and it might ho well for them to <-‘ m P 10 -J annotator to explain that passage ana bj all their editorial articles. I would' oo 0 ^ mind them, that to preach well, it ■* n;’ c , j ry to “stick to tlio text.” If 'hey as ^ Lamar’s mouth-piece, would justify . duct, lot them explain that which i* » able. Who hut themsolves said any •»“j. bout liis vote on the change of tbo W' 1 * 1 ' . or the election-of Governor! Not E I only asked him, if in the Logislnturc n -T lie bad not, in his “celebrated spcccht such expressions ns report attributed t® and though the subject of that speech » of notoriety in Jones county and tolc-v- , understood by many mon in other P? r "’ State, yot if bo or lib friends, tbo'®ovt°% ( Messenger, object toil as vague, 1 ** , repeat and render it so definite as within the scope pf their comprchw'i- c£ '