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pi^ron Utit&vavty
If!
1
il
State, have provided » judicialy power, judges
nnd juries to decide between tins iudividti.il and
tliti legislative ar.t, wi»-ch lie has resisted as ntt-
.•ons'i'otional. Rut let us supposo the rise that
Wisl ’.tve nets of one or more states of this
Vidon. tire past, conflictin',' with acts of Cmt-
g*iand cmnniaudiog the resistance of their
citizens ir' tiitst them, nud what else can lie the
result but war, civil war ? and is tint that r/e for- .
to, a dissolution of the Uiron, so far as the re- j the shame
finin'.: Slates are concerned I and wlint would ! hie and the
he the condition of every* citizen in the resistin'; I attending
Stalest Bound by the'diuihlo duty of allegiance j main and
Convention, together with that oftlie son of its
president. Yon will not understand me as af
firmin'', that cither of you was'privy tn this plan
of military execution, in 1S04. A letter of
•, our first signor, reiently published has disclos
ed the fact, that lie, al'ho* the putative, was not
the real father of tho Hartford Convention.—
As he who has Hitherto enjoyed unrivalled the
conquering plan of France, which was com
municated tome, and of which I apprised Mr.
Jefferson. Thu embargo, in the moan time,
had been laid, nud bad saved most of our ves-
selsand seamed from the grasp Of tho British
cruisers. It had reutlered impotent the British
Orders in Council; but at tho same time it had
choked up the chauncis of our own commerce.
Capt. Walker,^who has been forsomo time
engaged by the General Government in effoc-
tingan emigration oftlie Creeks, passed through
thin place on his return a few duys ago from
the country allotted to tho Creeks west oftlie
Mississippi. lie brought along with him four
of the principal Chiefs, who speak in high terms
of the country, and represent it as far mure
desirable titan tbeir prosent abode. In com
to tlm Union, and to tile State, lie would lie
ciushed between the upper aud the nether mill-
stone, with the pci formanre of every civic du
ly converted into a crime, and guilty of treason
by every act of obedience to the law.
* That the power of annexing Louisiana to this
Union had not been delegated to Congress, by
the constitution of tile United States was mv
opinion; and it is recorded upon the journals
of the Senate, of which I was then a member.—
But far from thinking tlm art itself a jus’ilying
cause fur cessiou from the Union, I regarded
it us one of the happiest events, which had oc
curred since the adoption oftlie Constitution.—
1 regretted that tut accidental illness in my
family which detained tno on my way to Wash
ington, to take my seat in the Senate, deprived
me of the power of voting lor the ratification of
the treaties, by which the cession was secured.
I arrived at Washington on the fourth day of
the session of Congress, and on entering the
city, passed by tlm Secretary of the Senate,
who was going from tliccapitol to the Presi
dent’s house, wth the advice and consent of
that body to the ratification,
I took my seat in the Semite the next day.
Bills were immediately brought into Congress,
making eppropriatiuns to the amount of fifteen
millions of dollats for carrying the Convention
into elfect, ttvl for enabling the Presided, to
tnko possession of tho ceded territory. These
mtMsuies were opposed by all the members of
tile Senate, who It td voted against the ratifica
tions of the Conventions. They were wartnlv
ami cordially supported by me. I hail no doubt
of the Constitutional power to make tlm trea
ties. It is expressly delegated in the Constitu
tion—The power of making tlm stipulated pay
ment for tlm cession, and of taking possession
oftlie ceded territory, wasequully unquestioned
by-mo; they were constructive powers, lint I
thought them faitly incidental ant! necessarily
consequent upon the power to make the treaty.
But the power of annexing the inhabitants of
Louisiana to the Union, of conferring upon
them, iu a mass, all the rights, and requiring of
them all the duties, of citizens of the United
States, it appeared to me had uot been delega
ted to Congress by the people of the Union,
and could not have been delegated bv them,
Without the consent of the people of Louisiana,
and I offered to the Sonata resolutions for car
rying both those measures into effect, which
wore rejected. It has been recently ascertain
ed by aletter from Mr. Jefferson to Mr. Dun
bar, written in July, 1803, after lie had receiv
ed the treaties, and convened Congress to con
sider them, that, in his opinion, tho treaties
could not lie carried into effect without an n-
mcndmeui to the Constitution, and that the pro
posal for such ’in amendment would be the first
measure adopted by them, at their meeting.—
Yet, Mr. Jefferson, President of the United
States, ditl approve the acts of Congress, as
suming the power which he had so recently
thought not delegated to them, and, as the ex
ecutive of the Union, carried thorn into execu
tion.
Thus, Mr. Jefferson, President of the Uni
ted States, the federal members of Congress,
who opposed and voted against the ratiffcation
of the t -eaties, nod myself, all concurred in the
opinion, that tlm Louisiana cession treaties
transcended the constitutional powers of the
government of the United States. But il was
after.all, a question of constructive power. The
power «f making the treaty was expressly giv-
eti without limitation. The sweeping clause,
by which nil powers, necessary nnd proper for
carrying into effect tlroso expressly delegated
fll jybe understood as unlimited. It is to bo
presumed, that when Mr. Jcffcrsou approved
and executed the acts of Congress assuming the
doubtful power, ho had brought his miud to
acquiesce in this somewhat lutitudiiiarain con
struction. I opposctl it us long and as far as
tny opinion could avail. I acquiesced in il,
after it hail received the sanction of all the or
ganized authorities of the Union and i he tacit
acquiescence of the people of tbe United Stales
and of Louisiana. Since which time, so far
as ibis precedent goes anti no further, I have
considered the question us irrevocably settled.
But, iu reverting to tbe fundamental princi
ple of ail our constitutions, that obedience is
nor due to an unconstitutional law, and that its
execution may be lawfully resisted, you must
admit, that had the laws uf Congress for annex
ing Louisiana ti the Uniuti been resisted, by
the authority of eno or mure States of the then
existing confederacy, as unconstitutional, that
resistance might have been cat ried to the ex
tent of dissolving the Union, and of forming t
new coufedeiacy ; and that if the consequen
ces of the cession had been so oppressive upon
New England aud tho North as was apprehend
ed by tho federal leaden to whose conduct at
that time, all these observations refer, the pro
ject which thoy did then form of severing the
Union, and establishing a Northern Confeder
acy would, in their application of the abstract
principle to the existing state of things huvo
been justifiable. In their views, tbercfoio, I
impute to them nothing which it could be tie
cessary for them to disavow; and, accordingly
theso principles were distinctly and explicitly
avowed, eight years afterwaids, by my excel
lent friend, Mi. Quincy, in his speech upon
the admission of Louisiana, us a Slate into the
Union. Whether be had any knowledge of the
practical project of 1803 ami 4, I know not
bat tho utgumeni of his kf ygch.io which he re-
ferred to. my recorded opiblons upon the con
stitutional power, vras atfeloquent exposition of
the justifying causesNof that project, as I had
heard them detailed at the time. Thnr pro.
jeet, I repeat, had gone to the length of fixing
. upon a military leader for its execution ; and
although the cireumsia.-iC s of the times never
admitted of its execution, nor even of its full de
velopment, I hud yet no doubt in 1808 and 1809,
mid have no doubt, at this time, that it is tho
key to all the great movements of those lead
ers of the federal party in New England, from
that time forward, till its final catastrophe in
the liar ford Convention.
Gentlemen I observe among the signers of
your letters, ife names of two members of that
though beaming ill splendor from its acts, was
yet in dim eclipso to tbe vision of its most dis
tinguished members 1
However this may lie it was this project of
1803 and 4 which, from the time when I first
look my seat in the Senate oftlie United States
alienated me from the secret councils of those
leaders of the federal parly. 1 was never ini
tialed in them. I approved and supported the
acquisition of Louisiana ; nnd from the first mo-
men.' that the project of separation was made
known to me, I opposed to it a determined and
inflexible resistance.
It is well known to some of you, gentlemen,
that the cession of Louisiana was not the first
occasion upon which my duty to ray country
prescribed to me a course of conduct different
Tom that which would have been dictated to
me by the leaders and tbe spirit of party.—
More titan one of you was present at a meeting
of members oftlie M I'sacliusetts Legislature,
on ihe 27(h of M iv, 1802, the day after I first
took my seat nsu member of that Legislature.
A proposal then made by me, to admit to the
council of tlm commonwoaltli a proportional
representation of the minority as it existed in
the two houses, has, 1 trust, uot been forgotten.
It was the first act of my legislative life, and it
marked the principle by wh.cli my whole pub
lic career has been governed from dial day lo
this. My proposal was unsuccessful, and per
haps it Voifcited whatever confidence might
have been otherwise bestowed upon me as a
any follower. My conduct in the Senate of
the United States, with regard to the Louisiana
cession, was not more acceptable to the leaders
of tho federal party; anti some of von may per-
‘ aps remember that it was not suffered to pass
without notice of censure in the public federal
journals of (lie time.
Willi regard io die project of a separato Nor
thern Confederacy, formed in tho winter of
1803, 4, in consequence oftlie Louisiana cess
ion,, it is not lo me that you must apply, for
copies oftlie correspondence iu which it was
contained. To that and to every other pro
ject of disunion, I have been constantly oppos-
My principles do uot admit the right, e-
ven of die people, still less of the Legislature of
any one State in the Union, to secede at pleas
ure from the Union. No provision is made for
die exercise of his right, either by the federal,
or any of the State constitutions. The act of
exercising it, presupposes a departure from the
principle of compact, and a resul t to that of
force.
If, in the exercise of their respective func
tions, the legislative, executive, and judicial au-
tlioridesoftliu Union mi one tide, and of one
or more states on the oilier are brought into di
rect collision with each pdier, tho rol itioos be
tween the parties are no longer those of the
constitutional right, but of independent force.
Eacli party construes the common compact for
itself. The constructions are irreconcilable
together. There is no umpire between them,
and the appeal is to the sword, the ultima e ar
biter of right between independent States, Imt
not between the members of one bodv politic,
1 therefore hold it os a principle without ex<
ccption, that whenever the constituted author!
ties of u state uuihnrizn resistance to any act
f Congress, or pronounce it unconstitutional,
thoy do thereby declare themselves and their
State quoad hoc. out of the pale of the Union,
That there is no supposnblc case, in which tlm
people of a State might place themselves in this
attitude, by the primitive right of insurrection
against oppression, I will not affirm : but thoy
liuve delegated no such power tn their legisla
ture or their judges; ami if there be such a right,
it is thu right, of an individual to commit sui
cide—die right of an inhabitant of n populous
city to set fire to his own dwelling house.—
These are my views. Bu* to those who think
that each State is a sovereign judge, not only
of its own rights, but of tho extent of powers
conferred upon the general government by the
people of tite whole Union; and that each State,
giving its own communion to the constitutional
powers of Congress, may array its separate
sovereignty against every act of that body tranj,
rending this estimate of their powers—to say
of men bolding those principles, that for the
teu years from 1804 to 1814, they were intend
ing a dissoluiioii oftlie Union, aud the. forma
tion of n new Confcder. cy, is charging them
with nothing more than with acting up to their
principles. i
To ihe purposes of party leaders, intending
o accomplish the dissolution of the Union am
a new Confederacy, two postulates are ncces
sary. First, an act or acts of Congress, which
may be resisted as unconstitutional; and, se,
coudly, a state of excitement among the people
ol one or more Stales of the Uuion sufficiently
inlfemt'd, to produce acts of the Statu legisla
tures conflicting with the acts ol Congress. Re
solutions of the legislature denying the powers
of Congress are the first steps in this march of
disunion: but they avad nothing, without sub
sequent and corresponding action. Tho nn<
ueX'ition of Louisiuua to the Uuion was belicy,
eel to be unconstitutional, but it produced no
excitement to resistance among the people. Its
beneficial consequences to the whole Union
wute soon lull, and took away all possibility of
holding it upas the labarum of a political rel!
gum of disunion. The projected separation
met with other disasters, ami slunibeied, till
the attack oftlie Leopard on tho Chesapeake,
followed by the Orders in Council ufllih Nov.
1807, led to the embargo of the 22d December
of that year. The first of these events brought
the nation to the brink of war with Great Brit
am; and there is good reason to believe that the
second was intended as a mcasuro familiar
the policy of that government lo sweep our
comtuorce from tho ocean, carrying into Brit
ish putts every vessel of ours navigating upon
the high seas, and holding thorn, their cargoes,
Mild their crews, in sequestration, to aid in the
negotiation of Mr. Rose, and bring us to the
terms of the British cabinet. This was pre
cisely the period at which the Governor of No*
va Scotia was giving to bis correspondent
Massachusetts tho friendly warning from tho
JJiitisb government of the revolutionising and
concert measures among themselves, In resist
its execution. The question made of the cou-
stiiuiionality of the embargo, only proved that,
in times of violent popular excitement, the clear
est delegation of a power to Congress will no
more shield she exerciso of it front a charge of
usurpation, than that of a power the must re
motely implied or constructive. The question
of the constitutionality of the embargo was sol
emnly argued before 'the District Court of the
United States at Salem; and although the de
cision of the judge was in its favor, it continu
ed to be argued to tlm juries; and even when
silenced before them, was in the distemper of
thu times so infectious, th it the juries them
selves habitually acquitted those charged with
the violation uf that law. There was little
doubt, that it the question of constitutionality
had been brought before the Stale Judiciary of
Massachusetts, the decision of thu court would
have been against tho law. The first postulate
for the projectors of disunion, was thus secured.
The second still lingered ; for the people, not
withstanding their excitement, still clung to the
Union, aud the federal majority in the legis
lature w.is very small. Then was brought for
ward the first project foi a Convention of Dele
gates from the New England States to meot in
Connecticut, and then was the time, at which
l urged with so much earnestuess, by letters to
tny friends at Washington, the substitution of
the ilon-imercouise for the embargo.
The non-intercourse was substituted. The
ariaugement with Mr. Erksiue soon afterwards
ensued, and in August, 1809, Ambuiked up
on a public mission to Russia. My absence
from the Uni ed Stales was of eight years’ du
ration, and I returned to take charge ot the de
partment of State in 1817.
The rupture of Mr. Erskne’s arrangement,
iite abortive mission of Mr. Jackson, the dis
closures of Mr. John Henry, the war with
Gieai lirii.mi, the opinion of the Judges of the
Supreme Court of Massachusetts, that by the
constitution of the United States no power was
given either to the President or to Congress,
determine the actual existence of the exigen
cies, upon which the militia of the several states
ay be employed in the service of the United
States, and the Hartford Convention, all hap
pened during my absence fiom this country. I
forbear to pursue the uarrative. The two pos-
tula.es lor disunion were nearly consummated.
The interposition of a kind Providence, restor
ing peace to our country and to the world, a-
veried the must deplorable of catastrophes, and
turning over to the receptacle of things lost up
on earth, the adjourned Convention from Han
ford to Boston, extinguished (by the mercy of
Heaven, may ii bo forever) the projected New-
England Confederacy.
Gentlemen. I have waved every scruple,
perhaps even the proprieties of my situation, to
give you this auswer in consideration of that
long and sincere friendship for some of you,
which cau cease io beat only with the last pul
sation of my heart. But ( cannot consent to a
controversy well you. Here, if you please,
let our joint correspondence rest. I will an
swer for the public eyo, or for tho private oar,
at his optiuo, either of you, speaking for him
self, upon any question, wh'tih he may justly
deem access iry, for the vindication of his own
reputation. Bui 1 can recognize among you no
representative characters. Justly appreciating
the filial piety of those, who have signed your
loiter in behalf of their doceased sires, I luvo
no reason to believe that obiter of thoso pa
rents would have authorised tho demand of
mines, or tho call for evidence which you
have made. With the father of your lust sigu-
er, I had, in the year 1809, one or more inti
mately confidential conversations on this very
subject, which, 1 have fluttered myself, and still
believe, woro not without their influence upon
tho conduct of his last nnd best days. His son
may have found no traces of this among his fa
titer’s papers. He may believe me that it is
nevertheless, true.
It is not improbable that at some future day,
a sense of solemn duty to my country, may re
quire ofme to disclose the evidence, which I
do possess, and for which you call. But of that
day the selection must he at my own judgment
and it may be delayed till I myself have gone
to answer fur the testimony I may bear before
the tribunal of your God and mine. Should a
disclosure of names even then bo made by me,
it will if possible, be made with such reserve,
as tenderness to tbe feelings of the living, and
to thu families and friends oftlie dead, may ad
monish.
But no array of numbers or of power shall draw
me to a disclosure, which I deem premature,
or deter me from making it, when my sense of
duty shall sound the call.
Iu the mean time, with a sentiment of affec
tionate and unabated regard for some and of
respect for all of yun, permit me to subscribe
myself.
Your friend and fellow citizen,
JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.
party already emigrated is about 1400; and
Chilly M’Intosh, tlm son of the late General,
who has been their head Chief, sends to his re
maining brethren every token of friendship and
good will; earnestly entreats their emigration;
and cheerfully concedes to the older Chiefs
his present stand as a Chief.
From the representation»which will be made
by the returning party, nnd the late act of the
State for extending her jurisdiction over them,
we anticipate an early and entiro emigration of
that tribe, in which event a strength will be
given to this section of the State which may
yet insure equal justice in the location of her
principal institutions. It will give to Mont
gomery a trade from the north and east which
must and will make Iter rise fast in commercial
importance. Tite letter of Capt. Antlmny,
otto of our worthy citizens, who joined Col.
Brearley for the purpose of inducing emigra
tion, gives the particulars uf the arrival of the
emigrating party at their place of destination,
which is on the Verdigris river, four miles
from Cantonment Gibson.—Alabama Journal.
Rail Road Car.—Wo are requested to in
vite the public attention to a Rail Ro.id Car,
the invention of Mr. James C. IIoi.mes, of
this city, which may be seen on the section of
Rail Road, at the upper end of Wentworth-
street. We understand the Car has now upon
iX forty-seven bales of Cotton, the whole of
which can be propelled by one man. With
the common Car, a Rail Road is deemed su
perior to a canal for transportation ; and the
improvements in the carriagesuuw making, are
likely to cause them to supercede all other
modes of conveyance, where Rail Roads are
practicable. Charleston Courier.
MA€Oi\,
SATURDAY EVENING, MmdTT
Grand Fashionable Sleighing.—From tin;
laying of the first corner stone of tin* firs* Dutch
house in Now York ; or as the “Pink” would
say in his classical style—ab urbe cnnilito—to
the revolution ; and from the revolutio t to the
present moment, never have the fashionables
had more splendid sleighiug than they have
enjoyed for the last three days and three nights,
within the circumference of the happy island of
Manhattan. Tho grand amusement of "Fan
cy Balls" has suffered a bleach ul no ordinary
description. Ten inches of snow—and that
lying on the streets undisturbed for so long a
time I it was a perfect miracle. The beau
monde have been the happiest people in the
world. Just when they wanted something to
give a zest to life, the kindly sky pours down
its whiiened contents, and gives variety to the
dull routine of balls, parties nnd assemblies.
From,he Bowling Green to Harlem in .-no long, bat whenever ,t is changed neither South-C
direction ; and to Cato, tho Roman consor s to
the other ; Broadway and its tributaries have
been alive night and day—day and night. Miss
Frances Wright was permitted to lecture lo
thin houses—the thoutres were shut—sleighs
wore bt ought forth that had not soon sun nor
muon since the last century—parties were made
up of any and every material—money was
poured out like water, and sleigh drivers filled
their pockets with the greatest ease in the
world.
Every thing in the shape of a sleigh was
trumped up—tho cobwebs brushed away—nnd
harness attached to it, Sleigh stock rose 50,
100 and 200 per cent, and none in tho market.
Our fashionables, of all sizes and fortunes, went
out in parties, and enjoyed the doliciousncss
of the season, in all its frozen luxury.
New York. Enquirer.
PRICE OF COTTON—
At Macon, 7 to 8 1-4 centi
At Savannah, 8 to 8 1-2
At Charleston, 8 to 10.
Most of our readers will recollect, that at t|« J
session of the Legislature of South-CaroW *
elutions were adopted and aent to the Let#'
bodies of seme of the other States. These
tions declared the late Tariff Law of Cong
no very measured terms, unconstitutional, mjw
to the agricultural interest, and oppressive in j u l
erations. In these resolutions, the “twice told u
of State Rights and State Sovereignty, were si
uously insisted on, aud the different States\
called on to resist the law of Congress and dec'
it, as they bad done, unconstitutional. Thesen
lutions have been acted on in Virginia and
tucky, and the Committees to whom the re
tions were referred, have reported differently j
different States. The report made to the Le4
ture of Virginia declares the late law of Cone
generally termed the Tariff Law, as uncomlitui
at, partial in its operation, and impolitic and ou
ive; but at the same time the Committee go <
say, that each State ought to be guided by as
of forbearance and respect for tite opinion
other States, and by community of attachmcml
the Union, and not, as the Legislature of
Carolina wished them to do, resort to the •
measure of receding from the Union, in
tueky the Committee to whom the subject wi
ferred, reported that ‘'this obnoxious law" mu a
slitutuiiiut, aud that the mcas .re was iiuperioi
called for by the peculiar exigencies of the'i
The Coimutuoe further say, mat when any _
Congress is deemed by any state or by any
vmuai, to bo uiiLonstutitioual, they itave a ngl
petition or remonstrance to Congress, and an i
peal to Uie proper tribunals ot the cuuutiy, (or j
nuihlicaltou of all unconstitutional' l,awi- a
that auy toreible resistance by the states,’to (
operation of the Laws uf Congress tends to
city, and a dissolution of the compact between i
States, a measure which every true Auiericau cJ
strongly deprecate.
We regret that there should be such a diren
of opiniou upon a subject of such vital intercut j
all the btates; but when tite learned Doctoral
Law and Legislation differ so widely, how arei
great mass ot the people to decide! Why, bys
nessing the practical effects of the measure
year to year. The scdii.ous resolutions of Scut
Carolina, are no more heeded than the whistling il
the wind—and why arc they not, simply becauseti
interests ot the Northern and Western States i
doubly enhanced by this very measure, and
might as well “bay tho moon" as to protest agai
the .measure to those whose interests are so in
ly connected with the Tariff Law of the last Cot
gress. This law may not continue in opera'ii
olina npr Georgia, will have any thing to boast <
We may bless our stars if it is not then more
noxioti •. to our imaginations than at present,
trust the resolutions of Virginia, will operate
cooler upon the fiery spirits of the South, and i
they will no longer be willing to let slip the
of war, to redress a fancied injury, for fanci*diti
Wo believe that the champions ofthe “Anti Tail
as they term themselves, are already beginning I
act and feel more “like Ihe dog that is pruue
to bark than bite."
DOMESTIC.
Interesting Disiovtry.—Wo understand,
that Mr. Jabi z Smith, and Mr. Follet of Pe
tersburg, have just taken out a patent for a dis
covery, whish promises to be of great impor
tance to the Cotton Planter—the object is to
separato ilio kernel of the colion seed from
(he hull, and the former to bo used for making
oil.
Each bushel of seed is said to produce 3
quarts of oil, of a quality, little, if any, inferior
to the linseed oil, uml applicable to nearly every
purpose for which that specios of oil is em
ployed.
We have n specimen of tho prepared Ker
nel in our possession, fur which we aro indebted
to tho politeness of a friend—and which will be
promptly shown to any person who will be
pleased to call at this office.
Richmond Compiler.
Charles Mathews, is amusing the Lon
doners, tt the Adelphi Theatre, with The
JUmUrs of Kentucky.
Bearded Rice.—Wo have a sample of tlm
White Bearded Rico, advertised in our columns
this morning, which is well worthy the inspec
tion of planters engaged in raiding that impoi-
tant staple of otir State. It may he seen at the
office. Charleston Cour.
The Correspondence, We learn from
the National Intelligencer, of the 21st inst.
that an edition of tho correspondence between
Mr. Adams and certain gentlemen of Boston
belonging to the Federal party, had been pub
lished in that city by Mr.’ Elliott, “to which
there is an Appendix of much inlerest, ending
with an intimation that a reply to tho appeal of
the gentlemen of Boston may bo cxpuctcd at a
more convenient season."
We learn, from the Ktntueky Reporter, of
the 11th inst. that Philip Thompson, Esq.
formerly a Representative in Congress, from
Mr. Cuilton’s district, has been badly wound
ed in a duel, perhaps, mortally.
Gen. Scott.—It Is said that General Scott,
on leaving Washington, placed his resigna
tion in the hands ot a friend, with instructions
to tendor it to the President on the 4th ofltjurch,
if on that day Major General Macomb be in
command of the army.
It was reported at Washington, on the fath
inst. that Mr. Wirt, Attorney General ofthe
United Slates, had stmt in his resignation of that
office, and that he was about to remove to Bal
timore, there to pursue his profession.
Consequence of Balls.—A corespondent of
the Little Falls People’s Friond says, that thir
ty couple attended a Ball in the town ofMan-
heim, Herkimer county, on the 1st of January,
1828, and of this number 10 were married with
in the year—each of the ton gentlemen having
been united to the ladies thoy severally gallanted
on the occasion.
A hill has passed the Legislature of Delaware,
incorporating a company for the culture nnd
manufacture of Silk, with a capital of $50,000.
Mr. E. Maury, of Wilmington, a gentleman
who has devoted much attention to the subject,
is said to bo at the head of tho schonie. We
cordially wish him.saccess in his patriotic la
bors. . - —
Amongst tho present visiters to the city of
Washington, is Josiah Quincy, formerly a
prominent member of Congress, lately for sew
THE NEW CABINET.
Notwithstanding the arrival of the President
Icct at the seat of government, our latest ailvi
from thence give no certain intimation as to
pet'ons who arc to compose h:s Cabinet. Ci
jectnre however is still busy, and many distingui:
cd individuals have been nuinetl, as the persontl
most likely to fill *hc‘se important statious. Yeti',
whose whisper emdd at once solve these questi
true to his undeciatiog principles, standsunplt
ged, no doubt preparing himself, if not aim
determined, to choose his Cabiuet, as he once
vised a former President, «from among tie
worthy, tahnted and patriotic men in the country’
1 lint this is as it should he, must certainly k
admitted by every liouest politician; yet how Hr
ferent from the close of the former President
contest, iv lieu intrigue aud political cunning*# 1
busily engaged in planniug schemes of self aggt*
disement, aud every artifice used tc secure th
means of official promotion. That this is a mtifl
of obtaining li.e panoply of office which the vW
and » isuuui of the sovereign people hold in deie
ved abhorrence, is evidenced in the strongest p*
sible maimer iu the result uf live late cicelies
\\ hat else could have displaced John Quincy Ai
aus from the Presidential chair! His admiaU»
tion, though it may havo brought forward
measures of doubtful policy, may be consul'#
on tho whole as offering nothing which ad
thus excite the whole body of the people. As#
ther fact which still more forcibly explains our p
sition, is, that tho Congress which elected Mt-l
rendered themselves obnoxious to the people, u
every successive Congress since that penotl tx*
been strengthening the ranks of the oppositioa
his administration; a fact we believe, whichk*
never before occurred during the existence of a
government, with the exception of tho admum 13
tion of the elder Adams. This mark of public **
dignation must be a warning to all office atekis
intriguers, the result of which will be, to 1#
those deeply connected with tbe late adminisw
tion hereafter in the ranks of private life, with*
the possibility of political redemption.
Postscript. The last rumor, with respect to th
New Cabinet is, that Mr. Pan Boren of New l'l
is to be Secretary of State; Mr. Ittgbam of
sylvauia Secretary of the Treasury; Mr. Brand
Nortli-Carolina, Secretary of the Navy; Mr. M
Lean of Ohio Secretary of Wax; Mr. Baton
Tennessee Post-Master General; Mr- Berries
Georgia Attorney General. It is also stated, th
Mr. Tazewell of Virginia goes as Minister lot?
land; and Mr. Baldwin of Pa. to Mexico.
cral
DOW
v* '“'ey ior sev- Printer to Congress. Gen. Dorr or**-*;-
years Mayor of the City of Boston, and tor of the U. S. Telegraph, is sleeted Tno'"
President of Harvard University. Mioth Houses of Congress,