Macon telegraph. (Macon, Ga.) 1826-1832, April 23, 1831, Image 2

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th'a nolfit ntivtio foun3 If* Abun lance. * ."it... n _ IT .^ l 11 » ii - 1K1 s the fact, that it abounds, in Hall acd Haber- •iVi» swtoJ by Of II irwooJ. tint alter ttvo-i sham comities anti nil that mineral region in this |,,d been fed to satiety, one was put on State, A very, large specimen of the native the eh-iw?, and the other left to roposn.— Aftpr oro from the land of Mr. U lute, ol Habersham, «'certain period, both were killed and opened, my be seen at tho Office of Messrs. Beers, stomrclt of the otto which had been fa- Booth & St. John’s.—Augusta Courier, t;gbed was found empty, the food having en tirely passed, unaltered, into the small intes tines,- but none had boon taken up by tho lac- teals. In the stomach of the other, which was left in. a ■ state of repose, tho food was for the ‘mtisr part unaltered by tho action of the stom ach—the chyle.passing into the duodenum. . ' 'Mental activity controls the functions of .Ofo stomach to an equal extent. During the pbripd of deep thought, tho vital energy of the body is so entirely directed to the brain, that npt- only the stomach, but the extremities ex perience a diminution of excitement, os is pro ved by their coldness and insensibility. This 'condition of the brain will so affect the stom ach and intestines, as even to suspend the ope ration of active medicines. Dr. Kush states that during tho Revolutionary war, ho knew officers who were unexpectedly drawn into battle after having taken drastic cathartics, and yet suffered no inconvenience ftom them until tho .excitement of ij had passed away. I have known too, distressing sea sickness promptly rclioved by the mental anxiety produced by rtn engagement between vessels of war. The •stimulation caused by this sublime spectacle, produced a; revulsion from tho stomach to the brain, and thus relieved the ono of the irrita tion accompanying this dirtrossirig disease, and the* oilier from that depressed state indicated by. languid feelings and obstuscacss of Intel lecu” The Hunter ami Rattlesnake.—Oq.ono of rrtV burning excursions'abroad on a fino morn- Ing^ll was just at this titno of the year—-I was uccompaniod by my wife. It was a beautiful onorning. • The sunshine was warm but the ui- niotpheio was perfectly clear; and a Cite breozo from tho northwest shook the bright greon leaves which now clothed to profusion the wreathing branches ahovo us. I had left my ' companion a 6bort .time in pursuit of game;— and in climbing a rugged lodge of rucks inter- ejjersed with shrubs mid dwarfish treus, I was .startled by a quick grating rattle. I . looked forward. On the edge of a loosened rock lay q large rattlesnake, coiling himself, as if for the ■ deadly spring. He was within a few feet of me, and I paused for an instant to survey him. I know not why, but I stood still, and looked at ’ tho deadly serpent with a strange feeling of cu- lenting from his purpose of hostility, and rais ing his head, ho fixed his bright- fiery ove di rectly upon ray own. A chilling and indescri bable sensation totally different from any thing I had ever before experienced, followed this movement of the serpent; but 1 stood still, und gazed steadily and earnestly, for at that moment thore was a vistblo clinngo in tho reptile.' His form seemed to grew larger end his colurs brigh ter. His body moved with a slow, almost im perceptible motion towards mo, and a low hum of music camo from him—ot, at least, it sound- edin my- ear—<t strange sweet melody, faint as .thatwiiich melts from the throat of the hum ming-bird. Then the lints of his body deepen ed, changed and glowed, like the changes of a beautiful kaleidoscope—green, purple, gold, until I lost sight of tho serpeut entirely, and saW only wild and curiously woven circles of strange colors, quivering around, like an atmos phere of rainbows. I seemed in tho centro of a great prison—a world of mystorious colors— rind the tints varied and darkened and lighted up again around me—and the low music went on without ceasing, until ray brain reeled; and fear, for the first timo, camo like a shadow over me. The new sensation gained upon me rapidly, and I could feel the cold sweat gushing from my brow. I had no cortaiaty of danger in my mind*—no definite idea of peril—all wus vague and clouded, like the uuaccouatable ter rors of a droatri—and yot my limbs shook, and X fancied I could feel tho blood suffering with cold as it passed, along my. vines. I would haVe given worlds to have been able to tear my self from tho spotr—I even attempted to do so, but the body obeyed not tho impulse of the mind—not a muscle stirroJ ; and I stood still as if my foot had grown to the solid rock, with tho infernal music of the tempter in my ear, and the baleful colorings of his enchantment before me. Suddenly a' now sound came on my ear—it was a human voice—but it seotned strange and awful. Again—again—but I stirred not; and then ,a white form plunged bofore me, and grasped my arm. Tho horrible spell was at once broken. Tho strange colors passed from before my vision. The Rattlesnake was coil ing at my feet with glowing eyes and uplifted fangs, and mv wife clinging in terror upon me. The next instant tho serpetit threw himself up on us.. My wife was the victim ! The fatal fangs pierced deeply into Imr hand; and her scream of agony, as she staggered backward • from me, told me the dreadful truth. Then it was a feeling of madness camo upon me; -and when I saw the foul sorpent stealing away from his work of death, reckless of dan ger, X sprang forward and crused him under my feet, grinding him in pieces upon the rock. The groans of my wifo, now recalled mo to Iter side, altd to the horrible reality of her situa tion.' -There waa a dark, livid spot on her band; aod it deepened into blackness as-Iced her away. Wo were at a considerable dis tance from any dwelling; and after wandering for a short time, tho pain ofher wound became insupportable,' and she swooned away in my arms. Weak and exhausted as I was, I had yet strength enough remaining to carry her to the nearest rivulet, and bathe hor brow in the cool water. She partially recovered, and sat down upon the bank, while I supported her bead upon my bosom. Hour afier hour passed ■way, and none camo near us—and thore— alone, in the great wilderness, I watched over her, and prayed with her—aud she died.—Ze- $ends of New England. Congress declares war: estate nullifies tbe net; Congress calls conventions ol all tho states to ducidc tlie constitutionality of the act declaring war; seventeen suites decide that the act is constitutional, the other seven say no: eighteen states not having decided in favor of the gov ernment, the act is void, and of no force, grid nt| such acts in future are to be regarded as unconstitutional; for tho nullifier contends that tile decision in the case is to operate as an amendment to tho Constitution, and three fomthsoftlte wholo, or eighteen states, being A Jeweller recently received .through the Post Office, a silver watch and the following letter: “This watch was stolen from you, and the money is tho interest on tho price of the watch siuce it was taken,” signed "Consci- , _ .•nee—iw rather tho effect of a revival of Reli- j necessary to no amendincul, and there not be- "ioii." Enclosed wa* $6‘31, estimated inter- i ingtbat number in favor of the act,the nniend- est of the vuluo fur five or six years. There merit lias foot prevailed* and consequently the was no date to the loner, and no traces of the claUse is fixed and made of force in future by author of it can bo discovered. ,... f . tlie vote of ilie seven states, the seventeen to ■ ■ ' - . ” the'contrary notwithstanding. LETTER FROM MADISON Take another case: suppose Congress should Montpellier, Feb. 22. 1831. P'°P« r 10 P ilSJ * ‘‘eclaratot-y law, asserting Dear Sir-1 have received your letter of ‘ llat slaves are personal property, that Con- r _ 2 , J gross has no control over them, and that under l". Is*,hero any State power to make banks! '>•« .Constitution that bod'*»»» » *•" to e- 2. Is tho federal power as has been excrcis- manciple them ^^“' ^ou'h, would have .•d, or as proposed to bo exercised by President no objeetton to this act; but Qlno, tfyou| lease, Jackson nrcicrnbfo! nullifies it; Congress calls conventions to de- Tho evi? which produced tit. prohibitory]«««»“ ‘ ho clause in the constitution of the United States foulld » fayor of the ad; but on the contrary, was the practice of tho states in making bills seven say it is an umo.istitut.onal act; the law of credit end in so.no instances apprised » »p*. a " d *'? consequence » a new clause property, a “legal tender.” If the notes of i« ‘ be Constitution, denying that slaves are per- states banks, therefore, whether chartered or *?•£» WWr** if.Sre" * 9 uecbartei cd, be made a legal tendur, they are j r, B bt *• e,n ' n P 10 P e • prohibited; if not made a legal tender, they do *1 akri another case: suppose Congress pass not fill within the prohibitory clause The J a declaratory law asserting that the states are No. of the “Federalist” teferred to was writ-.sovereign in all the cases of |>ower that ate not ten with that view oftho subject; and’this, with expressly surrendered to the General Govern- prubably other cotemporatv expositions, and i mem and that the Coustiiution is to bri the ex- the uninterrupted practice oi'ilie states in cren- elusive guide and controller of the government ting und permuting banks without making their j in all its acts: a state nullifies it, conventions notes a legal tender, would seem to lio a bar to are called, and seven slates are found to say In tho first.p’ace, the State is to stop.the o-'; peration of tho act of Congress:'the law is to be suspended, within its borders, by the state authority in some shape or other. Every one will seo that this step is necessary in order'to arrive at the next stage of tliu process; for Con gress isto be jorced to call conventions, and it is perfectly obvious that there could be no induce ment on i he part of that bndy to do so, if her ...... laws are perriiitted to continue in operation.— , time, it is vety clear that the goveroraer. All tlm- government can ask, all it can wish, have the power to enforce its revenue l aw ' under the most favorable circumstances, is, to !l * '’ ffi '* n ™ —u:t- t- *<-- .. .*• caose^ner4o-It believe 4haUhQ*e4s ffW„ I the state, who would not pronouoe* *1 state law unconstitutional. But sunnotJ did not, suppose tltat party feolingjZ,, fo ter of good souse, there can be no doubt ^ the decision of ilm supremo coon i the mutter would end. I am not o’oa 0 f i who think that the supreme, court has iff * er to call a state to its bar; but, a t th f that the whole act is unconstitutional, eighteen riot being for it, the act is null and void. What is tho consequence? A new clause to the Con stitution, which annihilates tho reserved rights of the states, end repeals the whole Constitu tion, and substituting therefore tho will of Con gress In all cases: Now, if tltis would not pro duce 0 grand consolidated government, without limitation of power, I know nothing that would; nor do 1 1 believe a better plan coiild.be devised fur that purpose than tho states to submit to tbe practical operation of this creed. It tho doctraio did not have tlie credit of separating the question, if it were not inexpedient now to agitate it. A virtual and incidental enforcement of tho depreciated mites of the state banks, by their ctutvding out u sound medium, though a great evil, was not foreseen; and if it had been ap prehended: it is questionable whether tlie con- stitudutt of the United States, which had many 1 obstacles to encounter, wuuld have ventured to guard against it by an additional provision. A virtual, and it is Imped an adequate remedy, may hereafter be found in tho refusal of state paper when, debased, in any of tho federal transactioes, and the control of the-federal bank, this being itself controlled from suspen ding its specie payments by the public ambor- ity. * ' - On-the other question I readily decide a- gainst the project recommended by the Presi dent. Reasons mure than sufficient appear to have been presented to the public in the re views and othor comments which it has called forth. How far a hint for it may have been ta-' ken from Mr. Jefferson 1 know not. The kindred idea of the latter may be seen in his memoirs, voi. 4, p. 196, 207; 526, and his view of the State Banks, vol. 4, p. 199, 220. There are sundry statutes in Virginia, pro hibiting tho circulation of*notes payable to bearer, whether issued by individuals or un- chartercd banks. These observations little new or important as they may be, would have been promptly fur nished, but for an indisposition in which your letter found me, and which has nut entircly'lefi me. I hopo this will find you in good health, and you have my best wishes for its continu ance, tied the addition of every other blessing. JAMES MADISON. Charles J. Ingtrsoll, Esq. \ Harrisburg, Penn. > Prom the Southern Hive. NULLIFICATION. This creed claims for n statu the constitution al right of supervising, or reviewing any net of Congress, determining on its constitutionality, met if in its opinion, inconsistent with the spir it ui that instrument, arresting its operation, within its borders, by' means of its sovereign veto; the act to remain so suspended, until Congress shall cal! conventions of all tho states to determine the quosiiun;, the decision uf three fourths of which,. beitig in favor, of the law, makes it valid, and reverses tho state veto: the decision of nevon status on the contrary being in fitvor of tho state, repeals the law, making it void, mid settles tho constitution on that point forever afterwards. The first impression made on tho mind after examining this croud is that of amazentont, that any gentleman at nil acquainted with tho.vnlua of our institutions, should maintain this doc trine, as constitutional, oral all compatible with the progress of tlie government or integrity of government or integrity of the Union. The constitution was evidently given as a guide to conduct and control the operations of the gov ernment; and yet this creed deprives it of the right of construing that instrument or of nciing under its authority; and places their rights and powers exclusively in the hands of the states severally. Why, I would ask, this inconsis tency! and why give a rule of conduct, if it is not to bo acted under! At this rate, Congress has no rule, except the will of the states, aud this will, from the. number of the stales, may present itself in twenty-four different forms, in which case, I would ask, who ia Cougreu'to o- . . __ bey! As 1 understand the Constitution, it re- j and objections urged, we have nothing to quires a concurrence oi three fourths of the j I roply that this objection strikes at tlie ro see its laws obeyed and while this state of things continues, it is very clear there, will bo no con ventions summoned by its authority. Now I ask gentlemen to tell me how this is to bo done! Some few nulltfiers of the up country have proposed to use the instrumentality of the Unit ed States’ District Court for this purpose, und its this project forms a kind of episode in this grand opic of nullification, I beg leave to dis pose of it before I go furrhor. The only ob jection I have to this project of a court nullifi cation, is its futility, and the ridicule that would necessarily attach to the state assuming tlie pompous altitude of sovereignty, for the pur pose of enabling n citizen to be sued on his bond given for duties, and thus getting a deci sion of tho District Couit. Every one must know thal this would result in a farce; but to those wlto contend for this remedy, I beg leave to pul n few questions. The object of going into court is to get the verdict of a jury; for it is admitted on all hands, that all the judges will decide against us. Consequently, if wo cannot get at this verdict, even admitting it would be for.its, which I regard as very doubiful, the remedy must fail; und for this purpose permit me to ask 1st. Is not the constitutionality of the tariff law a pure law question! and is it not the par ticular province of a judgo to decide all ques tions of law unmixed with facts! j' ' 2d. Do not these gentlemen know that the practice on theso bonds is To take judgment on mere motion before the judge, tho first term, wiilinuleoipai lance, aud trial the defendant is mil allowed to be heard, except lie will swear that thore has been a mistake made in calculating the dillie? And in tho third place, I would ask whether, in cases of appeal, the supreme court does not, in cases reversed, enter up their own judgment, instead of sending it back to the court huluw? I put those questions to the camlet of protect its officers while in the discJ, thotr duty. That the government h? power, and ought to, exercise it, I doubt; and, if the state refuses submission I must mainiuin herself by force, or Jeccd, t Bui the second plan, and indeed the oi l 1 tiomd and manly one, if the party intend to to their creed, is take possession of the J 1 h.iusn, and resist the collection of the” by Ihe executive authority. < This illj really what is - meant by arresting the iJ virtue of a sovereign veto. I can underst J in no other way; and, if I am wrong i3 the gentlemen will explain. It is trueth,,] plan has not been much urged except byJ terious hints and dark inuendoes, and tU son is very obvious—it is too plain, too , too much un affair of common sense-, mnn would be able to take in—and all» know that, when the state, assumed thii |, handed position, civil war would be ioe»ia The parly know that the people are note,, ed for this; and therefore there is as tnsL possible a veil drawn over this part off scene. Raise the curtain, gentlemen, andi" us the face of your project, and let us sce . ther it.is not more hateful, more deformed I more disgusting, than that of the veiled J phot of Chbrazin himself. MAD1S0S the sittes, it would at least consolidate tiiem persous acquainted with such matters, mid ask —ifittdid not leave us in auareby, wo would . them, undet these circumstances, how die case have tvo cause to exclaim at the absence of I can be gotten to a jury at all? If it ia replied di spoiiim. “ 'j that the Constitution guarantees the rigid of But take another case: suppose Congress tiial by jury, I respond und admit tlie fact in ‘piisses a-law in relation to the next ratio of re* ; all proper crises, but nm here. This is a tax, presentation in that body from the different' and that makes the difference. Look at home states, and directing that all free whites and —riow dues your own state do! your own Lo- hree fifths of tho blacks should be represented, gislature! They tax you, und if it is not paid as at present we understand the Constitution.-— j on the day, the collector issues un execution Rhode Island nullifies the act, on the ground ; instamcr, without the intervention of court or that nono other than citizens are entitled to be jury. Asbestos.—This article has lately attracted a good deal of attention. It is indestructible by Are, and fire proof dresses are made of it in Eu rope. It is also proposed to substitue it for >’0t< ton or lineu io the fabrication of paper ib|et«jt i for the theatrical scenery. Could not its odes Uuctibilky by fire be mado to answer impor tant pdrpbte* in reference to Bank Bills, Pub lic Records, dkc. whose destruction so often in volves individual distress, and public inconTen- ter, amend, or abolish tbe Constitution at their •"flee! We notice this article at present from - pleasure; and now for the proof. Suppose states to alter or amend that instrument, and the government is equally authorized to pass laws that are obligatory on the people by bare majorities of its own body. One of the difficulties to this new creed, is, that it imposes on the government the necessity of getting eighteen states oiti of the twenty- four, to ratify its acts before they are certainly valid: and another is, that it gives to the state, which takes the start and imposes the veto, a political consequence more than equal to seven teen other states, for it requires eighteen to un do what it has done. In.addilion to theso ab surdities, it nuthorizes one state to suspend and seven to govern,- in all cases absolutely, the ci ther seventeen, and what if possible more ab surd still, it authorizes this minority of soven to alter, amend or abolish the Constitution at pleasure. _ .0- ■- • '• I presumo the absurdities.hero hid down, will not be denied, except, perhaps, in the last iostanco, and here it remains for me to prove the assertion made. I assert this creed not on ly makes seven states rule absolutely the ba lance of the Union, but also enables them to el- represented; conventions are culled to settle the question, nod seven elates are found to cAter- tain the.same opinion; tho government has uot gotten eighteen states to sustain her, the law is abandoned, citizens only are to bo represented, und tho Southern States hereafter lose twenty- two members in Congress; and then wo are deprived of our right, mid, in our opinion, llin Constitution is palpably altered by the vote of seven states, (lie wishes of the whole govern- meutand the other seventeen states to the con trary .notwithstanding. Lila'ii,, nij-colf I nm .t.n.1^> understood. Lest however 1 should he mistaken, I beg leave to rocipitulatc. The doctrine of nullifi cation comends tlmt, when a state nullifies, the General Government is bound to acquiesce and unless she can get the concurrence of eighteen or three fourths oi the states in favor of the constitutionality of the act nullified, it falls to tlie ground, and of courso any act of the same character, in future, is unauthorzed und uncon stitutional. If this creed bo trite, then it is perfectly clear that a junto of seven states have it in their power not only, to control complete ly the whole operation of the government, but to repeal every law that tho government his c- ver enacted from its creation to the present time, and in doing so of depriving the govern ment of all authority to act in any shapej man ner, or form. Now, it,I had not one ntKer objection to urge to this creed, it would appear that what has already beeu said is amply- sufficient to show the tfltcr inadmissibility ot such a construction to out political compact. It is n construction that enable^ a small minority, not only in nil cases hi govern the majority, bu: also to amend or destroy jliu constitution itself, at pleasure! Common sense can yield to neither of them. It is no answer to tell mo that in some of the cases put, it is not probablu the difficulty would occur, the'states not having it in their power to reach tlie law so as to nullify. If this objec tion to what 1 have said bu urged, 1 will for the sake of thefargument admit it, and in doing so, the nullifier will find tlmt in the changing of his position he has not improved it, but on the contrary rendered himself liable to ail objec tion of great force from another quarter. If it be objected that in the two intermediate cases, putting the power on the part df the stale to nullify cannot bu brought to operate m con sequence oi there being nothingon which to act, and that consequently from the evils noticed fern ... root of the remedy by'nullification altogether; for'that that doctrine, which is to operate on human action, cannot bo sound if it cannot be mado to meet the evil complained of. If tho Constitu tion intended nullification as a remedy for its own violations, it surely exhibited little fore sight on the port of its framers, thus to devise one that canuot bo brought to operate in u tenth of the cases occurring. Indeed tills is onu of the objections fairly urgcablo against the wholo creed, that only here and thore could a law be framed that could bo practically nulli fied. Ij however the nullifier intends to as sert that the single fact of a state’s placing its voto on an act of. Congress, imposes upon that body tho obligation of.callittg conventions, &c. then the whole objections urged remain in foil force, and I defy the party to got clear of them. If, on tbe contrary, it is admitted that very few acts of Congress, front their‘nature, can he practically nullified, then the creed falls to the ground, from its own inefficiency;'for it is im material what the virtue of a remedy is, if it cannot, be administered.- The difficulties here noted seem to he Ad mitted by the party, for a now project has been suggested; the merchant is lo refose to enter his goods at tlte custom house, permit them to be seized, und then bring his action of replevin. This is a miserable expedient: fit si, because it would completely hang up the business of the merchant, for he would have to give bond in double the value, conditioned to return the goods if the suit went against him: and, second Iv, because, by t ikin^ this courso. Men to one he would forfeit the goods altogether: and I put it to tho nullifier to say whether, if a man refuses to enter his goods, or in any other way attempts to dt fraud llin custom-house, is ho not in the eye of the law a smuggler aud hi? goods forfeited accordingly? But lot tis go on. The party thus acting throws off his allegiance to the government al together, and refuses to pay ail taxes, as well those 1-itd for revenue as tit so for prelection, and places himself in the singular predicament of a being who claims the protection of the government, while as a citizen ho makes no return; nay more, asks the conns of the gov ernment, whose laws lie thus refuses to obey, to protect him in that disobedience! Indeed this self sumo objection applies to those who refuse to pay the bonds; for judgment must pass Ibr-ail or none. Now, what is right in one citizen is equally so in aunthci: suppose nil'do so, all rof'jsn to pay, how long will the govern ment lust? II»* tvho can recommend this course, or uid and abet another in it, may trumpet his patriotism us much as ho .pleases, hut his acts prove him the enemy of his country, if not of freedom itself. . . The truth is, this whole bond system of pto- cedurr is a catch-penny iiffiir, thrown out in a particular region of tho stato to lull the indig- nntion oftho people and to make them believn that the only , contest would be of lawyers' tongues.' ' It certainly is nut recognized by tho "Exposition,” nor by xMossrs. H.iyne, Rowan, or. Grundy’s speech in tho Senute of the Unit ed States on the subject; nor. as far ns I know, b.v the Mercury junto in Ch rleston. Indeed, it is an abandonment of tlie whole doctrine of state sovereignty} for the state virtually ndniits that she has no power to act, when she bows to this petty tribunal. The doctnnu of nulli fication is, that Ihe stato is to arrest the law by virtue of its sovereignty, nod it must he a poor sovereignty indeed that is reduced tri this di lemma. Sovereignty* petitioning the district court for a boon!! Alas for poor human na ture! how woak its fancied strength!! and how shallow too often, its host devices!! “Tell it not in Gath; publish it uqj in the streets of As- kelon,”—-the newly baptised stato rights men of Carolina, after rejecting the jurisdiction of the supreme court und charging it as a crime in any one who yielded to it, ate now urging the surrender of thoir state sovereignty to the lowest tribunal known to the laws!! But paulo majorn cnnaniiis. Let us ho dune witji tin's little affitir, and inquire in tho next place, how tlie State is to urrest the operation ot this law; for that, l trike it, is the true ques tion; There oro two ways: first, to puss a law making it an indictable offence to collect tho duties; and,secondly, to auihorize the Govern or to take possession of tile custom-house and resist the collection by force, and if (here is a- ny other plan I know not. One moment’s re flection, On the nature of the first uf these plans will satisfy us that it would fill,' if front no o- ther reason, because the custom- house officers, wlten indicted, if convicted, under thcconstitu' MR. CALHOUN & NULLIFlCATa Since reading the letters from Mr. Qkjf Mr. Kendall, already laid before our reaJ we never have for a moment doubted ihej termination of Mr. Van Buren to hunt i Mr..Calhoun upon the charge of nullifies Hence «e arc not surprised tosee in thool of this morning, a labored effort to change! issue, and to divert the attention of the | 1 from the plot, by certain statements in rc to the tariff, nullification, &c. implicating! Calhoun as a disimionist. 1 The U. S. Telegraph says, “Wet... pared to admit that Mr. Calhoun believtij Congress has no right to regulate the ini of the country, by laws enacted for the fine ol protecting one description of labor attl*" pense of another, further thou .such prota is incident to, and the cnnseqttencaoljattl ue power. We are also prepared to aiklia Mr. Calhoun was opposed to tho tariff of IS because he believed it on unwise political* urc oppressive and ruinous to tlie Saudi, t warranted by the lettoror the spirit oflluCJ Dilution. We are also prepared to admit I Mr. Calhoun believes, with Madison, Si son, and the republicans of 98, that thejKL of the States have the right to imerpose! arrest the unconstitutional exercise of fed! power; hut we deny and we do it upun tlxl •homy of his own declaration, that lie biJ claimed for tlie States, in this respect, anypi er beyond that assorted in the Virginia * Kentucky resolutions, drawn by Mr, ltd Mr. Ji'ffoison, and the opinion ofjJ M'Kt-an, of Pennsylvania, as jiidiciilljl clared. In other words, Mr., Calhoun as his opinions, on this subject, to he those ei republican party of'98, the same that head cated at the close of tho war, when lit ^ ported the tariff-1 18IC, and which have fa the guide of his political life,” ' 'Convention of Teachers.—Nr. F. D.G mins, in a communication published it number oftho Macon Telegraph, recoi a convention oftho school leaclters in l' to ho held in Macon on the first 1 December next. He urges tlte necostiijl uniform ’system of iusituction tbrought* state, and deems the above plan ihe be can he adopted, not only to attain thisd hut nlso, bv tho interchange of ideas to > die meeting would conduce, to make tint tem the best that could, be devised. We admire the plan suggested by Mr.C mins. The object is certainly one ofsuf importance to enlist the attention of ' riiunity. In seme of tho Norilieru ! plan has been adopted, and the t been highly beneficial to the inlert-stjoi* lion, and as the example has been sow fully set us, wo have every reason toll that nu effort of tlmt kind here would hejn tivo of much good. We wish Mr. Cuib and the causo he advocates, much succtvj thenian. Mobile, Apn|l| Jonathan Hunt, Esq. was this 1 President of die Branch Bank U. S. «tf in place of Philip M'Loskey, Esq- Judge Smith, ofSouth Carolina, I* 1 * (er to Congres frost) that Date, arrived City in the Steam Boat- Isabella, from gotneiy, day before yestorday. Tobacco,—'There is a sample in jjjh of tobacco gi own on the plantation off' Walton, in Greene county, front teed front Cuba- We arc judges ourselve*! article, so far as one may be with fifir" practice in smokiug and chewing, nounco, without hesitation, this tantj of the finest quality. We have the coi opinion, also, ofbetter judges. Thert doubt, therefore, of the adaptation of of this slate, to the cultivation of this its perfection.--Pa/riot. Ex-President Monroe.—Tho public* gratified to learn, that the accounting C at Washington h ive passed u|>on the * of this veteran statesman, and have i him 30,000 dolla rs—t he full amount of * late Act of Congress has permitted 1 admit. The money was to have be“ milted on Thursday Inst itva drali 1 Bank of llto United States at New YW“J Riihmood Compiler, Tho bridge over Connecticut Cheshire, New Hampshire, was*' by the ice on tho 25thult. Itwll 3 ® ,,, r . past 9 o’clock in tho evening and i . ' d ._. e . en " bled ,0 “1* his cause to the ! traveller dtove on i, for the purpoie«