Macon telegraph. (Macon, Ga.) 1826-1832, April 23, 1831, Image 2
th'a nolfit ntivtio foun3 If* Abun lance.
* ."it... n _ IT .^ l 11 » ii -
1K1 s the fact, that it abounds, in Hall acd Haber-
•iVi» swtoJ by Of II irwooJ. tint alter ttvo-i sham comities anti nil that mineral region in this
|,,d been fed to satiety, one was put on State, A very, large specimen of the native
the eh-iw?, and the other left to roposn.— Aftpr oro from the land of Mr. U lute, ol Habersham,
«'certain period, both were killed and opened, my be seen at tho Office of Messrs. Beers,
stomrclt of the otto which had been fa- Booth & St. John’s.—Augusta Courier,
t;gbed was found empty, the food having en
tirely passed, unaltered, into the small intes
tines,- but none had boon taken up by tho lac-
teals. In the stomach of the other, which was
left in. a ■ state of repose, tho food was for the
‘mtisr part unaltered by tho action of the stom
ach—the chyle.passing into the duodenum.
. ' 'Mental activity controls the functions of
.Ofo stomach to an equal extent. During the
pbripd of deep thought, tho vital energy of the
body is so entirely directed to the brain, that
npt- only the stomach, but the extremities ex
perience a diminution of excitement, os is pro
ved by their coldness and insensibility. This
'condition of the brain will so affect the stom
ach and intestines, as even to suspend the ope
ration of active medicines. Dr. Kush states
that during tho Revolutionary war, ho knew
officers who were unexpectedly drawn into
battle after having taken drastic cathartics, and
yet suffered no inconvenience ftom them until
tho .excitement of ij had passed away. I have
known too, distressing sea sickness promptly
rclioved by the mental anxiety produced by
rtn engagement between vessels of war. The
•stimulation caused by this sublime spectacle,
produced a; revulsion from tho stomach to the
brain, and thus relieved the ono of the irrita
tion accompanying this dirtrossirig disease, and
the* oilier from that depressed state indicated
by. languid feelings and obstuscacss of Intel
lecu”
The Hunter ami Rattlesnake.—Oq.ono of
rrtV burning excursions'abroad on a fino morn-
Ing^ll was just at this titno of the year—-I was
uccompaniod by my wife. It was a beautiful
onorning. • The sunshine was warm but the ui-
niotpheio was perfectly clear; and a Cite breozo
from tho northwest shook the bright greon
leaves which now clothed to profusion the
wreathing branches ahovo us. I had left my
' companion a 6bort .time in pursuit of game;—
and in climbing a rugged lodge of rucks inter-
ejjersed with shrubs mid dwarfish treus, I was
.startled by a quick grating rattle. I . looked
forward. On the edge of a loosened rock lay
q large rattlesnake, coiling himself, as if for the
■ deadly spring. He was within a few feet of
me, and I paused for an instant to survey him.
I know not why, but I stood still, and looked at
’ tho deadly serpent with a strange feeling of cu-
lenting from his purpose of hostility, and rais
ing his head, ho fixed his bright- fiery ove di
rectly upon ray own. A chilling and indescri
bable sensation totally different from any thing
I had ever before experienced, followed this
movement of the serpent; but 1 stood still, und
gazed steadily and earnestly, for at that moment
thore was a vistblo clinngo in tho reptile.' His
form seemed to grew larger end his colurs brigh
ter. His body moved with a slow, almost im
perceptible motion towards mo, and a low hum
of music camo from him—ot, at least, it sound-
edin my- ear—<t strange sweet melody, faint as
.thatwiiich melts from the throat of the hum
ming-bird. Then the lints of his body deepen
ed, changed and glowed, like the changes of a
beautiful kaleidoscope—green, purple, gold,
until I lost sight of tho serpeut entirely, and
saW only wild and curiously woven circles of
strange colors, quivering around, like an atmos
phere of rainbows. I seemed in tho centro of
a great prison—a world of mystorious colors—
rind the tints varied and darkened and lighted
up again around me—and the low music went
on without ceasing, until ray brain reeled; and
fear, for the first timo, camo like a shadow
over me. The new sensation gained upon me
rapidly, and I could feel the cold sweat gushing
from my brow. I had no cortaiaty of danger in
my mind*—no definite idea of peril—all wus
vague and clouded, like the uuaccouatable ter
rors of a droatri—and yot my limbs shook, and
X fancied I could feel tho blood suffering with
cold as it passed, along my. vines. I would
haVe given worlds to have been able to tear my
self from tho spotr—I even attempted to do so,
but the body obeyed not tho impulse of the
mind—not a muscle stirroJ ; and I stood still
as if my foot had grown to the solid rock, with
tho infernal music of the tempter in my ear, and
the baleful colorings of his enchantment before
me.
Suddenly a' now sound came on my ear—it
was a human voice—but it seotned strange and
awful. Again—again—but I stirred not; and
then ,a white form plunged bofore me, and
grasped my arm. Tho horrible spell was at
once broken. Tho strange colors passed from
before my vision. The Rattlesnake was coil
ing at my feet with glowing eyes and uplifted
fangs, and mv wife clinging in terror upon me.
The next instant tho serpetit threw himself up
on us.. My wife was the victim ! The fatal
fangs pierced deeply into Imr hand; and her
scream of agony, as she staggered backward
• from me, told me the dreadful truth.
Then it was a feeling of madness camo upon
me; -and when I saw the foul sorpent stealing
away from his work of death, reckless of dan
ger, X sprang forward and crused him under
my feet, grinding him in pieces upon the rock.
The groans of my wifo, now recalled mo to Iter
side, altd to the horrible reality of her situa
tion.' -There waa a dark, livid spot on her
band; aod it deepened into blackness as-Iced
her away. Wo were at a considerable dis
tance from any dwelling; and after wandering
for a short time, tho pain ofher wound became
insupportable,' and she swooned away in my
arms. Weak and exhausted as I was, I had
yet strength enough remaining to carry her to
the nearest rivulet, and bathe hor brow in the
cool water. She partially recovered, and sat
down upon the bank, while I supported her
bead upon my bosom. Hour afier hour passed
■way, and none camo near us—and thore—
alone, in the great wilderness, I watched over
her, and prayed with her—aud she died.—Ze-
$ends of New England.
Congress declares war: estate nullifies tbe net;
Congress calls conventions ol all tho states to
ducidc tlie constitutionality of the act declaring
war; seventeen suites decide that the act is
constitutional, the other seven say no: eighteen
states not having decided in favor of the gov
ernment, the act is void, and of no force,
grid nt| such acts in future are to be regarded
as unconstitutional; for tho nullifier contends
that tile decision in the case is to operate as
an amendment to tho Constitution, and three
fomthsoftlte wholo, or eighteen states, being
A Jeweller recently received .through the
Post Office, a silver watch and the following
letter: “This watch was stolen from you, and
the money is tho interest on tho price of the
watch siuce it was taken,” signed "Consci- , _
.•nee—iw rather tho effect of a revival of Reli- j necessary to no amendincul, and there not be-
"ioii." Enclosed wa* $6‘31, estimated inter- i ingtbat number in favor of the act,the nniend-
est of the vuluo fur five or six years. There merit lias foot prevailed* and consequently the
was no date to the loner, and no traces of the claUse is fixed and made of force in future by
author of it can bo discovered. ,... f . tlie vote of ilie seven states, the seventeen to
■ ■ ' - . ” the'contrary notwithstanding.
LETTER FROM MADISON Take another case: suppose Congress should
Montpellier, Feb. 22. 1831. P'°P« r 10 P ilSJ * ‘‘eclaratot-y law, asserting
Dear Sir-1 have received your letter of ‘ llat slaves are personal property, that Con-
r _ 2 , J gross has no control over them, and that under
l". Is*,hero any State power to make banks! '>•« .Constitution that bod'*»»» » *•" to e-
2. Is tho federal power as has been excrcis- manciple them ^^“' ^ou'h, would have
.•d, or as proposed to bo exercised by President no objeetton to this act; but Qlno, tfyou| lease,
Jackson nrcicrnbfo! nullifies it; Congress calls conventions to de-
Tho evi? which produced tit. prohibitory]«««»“ ‘ ho
clause in the constitution of the United States foulld » fayor of the ad; but on the contrary,
was the practice of tho states in making bills seven say it is an umo.istitut.onal act; the law
of credit end in so.no instances apprised » »p*. a " d *'? consequence » a new clause
property, a “legal tender.” If the notes of i« ‘ be Constitution, denying that slaves are per-
states banks, therefore, whether chartered or *?•£» WWr** if.Sre" * 9
uecbartei cd, be made a legal tendur, they are j r, B bt *• e,n ' n P 10 P e •
prohibited; if not made a legal tender, they do *1 akri another case: suppose Congress pass
not fill within the prohibitory clause The J a declaratory law asserting that the states are
No. of the “Federalist” teferred to was writ-.sovereign in all the cases of |>ower that ate not
ten with that view oftho subject; and’this, with expressly surrendered to the General Govern-
prubably other cotemporatv expositions, and i mem and that the Coustiiution is to bri the ex-
the uninterrupted practice oi'ilie states in cren- elusive guide and controller of the government
ting und permuting banks without making their j in all its acts: a state nullifies it, conventions
notes a legal tender, would seem to lio a bar to are called, and seven slates are found to say
In tho first.p’ace, the State is to stop.the o-';
peration of tho act of Congress:'the law is to
be suspended, within its borders, by the state
authority in some shape or other. Every one
will seo that this step is necessary in order'to
arrive at the next stage of tliu process; for Con
gress isto be jorced to call conventions, and it is
perfectly obvious that there could be no induce
ment on i he part of that bndy to do so, if her ......
laws are perriiitted to continue in operation.— , time, it is vety clear that the goveroraer.
All tlm- government can ask, all it can wish, have the power to enforce its revenue l aw '
under the most favorable circumstances, is, to !l * '’ ffi '* n ™ —u:t- t- *<-- .. .*•
caose^ner4o-It believe 4haUhQ*e4s ffW„ I
the state, who would not pronouoe* *1
state law unconstitutional. But sunnotJ
did not, suppose tltat party feolingjZ,, fo
ter of good souse, there can be no doubt ^
the decision of ilm supremo coon i
the mutter would end. I am not o’oa 0 f i
who think that the supreme, court has iff *
er to call a state to its bar; but, a t th f
that the whole act is unconstitutional, eighteen
riot being for it, the act is null and void. What
is tho consequence? A new clause to the Con
stitution, which annihilates tho reserved rights
of the states, end repeals the whole Constitu
tion, and substituting therefore tho will of Con
gress In all cases: Now, if tltis would not pro
duce 0 grand consolidated government, without
limitation of power, I know nothing that would;
nor do 1 1 believe a better plan coiild.be devised
fur that purpose than tho states to submit to
tbe practical operation of this creed. It tho
doctraio did not have tlie credit of separating
the question, if it were not inexpedient now to
agitate it.
A virtual and incidental enforcement of tho
depreciated mites of the state banks, by their
ctutvding out u sound medium, though a great
evil, was not foreseen; and if it had been ap
prehended: it is questionable whether tlie con-
stitudutt of the United States, which had many 1
obstacles to encounter, wuuld have ventured
to guard against it by an additional provision.
A virtual, and it is Imped an adequate remedy,
may hereafter be found in tho refusal of state
paper when, debased, in any of tho federal
transactioes, and the control of the-federal
bank, this being itself controlled from suspen
ding its specie payments by the public ambor-
ity. * '
- On-the other question I readily decide a-
gainst the project recommended by the Presi
dent. Reasons mure than sufficient appear to
have been presented to the public in the re
views and othor comments which it has called
forth. How far a hint for it may have been ta-'
ken from Mr. Jefferson 1 know not. The
kindred idea of the latter may be seen in his
memoirs, voi. 4, p. 196, 207; 526, and
his view of the State Banks, vol. 4, p. 199,
220.
There are sundry statutes in Virginia, pro
hibiting tho circulation of*notes payable to
bearer, whether issued by individuals or un-
chartercd banks.
These observations little new or important
as they may be, would have been promptly fur
nished, but for an indisposition in which your
letter found me, and which has nut entircly'lefi
me. I hopo this will find you in good health,
and you have my best wishes for its continu
ance, tied the addition of every other blessing.
JAMES MADISON.
Charles J. Ingtrsoll, Esq. \
Harrisburg, Penn. >
Prom the Southern Hive.
NULLIFICATION.
This creed claims for n statu the constitution
al right of supervising, or reviewing any net of
Congress, determining on its constitutionality,
met if in its opinion, inconsistent with the spir
it ui that instrument, arresting its operation,
within its borders, by' means of its sovereign
veto; the act to remain so suspended, until
Congress shall cal! conventions of all tho states
to determine the quosiiun;, the decision uf three
fourths of which,. beitig in favor, of the law,
makes it valid, and reverses tho state veto: the
decision of nevon status on the contrary being
in fitvor of tho state, repeals the law, making it
void, mid settles tho constitution on that point
forever afterwards.
The first impression made on tho mind after
examining this croud is that of amazentont, that
any gentleman at nil acquainted with tho.vnlua
of our institutions, should maintain this doc
trine, as constitutional, oral all compatible with
the progress of tlie government or integrity of
government or integrity of the Union. The
constitution was evidently given as a guide to
conduct and control the operations of the gov
ernment; and yet this creed deprives it of the
right of construing that instrument or of nciing
under its authority; and places their rights and
powers exclusively in the hands of the states
severally. Why, I would ask, this inconsis
tency! and why give a rule of conduct, if it is
not to bo acted under! At this rate, Congress
has no rule, except the will of the states, aud
this will, from the. number of the stales, may
present itself in twenty-four different forms, in
which case, I would ask, who ia Cougreu'to o- . . __
bey! As 1 understand the Constitution, it re- j and objections urged, we have nothing to
quires a concurrence oi three fourths of the j I roply that this objection strikes at tlie ro
see its laws obeyed and while this state of things
continues, it is very clear there, will bo no con
ventions summoned by its authority. Now I
ask gentlemen to tell me how this is to bo done!
Some few nulltfiers of the up country have
proposed to use the instrumentality of the Unit
ed States’ District Court for this purpose, und
its this project forms a kind of episode in this
grand opic of nullification, I beg leave to dis
pose of it before I go furrhor. The only ob
jection I have to this project of a court nullifi
cation, is its futility, and the ridicule that would
necessarily attach to the state assuming tlie
pompous altitude of sovereignty, for the pur
pose of enabling n citizen to be sued on his
bond given for duties, and thus getting a deci
sion of tho District Couit. Every one must
know thal this would result in a farce; but to
those wlto contend for this remedy, I beg leave
to pul n few questions. The object of going
into court is to get the verdict of a jury; for it
is admitted on all hands, that all the judges will
decide against us. Consequently, if wo cannot
get at this verdict, even admitting it would be
for.its, which I regard as very doubiful, the
remedy must fail; und for this purpose permit
me to ask
1st. Is not the constitutionality of the tariff
law a pure law question! and is it not the par
ticular province of a judgo to decide all ques
tions of law unmixed with facts! j' '
2d. Do not these gentlemen know that the
practice on theso bonds is To take judgment on
mere motion before the judge, tho first term,
wiilinuleoipai lance, aud trial the defendant is mil
allowed to be heard, except lie will swear that
thore has been a mistake made in calculating
the dillie? And in tho third place, I would ask
whether, in cases of appeal, the supreme court
does not, in cases reversed, enter up their own
judgment, instead of sending it back to the court
huluw? I put those questions to the camlet of
protect its officers while in the discJ,
thotr duty. That the government h?
power, and ought to, exercise it, I
doubt; and, if the state refuses submission I
must mainiuin herself by force, or Jeccd, t
Bui the second plan, and indeed the oi l 1
tiomd and manly one, if the party intend to
to their creed, is take possession of the J 1
h.iusn, and resist the collection of the”
by Ihe executive authority. < This illj
really what is - meant by arresting the iJ
virtue of a sovereign veto. I can underst J
in no other way; and, if I am wrong i3
the gentlemen will explain. It is trueth,,]
plan has not been much urged except byJ
terious hints and dark inuendoes, and tU
son is very obvious—it is too plain, too ,
too much un affair of common sense-,
mnn would be able to take in—and all»
know that, when the state, assumed thii |,
handed position, civil war would be ioe»ia
The parly know that the people are note,,
ed for this; and therefore there is as tnsL
possible a veil drawn over this part off
scene. Raise the curtain, gentlemen, andi"
us the face of your project, and let us sce .
ther it.is not more hateful, more deformed I
more disgusting, than that of the veiled J
phot of Chbrazin himself. MAD1S0S
the sittes, it would at least consolidate tiiem persous acquainted with such matters, mid ask
—ifittdid not leave us in auareby, wo would . them, undet these circumstances, how die case
have tvo cause to exclaim at the absence of I can be gotten to a jury at all? If it ia replied
di spoiiim. “ 'j that the Constitution guarantees the rigid of
But take another case: suppose Congress tiial by jury, I respond und admit tlie fact in
‘piisses a-law in relation to the next ratio of re* ; all proper crises, but nm here. This is a tax,
presentation in that body from the different' and that makes the difference. Look at home
states, and directing that all free whites and —riow dues your own state do! your own Lo-
hree fifths of tho blacks should be represented, gislature! They tax you, und if it is not paid
as at present we understand the Constitution.-— j on the day, the collector issues un execution
Rhode Island nullifies the act, on the ground ; instamcr, without the intervention of court or
that nono other than citizens are entitled to be jury.
Asbestos.—This article has lately attracted
a good deal of attention. It is indestructible by
Are, and fire proof dresses are made of it in Eu
rope. It is also proposed to substitue it for >’0t<
ton or lineu io the fabrication of paper ib|et«jt i
for the theatrical scenery. Could not its odes
Uuctibilky by fire be mado to answer impor
tant pdrpbte* in reference to Bank Bills, Pub
lic Records, dkc. whose destruction so often in
volves individual distress, and public inconTen- ter, amend, or abolish tbe Constitution at their
•"flee! We notice this article at present from - pleasure; and now for the proof. Suppose
states to alter or amend that instrument, and
the government is equally authorized to pass
laws that are obligatory on the people by bare
majorities of its own body.
One of the difficulties to this new creed, is,
that it imposes on the government the necessity
of getting eighteen states oiti of the twenty-
four, to ratify its acts before they are certainly
valid: and another is, that it gives to the state,
which takes the start and imposes the veto, a
political consequence more than equal to seven
teen other states, for it requires eighteen to un
do what it has done. In.addilion to theso ab
surdities, it nuthorizes one state to suspend and
seven to govern,- in all cases absolutely, the ci
ther seventeen, and what if possible more ab
surd still, it authorizes this minority of soven to
alter, amend or abolish the Constitution at
pleasure. _ .0- ■- • '•
I presumo the absurdities.hero hid down,
will not be denied, except, perhaps, in the last
iostanco, and here it remains for me to prove
the assertion made. I assert this creed not on
ly makes seven states rule absolutely the ba
lance of the Union, but also enables them to el-
represented; conventions are culled to settle the
question, nod seven elates are found to cAter-
tain the.same opinion; tho government has uot
gotten eighteen states to sustain her, the law is
abandoned, citizens only are to bo represented,
und tho Southern States hereafter lose twenty-
two members in Congress; and then wo are
deprived of our right, mid, in our opinion, llin
Constitution is palpably altered by the vote of
seven states, (lie wishes of the whole govern-
meutand the other seventeen states to the con
trary .notwithstanding.
Lila'ii,, nij-colf I nm .t.n.1^> understood.
Lest however 1 should he mistaken, I beg
leave to rocipitulatc. The doctrine of nullifi
cation comends tlmt, when a state nullifies, the
General Government is bound to acquiesce and
unless she can get the concurrence of eighteen
or three fourths oi the states in favor of the
constitutionality of the act nullified, it falls to
tlie ground, and of courso any act of the same
character, in future, is unauthorzed und uncon
stitutional. If this creed bo trite, then it is
perfectly clear that a junto of seven states have
it in their power not only, to control complete
ly the whole operation of the government, but
to repeal every law that tho government his c-
ver enacted from its creation to the present
time, and in doing so of depriving the govern
ment of all authority to act in any shapej man
ner, or form.
Now, it,I had not one ntKer objection to urge
to this creed, it would appear that what has
already beeu said is amply- sufficient to show
the tfltcr inadmissibility ot such a construction
to out political compact. It is n construction
that enable^ a small minority, not only in nil
cases hi govern the majority, bu: also to amend
or destroy jliu constitution itself, at pleasure!
Common sense can yield to neither of them.
It is no answer to tell mo that in some of the
cases put, it is not probablu the difficulty would
occur, the'states not having it in their power to
reach tlie law so as to nullify. If this objec
tion to what 1 have said bu urged, 1 will for the
sake of thefargument admit it, and in doing so,
the nullifier will find tlmt in the changing of
his position he has not improved it, but on the
contrary rendered himself liable to ail objec
tion of great force from another quarter.
If it be objected that in the two intermediate
cases, putting the power on the part df the stale
to nullify cannot bu brought to operate m con
sequence oi there being nothingon which to act,
and that consequently from the evils noticed
fern
... root of
the remedy by'nullification altogether; for'that
that doctrine, which is to operate on human
action, cannot bo sound if it cannot be mado to
meet the evil complained of. If tho Constitu
tion intended nullification as a remedy for its
own violations, it surely exhibited little fore
sight on the port of its framers, thus to devise
one that canuot bo brought to operate in u
tenth of the cases occurring. Indeed tills is
onu of the objections fairly urgcablo against
the wholo creed, that only here and thore could
a law be framed that could bo practically nulli
fied. Ij however the nullifier intends to as
sert that the single fact of a state’s placing its
voto on an act of. Congress, imposes upon that
body tho obligation of.callittg conventions, &c.
then the whole objections urged remain in foil
force, and I defy the party to got clear of them.
If, on tbe contrary, it is admitted that very few
acts of Congress, front their‘nature, can he
practically nullified, then the creed falls to the
ground, from its own inefficiency;'for it is im
material what the virtue of a remedy is, if it
cannot, be administered.-
The difficulties here noted seem to he Ad
mitted by the party, for a now project has been
suggested; the merchant is lo refose to enter
his goods at tlte custom house, permit them to
be seized, und then bring his action of replevin.
This is a miserable expedient: fit si, because it
would completely hang up the business of the
merchant, for he would have to give bond in
double the value, conditioned to return the
goods if the suit went against him: and, second
Iv, because, by t ikin^ this courso. Men to one
he would forfeit the goods altogether: and I
put it to tho nullifier to say whether, if a
man refuses to enter his goods, or in any other
way attempts to dt fraud llin custom-house, is
ho not in the eye of the law a smuggler aud
hi? goods forfeited accordingly?
But lot tis go on. The party thus acting
throws off his allegiance to the government al
together, and refuses to pay ail taxes, as well
those 1-itd for revenue as tit so for prelection,
and places himself in the singular predicament
of a being who claims the protection of the
government, while as a citizen ho makes no
return; nay more, asks the conns of the gov
ernment, whose laws lie thus refuses to obey,
to protect him in that disobedience! Indeed
this self sumo objection applies to those who
refuse to pay the bonds; for judgment must
pass Ibr-ail or none. Now, what is right in one
citizen is equally so in aunthci: suppose nil'do
so, all rof'jsn to pay, how long will the govern
ment lust? II»* tvho can recommend this course,
or uid and abet another in it, may trumpet his
patriotism us much as ho .pleases, hut his acts
prove him the enemy of his country, if not of
freedom itself. . .
The truth is, this whole bond system of pto-
cedurr is a catch-penny iiffiir, thrown out in a
particular region of tho stato to lull the indig-
nntion oftho people and to make them believn
that the only , contest would be of lawyers'
tongues.' ' It certainly is nut recognized by tho
"Exposition,” nor by xMossrs. H.iyne, Rowan,
or. Grundy’s speech in tho Senute of the Unit
ed States on the subject; nor. as far ns I know,
b.v the Mercury junto in Ch rleston. Indeed,
it is an abandonment of tlie whole doctrine of
state sovereignty} for the state virtually ndniits
that she has no power to act, when she bows
to this petty tribunal. The doctnnu of nulli
fication is, that Ihe stato is to arrest the law by
virtue of its sovereignty, nod it must he a poor
sovereignty indeed that is reduced tri this di
lemma. Sovereignty* petitioning the district
court for a boon!! Alas for poor human na
ture! how woak its fancied strength!! and how
shallow too often, its host devices!! “Tell it
not in Gath; publish it uqj in the streets of As-
kelon,”—-the newly baptised stato rights men
of Carolina, after rejecting the jurisdiction of
the supreme court und charging it as a crime
in any one who yielded to it, ate now urging
the surrender of thoir state sovereignty to the
lowest tribunal known to the laws!!
But paulo majorn cnnaniiis. Let us ho dune
witji tin's little affitir, and inquire in tho next
place, how tlie State is to urrest the operation
ot this law; for that, l trike it, is the true ques
tion; There oro two ways: first, to puss a law
making it an indictable offence to collect tho
duties; and,secondly, to auihorize the Govern
or to take possession of tile custom-house and
resist the collection by force, and if (here is a-
ny other plan I know not. One moment’s re
flection, On the nature of the first uf these plans
will satisfy us that it would fill,' if front no o-
ther reason, because the custom- house officers,
wlten indicted, if convicted, under thcconstitu'
MR. CALHOUN & NULLIFlCATa
Since reading the letters from Mr. Qkjf
Mr. Kendall, already laid before our reaJ
we never have for a moment doubted ihej
termination of Mr. Van Buren to hunt i
Mr..Calhoun upon the charge of nullifies
Hence «e arc not surprised tosee in thool
of this morning, a labored effort to change!
issue, and to divert the attention of the | 1
from the plot, by certain statements in rc
to the tariff, nullification, &c. implicating!
Calhoun as a disimionist. 1
The U. S. Telegraph says, “Wet...
pared to admit that Mr. Calhoun believtij
Congress has no right to regulate the ini
of the country, by laws enacted for the fine
ol protecting one description of labor attl*"
pense of another, further thou .such prota
is incident to, and the cnnseqttencaoljattl
ue power. We are also prepared to aiklia
Mr. Calhoun was opposed to tho tariff of IS
because he believed it on unwise political*
urc oppressive and ruinous to tlie Saudi, t
warranted by the lettoror the spirit oflluCJ
Dilution. We are also prepared to admit I
Mr. Calhoun believes, with Madison, Si
son, and the republicans of 98, that thejKL
of the States have the right to imerpose!
arrest the unconstitutional exercise of fed!
power; hut we deny and we do it upun tlxl
•homy of his own declaration, that lie biJ
claimed for tlie States, in this respect, anypi
er beyond that assorted in the Virginia *
Kentucky resolutions, drawn by Mr,
ltd Mr. Ji'ffoison, and the opinion ofjJ
M'Kt-an, of Pennsylvania, as jiidiciilljl
clared. In other words, Mr., Calhoun as
his opinions, on this subject, to he those ei
republican party of'98, the same that head
cated at the close of tho war, when lit ^
ported the tariff-1 18IC, and which have fa
the guide of his political life,” '
'Convention of Teachers.—Nr. F. D.G
mins, in a communication published it
number oftho Macon Telegraph, recoi
a convention oftho school leaclters in l'
to ho held in Macon on the first 1
December next. He urges tlte necostiijl
uniform ’system of iusituction tbrought*
state, and deems the above plan ihe be
can he adopted, not only to attain thisd
hut nlso, bv tho interchange of ideas to >
die meeting would conduce, to make tint
tem the best that could, be devised.
We admire the plan suggested by Mr.C
mins. The object is certainly one ofsuf
importance to enlist the attention of '
riiunity. In seme of tho Norilieru !
plan has been adopted, and the t
been highly beneficial to the inlert-stjoi*
lion, and as the example has been sow
fully set us, wo have every reason toll
that nu effort of tlmt kind here would hejn
tivo of much good. We wish Mr. Cuib
and the causo he advocates, much succtvj
thenian.
Mobile, Apn|l|
Jonathan Hunt, Esq. was this 1
President of die Branch Bank U. S. «tf
in place of Philip M'Loskey, Esq-
Judge Smith, ofSouth Carolina, I* 1 *
(er to Congres frost) that Date, arrived
City in the Steam Boat- Isabella, from
gotneiy, day before yestorday.
Tobacco,—'There is a sample in jjjh
of tobacco gi own on the plantation off'
Walton, in Greene county, front teed
front Cuba- We arc judges ourselve*!
article, so far as one may be with fifir"
practice in smokiug and chewing,
nounco, without hesitation, this tantj
of the finest quality. We have the coi
opinion, also, ofbetter judges. Thert
doubt, therefore, of the adaptation of
of this slate, to the cultivation of this
its perfection.--Pa/riot.
Ex-President Monroe.—Tho public*
gratified to learn, that the accounting C
at Washington h ive passed u|>on the *
of this veteran statesman, and have i
him 30,000 dolla rs—t he full amount of *
late Act of Congress has permitted 1
admit. The money was to have be“
milted on Thursday Inst itva drali 1
Bank of llto United States at New YW“J
Riihmood Compiler,
Tho bridge over Connecticut
Cheshire, New Hampshire, was*'
by the ice on tho 25thult. Itwll 3 ®
,,, r . past 9 o’clock in tho evening and i
. ' d ._. e . en " bled ,0 “1* his cause to the ! traveller dtove on i, for the purpoie«