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« forAeitikf' hc,ar frost, zhd tViix cotuIAoM to nioned right to tho lands they occupy until th&t oerraso in thickness. In sumo place* the lny- j right slmll be extinguished by a voluntary cc£- rr of salt is a foot deep. At present I must moii to our government, "yet it may well be defer tlio explanation of this phenomenon till tcloubted whether those tribes which reside with- i shall have time to enter upon the description jin the acknowledged boundaries of the United of the geological structure of f ezz.tu.” 1 States can with strict accuracy be denominated 1 foreign nations. They may tnoro correctly Consumption.—l<[r. E. White, of New York, '.perhaps he denominated domestic dependant has published tho result of an explrm.oi!'. made ! nations. They occupy a territory to which wo under his dlroctiou, in consequence of the a- assert a titlo independent of ihoir will, which nunciatiou of Mr. Murray’s recommendation, ■of inhaling the Vapour of Nitric acid for con sumptive symptoms. He describes tho mode adopted in this case, in the absence of any di rections, to have been by putting in a small quantity of the acid in a tumbler, and confining tho luinns by a handkercheif over tho head id the patient, who closed his eyes nnd inhaled the vapour through the mouth. The inhala tion was performed about n half nn hour at h time, three limes a day. “The effect has been to relievo him entirely froth an obslinnto enugh of many tun standing, and which, for tho Inst two months, had bcon accompanied with all the tymptoms of a confirmed and rapid consump tion; all which have according to present ap pearances, disappeared with the cough. How permanent this relief may prove, timo must . show.” THE CHEROKEE NATION THE STATE l OF GEORGIA. January Ttrm, 1831 Opinion of tho Supremo Court of the United Stntcs, delivered by Mr. Chief Justice Mar shall, on a motion of tho Cherokee Nation for a Writ of Injunction and Subpoena a- gainst tho State of Georgia. . This bill is brought by the Cherokee Nation, praying an injunction to restrain the Stato of Georgia from the execution of certain laws of that state, which, os alleged,' go directly to an nihilate tho Cherokeos as a political society, and to seize, for the use of Gourgin, tho lauds of the nation which have been assured to them t>y the United Sfntes in solemn treaties re peatedly made and still in force. If courts were permitted to indulge their sympathies, n case better calculated to excite them can scarcely be imagined. A people once numerous, powerful, and truly independent; found by our ancestors in tho quiet and uncon trolled possession of an autplo domain, gradu ally sinking beneath our superior policy, our arts and our arms, have yielded their lauds by successive treaties, each. of which contains a solemn guarantco of tho residue, until they re tain no more of tltoir former extensive territo ry than is necessary to their comfortable sub sistence. To preserve this remnant tho pre sent application is made. • Before wo can look into tho merits of tho case, a preliminary inquiry presents imsclf.— ' Has this Court jurisdiction of the cause? The third article of tho constitution de scribes the extent of the judicial power. The 'socond sectiop closes nn onurqpration uf tho cases to which it is extfendod, with “controver sies, between a stato or tho citizens thereof, and foreign states, citizens or subjects.” A subsequent clause of tho same section gives the Supreme Court original jurisdiction in all cases in which a stato shall bu a party. The party defendant may then unquestionably be sued in this court. May the plaintiff suo in it? Is the Cherokee Nation a foreign stato in the tense in whichthal torra is used in tho consti tution? The council for the plaintiffs have maintain ed the affirmative of this proposition with great earnestness and ability. So much of the argu ment as was intonded to provo the character of the Cherokces as a state, as a distinct political aociety, separated from others, capable of man aging its own affairs nnd governing itself, has, in the opinion of a majority of the judges, been completely successful. They have been uni formly treated as a state from the settlement ol our country. The numerous treaties made with them by the United States recognize them as a people capable of maintaining tho rela tions of peace sod war, of being responsible in their political character for any violation of tbeir engagements, or for any aggression com mitted on the citizens of tba United States by any individual of their community. Laws have been enacted in the spirit of these treaties.— The acts of our government pluinly recognize the Cherokee nation os a state, and the courts are bound by those acts. A question of much more difficulty remains. Do the Cherokees constitute a foreign slate in tho sense of the Constitution? Their council have shown conclusively that they are not a slate of tho Union, and have in sisted that individually they are aliens, not ow ing allegiance to tho United States. An ng- grega'e of aliens composing u state must, they- say, be a foreign state. Each individual beuij. foreign, tho whole must bo foreign. This argument is imposing, but we must ex amine it more closely before we yield to it.— The condition of tho Indians in relation to the United Stato is perhaps unliko that of any other two people in existence. In tho genei.il nations not owing a common allegiance are foreign to each other. The term foreign na- tiou is, with strict propriety, applicable by ei ther to the othor. But the relation of the In dians to tho Uuited States is ra irked by pecu liar and cardinal distinctions, which exist no whore else. The Indian territory Is admitted to compose a part of the United States. In all our maps, geographical treaties, history, and laws, it is so considered. In all our intercourse with foreign nations, in our commercial regulations, in any attempt at intercourse betwoen the Indians and foreign nations, they are cociidtred as within the jurisdictional limits of the United States, anbject to many of those restrains which are imposed upon our own citizens. They ac knowledge themselves in their treaties to be uoder the protection of the United States; they admit that the United States have the sole anil exclusive right of regulating thetrado with them, and of managing all their affairs, as they think proper, and the Cherokees in particular wete allowed b) the treaty of Hopewell, which pre ceded the constitution, “to' send a deputy of their choice, whenever they think fit, to Con gress." Treaties were made with.sotae tribes by the State ol New York, under a then uo- aettled constitution of the confederation, by which they ceded all their land* to that state, taking beck a limited grant to theraselvtp, in Which they admit their dependence. oust take effect in point of possession when their right of possession ccasos. Meanwhile they are in a stato of pupilage. Their rela- lion to the United Slates resembles that of a ward to his guardian. They Ibok to our gov- ernmcnt'for protection, rely upon its kindness >nd its power, appeal to it for relief to their wants, and address tho President ns their groat Father. They and their country are consid ered by foreign nations as well as by ourselves, is being so completely tinder the sovereignty and dominion of the United States, that any at tempt to acquire their lands, or to form a po litical ennoexion with them would bo consider ed by all as au invasion of our territory, and an act of hostility. These considerations go far to support the ••pinion that tho framers of our Constitution had not the Indian tribes in view, when they opened tho courts of tho Union to controversies between a stato or the citizens thereof, and for eign slates. In considering tho subject, tho habits and usages of the Indians, in their intercourse with tbeir white neighbors, ought not to be entirely disregarded. At tho timo the Constitution was framed, the idea of appealing to an American court of justice for an assertion of right or a re dress of wrongs had perhaps never entered the mind of an Indian or of his tribe. Their ap peal was to the tomahawk, or to the govern ment. This was well understood by the states men who framed the Constitution of the Uuited States and might furnish some reason for omit ting to enumerate them among the parties who might suo in the courts of the Union. Be this as it may, tho peculiar relations between the United Slates and the Indians occupying our territory ere such that we should feel much dif ficulty in consideiing them us designated by the term foreign stato, were there no other pari of iho constitution which might shed light on tho meaning uf these words. But we think that iu construing them considerable aid is furnish ed by that clause in tho eighth section of tho third article which empowers Congress to “re gulate commerce with foreign nations, among the several states, and with (he Indian tribes." In this clause they are as clearly contradis tinguished by a name appropriate to them selves, from foreign nations, as from the sever al states composing tho Union. They are de signated by a distinct appellation, and as tho ap pellation, can be applied to neither of tho oth ers, neither can tho appellation distinguishing either of the others be in fair construction ap plied to them. Tho objects to which the pow er of regulating commerce might be direct ed, are divided into three distinct classes—foreign nations, the several states, and Indian tribes.-— When framing this arlido the convention con sidered them ns entirely distinct. We cannot assume that the distinction was lost in framing a subsequent article, unless there be some' thing in its language to authorize the assump tinn. Tho counsel- for tho plaintiffs contend that tho words “Indian'tribes" were introduced into tho article empowering Congress to regulate commerco for (lie purpose of removing these doubts in which the management of Indian af fairs was involved by tho languago of the ninth article of the confederation. Intending give the wholo powor of managing these affairs to the Government about to be instituted, the convention confined it explicitly, and omitted those qualifications which embarrassed the ex orcise of it as grantod in the confedoi a'ion.— This may be admitted without weakening the construction which has been intimated. Had llnf Indian tribes boen foreign-nations in the view of the convention, this exclusive power of regulating intercourse with them might have been and most probably would have been speci fically given in language contradistinguishing ‘hem from foreign nations. Congress might have been empowered “to regulate commerce with foreign nations including the Indian tribes, md among the several states.” This language would have suggested itself to statesmen who considered the Indian ttibe at foreign nations, md were yet desirous of mentioning them par icularly. It has been- also said that the same words Imvo not necessarily tho suroe moaning attach ed to them when found in different parts of the same instrument. Their meaning is controlled by the context. This is undoubtedly true. In common language the same word has various meanings and the peculiai sense in which.it is used iu any sentence, is to be determined by the context. This may not be equally true with respect to proper names. Foreign na tions is a general term, tho application of which to Indian tribes when used in the A- merican Constitution is at best extremely quo*- mnnblc. In one article iu which a powor is uiven to be exorcised in regard to foreign na tions generally, and to tho Indian tribes parti- olarly, they are mentioned as separate in terms clearly contradistinguishing them from each other. We perceive plainly that the constitu- ion in this article docs not comprehend Indian tribes in tho general term foreign nations, not we presume because it is not foreign to the U< nited States. When afterwards the term fo reign state is introduced, we cannot impute to ■ho convention the intention to desert its for mer meaning and to comprehend Indian tribes within it, unless the context force that con- itiuction on us. We find nothing in the context md nothing in the subject of the article which leads to it. The court has bestowed its best attention on this question, and after mature deliberation the majority is of opinion, that an Indian tribe or nation within the United States is not a for eign stato in tho sense of the constitution, and cannot maintain an action in tiio courts of the United States. A serious additional objection exists to the jurisdiction-of the court, is the matter of the bill the proper subject for judicial inquiry and decision! It soaks to restrains state from a forcible exercise of legislative power over a neighboring people asserting their independ ence, their right to which the state denies. On several of the matters alleged in the bill. their own country by tho Cherokee nation,' opportunity for tho full accomplishment of those this court cannot interpose, at least iu the form in which those matters are presented. That part of the bill which respects tho lands oc cupied by the Indians, and prays the aid of the court to protect tbeir possessions may be more^ important public objects, in the prosecution of which 1 have witnessed on your part such stea dy vigilanco and untiring devotiou. To the unfavorable influence which my continuance in yuur Cabinet, undor existing circumstances, I.UUII tu UIUIOWI 1UWII jrwjcicjaiw.w ‘“‘V ~ J * n , doubtful. The mere question of right might’ may exercise upon this flattering prospect, I porhaps bo dented by this court in a proper case witii proper parties. But tho court is askeu to do more than decide on the title. Tho hill re quires us to control (be legislation of Georgia, and to restrain the execution of its physical force. The propriety ofsuch an interposition by the court may well bo questioned. It sa vors too much of tlie exercise of political pow er to be within the proper province of tho ju dicial department. But the opinion on the point respecting parties makes it unnecessary to decide this question. If it be true that tho Cherokee nation have rights, this is not the tribunal in which those rights are to bo asserted. If it be truo that wrongs have been inflicted and that still greater are to bo apprehended, this is not the tribunal which can redress the past or prevent the fu ture. The motion for an injunction is denied. RESIGNATION OF THE CABINET. From the Washington Globe, 20th inst. It will appear, byjbe publication in our co- lumns of today, that the Secretary of State has tendered his resignation to the President, who has accepted it. The grounds upon which this step was taken are so fully aud distinctly stated in the correspondence, that comment on our part is unneicessary, On the 7th the Secretary of War tendered his resignation to the President; and yeslciday, the.Secretary of the Treasury and Secretary of the Navy hand ed in theirs; all of which have been accepted. From this it is inferred that a new organiza tion of the Cabinet is to take place. Washington, April XIth, 1831. Dicer Sir—I feel it to bo my duty to retire from the office to which your confidence and par tiality called me. Tho delicacy of this step, un der the circumstances in which it is. taken, will, I trust, bo deemed an ample apology for stat ing more at large, than might otherwise have been necessary, the reasons by wbi;li I am in fluenced. From the moment of taking my soat in your Cabinet, it has been roy anxious wish and zeal ous endeavor to prevont a premature agitation of the question of your successor; and, at all events, to discountenance, and if possible re press the disposition, at an early day mani fested, to connect my name with that disturbing topic. Of tho sincerity and tho constancy of this disposition, no one lias had a better oppor tunity to judge than yourself. It has, however, been unavailing. Circumstances, not of my creation, and altogether beyond my control, have given to this subject a turn which cannot now be remedied, except by a self-disfranchise ment which, even if dictated by roy individual wishes, could hardly bo reconcilable with pro priety" or self-respect. Concerning the injurious effects which tho circumstance of u member of the Cabinet’s oc cupying the relation towards tho country to which I have adverted, is calculated to have npon tho conduct of public affairs, there cannot, I think, at this time, bo room for two opinions. Diversities of ulterior preference among the friends of an Administration are unavoidable; •nd evon if the respective advocates of those '•bus placed in rivalship be patriotic enough to resist tho temptation of creating obstacles to tho advancement of him to whoso elevation they are opposed, by embarrassing the branch of public servico committed to hischargo, they are, nevertheless, by their position, exposed to the suspicion of entertaining and encouraging such viows: a suspicion which can seldom fail in the end, to aggravate into present alienation and hostility the prospective differences which first gave rise to it. Thus, undor the loast un favorable consequences, individual injustice is suffered, and the Administration embarrassed aod weakened. Whatever may have been tho course of things under the peculiar circumstan ces of the earlier stago of the Republic, my ex perience has fully satisfied me that, at this day, when the field of selection lias bocumo so ex tended, tho circumstance referred to, by aug meeting tho motives and sources of opposition to the moautres of the Executive, must unavoida bly prove the cause of injury to the public ser vice, for a counterpoise to which we may in vain look to the peculiar qualifications of any individual; and oven if I should in this bo mis taken, still I cannot so far deceive myself us to beliove for a moment that I am included in the exceptions. These obstructions to tho successful prosecu tion of pablic affairs, when superadded to that opposition which is inseparable from our free institutions and which every administration mast expect, present a mass to which the oper ations of the government should at no time be voluntarily exposedt-the more especially should this be avoided at so eventful a period in the affairs of tho world, when oqr country may par ticularly need tho utmost harmony in her coun cils. - - Such being my impressions, the path of dutv is plaiofand I not only submit with cheoi ful ness to whatever personal sacrifices may be im volved in tho surrender of the station I occupy; but I make it my ambition to set an example which, should it in tho progress of tho Govern ment he deemed, notwithstanding iho humility of its origin, worthy of respect and observance, cannot, I think, fail to prove essentially and permanently - beneficial. Allow me, air, to preseot one tnoro view of the subject;—You have consented to stand be fore your constituents for re-election. Of theii decision, resting as it does upon the unbought suffrages of a free, numerous, and widely ex tended people, it becomes no mao to speak with certainty. Judging, however, from the past, and making a reasonable allowance fur the fair oxercise of the intelligence and public spirit of your fellow-citizens, I cannot hesitate in adopt ing the belief that the confidence, as well in your capacity for civil duties as in your civil virtues, already so spontaneously and sttikingly displayed, will be manifested with increased energy, now, that alt candid observers must admit their utmost expectation to have been more than realized. If this promise, so auspicious to tho best in- cannot, sir, without a total disregard of the lights of experience, and without shutting my eyes to tlio obvious tendency of things for the future, bo insensible. Having, moreover, from a deep conviction of its importance to tho coun try, boen among tho most urgent of your advi sers to yield yourself to the obvious wishes ol the People, nnd knowing tho sacrifice of per sonal feeling which was involved in your ac quiescence, 1 cannot reconcile it to myself to he in any degree tho cause of embarrassment to you during the period which, as it certainly will be of deep ioterest to your country, is moreover destined to bring to its close, your patriotic, toilsome and eventful public life. 4 From these considerations, I feel it to be doubly my duty to resign a post, tlio retention of which is so calculated to attract assaults up on your administration, to which there might otherwise be no inducement—assaults of which, whatever bo their aim, the most important as well as most injurious effect is, upon those public interests which duserve and should com mand the support of all good citizens. This duty, I should have discharged at an earlier period, but for considerations, partly of a pub lic, partly of a personal nature, connected with circumstances which were calculated to expose its performance then to misconstruction and misrepresentation, Having explained the motives which govern roe in thus severing, and with seeming abrupt ness, tho official tics by which we have been as sociated, there remains but one duty for me to perform. It is to make my profound nnd sincere acknowledgments for that steady support and cheoring confidence which, in the discharge of my public duties, I have, under all circumstan ces, received at your hands; us well as for the personal kindness at all tiroes extended to mo. Rest assured, sir, that the success of your administration, and the happiness of your pri vate life will ever constitute objects of I he deepest solicitude with Your sincere friend and ohed’t servant, M. VAN BUREN. The President, IVashinzton, April 12, 1831. Dear Sir— Your letter resigning the office of the Secretary ofStatc was received Inst eve ning. I could indeed wish that no circum stance had arisen to interrupt the relations which have, for two years subsisted between us, and that they might havo continued through the period during which it may be my lot to remain charged with tho duties which tho par tiality of my countrymen has imposed upon me. Bui the reasons you present are so strong that, with a proper regard for ihem, I cannot ask you, on my own accouut to remain in ibo Cabinet. 1 am aware of the difficulties you have had to contend with, and of tho benefits which have resulted to the affairs of your country, from your continued zeal in tho arduous tasks to » hiclr you havo been subjected. To say that I deeply regret to lose you, is but feebly to express my feelings on the occasion. When called by my country to the station which I occupy, it was not without a deep sense of its arduous responsibilities, nnd n strong distrust of myself, that I obeyed the call; but, choered by the conciuusness (lint no other mo tive actuated me, than n desire to guard her in- ■crests, nnd to placo her upon tiro firm ground of thoso great principles which, by tho wisest and purest of our patriots, havo been deemed essential to her prosperity, I ventured upon the trust assigned mo. I did this in the confi dent hope of finding the support of udvisers, able and true; who, laying asido every thing but a desire to give new vigor to tho vital prin ciples of our Uuion, would look with n single uyo to tho best means of effecting this para mount object. In you, this hope lias been re alized to tho atmest. In the most difficult and trying momonts of my administration, 1 have always found you sincore, able and officiont— anxious at all times to afford mo every aid. If, however, from circumstances in your judgmont sufficient to mako it necessary, the official ties subsisting between us must be severed, I can only say that this necessity is deeply lamented by me. I part with you only because you yourself have requested me to do so, and havo sustained that request by masons strong enough to command my assent. I cannot, howevor, alien the separation to take place, withuut ex pressing the hope, that this retirement from public a flairs is but temporary, and that if, in any other station, the government should have occasion for services, the value of which hns been so sensibly felt by me, your consent will not be « anting. Of the state of things to which you advert, I cannot but be fully aware. I look upon it with sorrow, nnd regret it the more, because one of its first effect* is to disturb tho harmony of my cabinet. It is, however, but an instance of tho evils to which free governments must over be liable. Tho only remedy for these evils, as they arise, lies in the intelligence and public spirit of our common constituents. They will correct them—and in this there is abundun* consolation. I cannot quit this subject withuut adding that with the best opportunities for ob serving and judging, 1 have seen in you no o* ther desire than to move quietly on in thn path ofyour duties, nnd to promote the harmonious conduct of public affairs. If on this point you have had to encounter detraction, it is but a- nothcr proof of tile ulter insufficiency ot inno- ceuce and worth to shield from such assaults. Be assured that the interest you express in my happiness it most heartily reciprocated— that my most cordial feelings accompany you, nnd that I am, very sincerely, vour friend. ANDREYV JACKSON. P. S. It Is .understood that you ar6 to con tinue in office until your successor is appoiuted. Martin Van Duren, Secretary of State. TELEGRAPH. MACON, SATURDAY, APRllfan . J *.03*' COTTON, One James D. Woodiidc publishes In the Na tional lo-elligencor, that he has discovered the quadrature of the circle. Chili.—A letter, dated Valparaiso.. December IQ. savs, “Hi present all seems quiet in this country,' but many of the best informed men are of opinion, that the persons in-poser at present cannot sustain Ml. .. I ■ , ... .un.ic.s siicjcu in rue BUI. ^bough tho Indues are acknowledged to for example on tho laws making it criminal to aa mfintiunabw and heretofore unquet-; exersus the tuoal powers of seif-government in forests of our common country, be fulfilled, the |nnu apprehend another coromoiion at concluding term of your administration will in 1 ,ppr ?* chin S e l«ction; and indeed l «m of the the absence of any promine,it cause of discord '^'i? * C * rC '“! J ' 3 re »P«cwble orirs, afford a mostfavorable,cml, nulauy, orna- among its supporters, The Right Reverend Bishop^i^T j in this place on Thursday last, and m. l 1 same evening in the Methodist Churchljt'j cd audience. Yesterday he left , n l r , ville, Columbus, &c. 3 *eittownforj ~. the hall — y Y Ar > d es you to the music move ' See some fine fellow as he The lato Ball at the court house esciw sual interest. For a whole week, areonn i.' young, merry and sad, it was the ^ * topic. All conversed about it; and all ther in commending its object, or in tendency. The morose SkSlMW still more illnature aod longitude of fDnh , as they alluded to the wrMhdeserrb/2? while the young, the beautiful andlhe^ who saw no harm in a fiddle, looked for* !! same with the fondest anticipations * The hour at length arrived—the esn.u lighted—the doors were thrown oS ^ company assembled. And never befcn. large hall so crowded—never before did city behold such .in elegant ami brillian. tion. All the beauty, atfd fashion, ,7 were there. The display of dresses was ty, and splendid; the display ofcharmt yond description. The ladtes were all „ —the beaux all politeness. Mnnyahv, od, on entering; and sundry inveterate oh elors were seen to smile! The violins *,,, turcs—Hie Kent bugle and clarionet-. *, for joy—and the bass drum laughed uwoui Then camo iho r “dancing feet that gleam amt tkeeL Itnpid and white as seabirds on" the deep" Reels, contra dances and cotillions follow* other; interspersed with marches, proui conversation and refreshments. Never*i wit nor brighter eyes arrayed— “Oh how the eyes of Beauty giciti When music hns reached her inttiri ninny a tender thing was heard by the k walls nnd lisping maiden; and pink sa-hci3 checks blushed deeper (but not ia aoger.li merited compliments were bestowed ii«, while the prim candles winked knowintlTJ other at what was going on! Oh what is there, like a Ball, to refine iV ings, to purify the affections, to kindle it gination, to exalt tire mind? Whit, hie: to drown care and melm clioly, ,m4 culnnt humor and loving kindness} Where the id tion is not only kindled and chastened,bn, tion is excited? Where one looks fcrniij future with mellowed hopes—and turnsto the past with diminished regrets? Al a scea panorama of life—where tliffrirm i existence are personified by different ( Thus, childhood is n jig. easy and cj bachelorism a pnsseul. or hornpipe, nn«x- cd nnd overstrained; courtship a ttcl Itl teuvres and mistakes, flirtation and cent tion; the married state a cotillion, wlirre, •balansa'to each other, and -back to bad else. This last dance is ihemosi gn.ccfol monious of any—provided partners keep w itn each other, and each move in sphere—otherwise jostling, confusion.., amness arise. Life, like a Ball. Ufull. and downs—its'chassees’ nnd •re-ch.nwo- ward sets’ nnd 'backward sets’—its -croi-i its 'balancings’—its choosing of partom contentions -for place. In each we see, then, the gay widower dancing off with mg miss—the comely matron with (be stripling—a wild rake stealing away wil heiress and a modest student deciivtdbj ed belle. There the bashful hoyden tk to the ground—and yonder theigoitedi leaps to tho ceiling. A Hall in Iheachool. —the lecture room of Roliteness - ihr good breeding—the altar of FHhMI were a going to say, the vestibule of uyo of Religion! for where else is mis giving? where else do they so love om where doeg man think so much ofheatn angels aro around him? where docs b« “ eschew the evil one as when iritcia him? like true religion, dancing passions and chastens the affections may be perverted to unworthy purpow one may be made to minister to stnbitw' rico-—the other to folly, dissipation gance. Full of these kindly sentiments, we dod in the midst of a pleasant cotillion, an abominable attempt al punning thru* hand. It was perpetrated by a vinrjv' bachelor (who had no music in his w> 3 i l not dance.) in pencil, on the pink coloreJt of an ambrosial kiss! Here it is: IMPROMPTU. Behold, how with exlatlcbrel. Ann threads the I angled dsnet, j Or in cotillion or in reel Her Aeeflcss slippers ginned . 8he weaves, while looming 1^ A chain (Wound (he hen.-l; j And any Ih-hu that (.links foilnci As well life’s llircad mi;.1C'| So dotli the artful splderip'* HlHiie Q His web of subtle drilling, C| > By which lie tcarpt his viclira*‘V To mnkc of llipm l-is/lh' 1 ?-1 A safety chain, sweet girl pot* That never tiring heel! While through the dunce it V 1 * My brains htwildritd r« ! The evening was cool anti breeze that sighed through the ope*' response to the sighing swains upon the far distant air the soft 1 choristers, ami tho sw eet odor of \ ringlet. The bright eyes above look" on the bright eyes below, os about !w entertainment closed, and the cnnf> their respective pillows- some to * conquests of their charms; others J their hearts loot. The blooming <# patted a more grateful fragruncrW' ings walked home in their shadow; l moon looked down siniliugly. ** 1 looks ou the^nnucent paatimMof* A lovesick nnd moonstruck iiig rounty, thus winds op a psthet obduracy of hit mistress: Were® Sophy. When f’lipid's dart first pte*v I sighed, and said But, new | ihint, 1'Utskr'Y And charge it la myjewri^. What word is it that bee***** 1 aw.iy e letter from it 1 j-Jt What word U it that teens** 3 to it? [rilcdl r '-,r:,c Drier I to ct [iressit p't'l'Ci I Vice Ifinil ||; Tele ha* I been I «’l JDS lijitor I, r "n| I’lr't j >1 Mr Much I ■iffii I'> IVIt! r of the foot sei , frieodl M toei I HI# t PBcrwt (he util Ac nl f lesrapk, ir stsU« P'- derm on this [the (h i ha# ive b ‘r, vn be pi ofai Ityby nnatt i# doi P'leed red fitemt 7'b wdi Word IficHli, l* c qn; Vrinisj Mr. i S« m Jby th r'A to