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MR. CALHOOJjJteENTIMeNTS. .Prom the FtnlLtimfi}. C.) SLssinger, (CONCLUDED) Whatever itjveiaity of opinion mny exist, in leluiion lu il»o principle, or the effect ‘bn »Iie productive'itidusny of ilia epuntry, ol'tlio pre sent, or uny other -Tariff of protection, tlierc ore certain political consequences flowing front the present which n ine cm doubt, and all must diversity there may flow be, tirm will assim »• late. Such lias been their language from tho beginning, but unfortunately tho progress of c- vnnts has buoii tile reverse; The country is now morn divided than iu-1824, ainl then, nioro divided then in 1816. Tho niajdrqty may have increase)! but thn opposite *idc« aro heyoml dispute morn determined and excited, than at nny preceding period. Formerly the system. NTs resisted mainly, as expedient; bill now, so * trillion/fo dueled on actual otpCrienco, will over force nm to a coiictusioji so abhorrom to all of m y .feelings. As strongly as l ain impressed with the groat dissimilarity,. and, 1 must adJ, *s trri ih compels mo to do, cuntra ricly ofinter- jp*ts in off) .country, resulting front the causes alroady iiidicated, and which are so great, that they- camiot he subjected to the uncheck- »W, H . .. — , „,, w , t ,..j - * deplore. It would bn in - vain to attempt to anc0 |, M tiiutional, unequal, unjust and oppres- cooceal that it ha* divided the country into two | <ive> ij.| |el| relief was sought exclusively from and i see in the Uuion, as otduined by the Constitution, “ ' 1 * ot only of reconci- tho means and tho securing to ns justice, i and abroad, and (all equally on every soction, to proportion to its population, still when combined with its other effects, tho burden it imposes, as a tax may bo so transferred from one section to the other, as to take it from one, and place it whol ly on the other. Let us apply the remark lirst to its operation as a system of protection, The tendency of the ta»,,or duty, on the im ported article is, not only to raise its price, but ed will of a majority' of the whole, without' P»r«m wnwo ;,7.7m. I defeating the great cl.,1 of Coven,mem, and also,,n the same proport,on, , without which it is a curse, justice; yet 1 s creasing emharrasment, uml distress of the sta- (wise purposes so deeply in tho human heart; pie Slates, the growing conviction, from expo- j in all of which groat 'objects every portion of nence, that (hey are caused by the'prohibitory ourcountry, widely extended and diversified system principally ami that, under its cumin-' as it is has n common and identical interest. If ued its industry; subjects calculated, above nil others, |o ^ c llt) , rei wo s | lu n f, n d nothing to lessen, I with them, that national power and renown, the irt time of noace, to produce exeitoment and in K |)t lmlc |, aggravate the danger. The'in-- love of which Providence fias implanted for relation to which, the Tariff has placed the sec-! . r - - j*^Aj.i 1 -' «« iu«. tu».rt> lions in question in deep and dangerous con flict. If thero bo any point on which the (1 was going to Say Sombcrn section, hut to avoid ns'far as possible, the painful feelings such dis cussions mo calculated to excite, I shall say) weaker ofrhotwoseciions is unanimous, it is that its prosperity .deponds, i:t a great measure, on flea trado light taxes, economical,.and as far as possible*, equal diibiAseiuontt of ilio public rev- enue, and an unshackled industry, leaving them to pursue whuiever may appear most advanta geous* to'their iuteiests. From tho Potomac to the Mississippi, there are few iudceJ, however divided on other points* who would not, if de pendent on theii own volition, and if they re garded tho interests of their particular section only, remove from conimerco and industry ev ery shackle, reduce the revenue to the lowest point, that tlm wants of the government 1’airly required, und restrict the appropriations to tho most moderate scale, consistent with tho peace, tho security and the engagements of tho public; and who do not believe that the opposite sys tem is calculated to throw mi them uu unequal burthen, to repress their prosperity, and to cn- tmy channels, without ruinous losses all con- hut if, reversing the scale, each section should cur to increase, instead of dispelling tho gloom, I put a higher eetimato on its immediate and that hangs over tho future. In fact, to those j peculiar gains; and acting in that spirit, should who tvill duly reflect on the subject, tho hope, that tho disease wilt cure itself must appear per fectly illusory. The question is in reality olio between the exporting and non-exporting in- teiests of tho country. IVerc there no exports, there would be no Tariff: It would ho per fectly useless. On the contiury, so long as there are States which raise tho great agricultu croacb on their enjoyment. On all these deeply Important measures, tlm opposite opinion prevails, it not with equal uua- nimity, with at least a greatly preponderating majority, in the other and stronger section; so much so, that no two distinct nations ever en tertained more opposite views of policy than those two sections do, ou- all the important points to which I have referred. Nor is it less certain that this unhappy conflict, flowing di rectly from (ho Tariff, has extended itself to the hails of legislation, and has converted the de liberations of Cougress, into an annual struggle factwcon tho two sections; tho Wronger to main tain undincieaso tho superiority it lias already acquired, and tho other to throw off, or dimin ish its burdens; a struggle in which all the noble and generous feelings of .patriotism are gradu ally subsiding into sectional und selfish attach ments.* Nor has the cfliict of this dangerous conflict ended here. It has not only divided ' tho two sections on tho important points alrea dy staled, hut op the deeper and more dange rous questions, the constitutionality of a protec tive Tariff, and tho general priueiplcs and ihc- «ry of tho Constitution itself, tho stronger, in order to maintain their superiority, giving a construction to tho instrument, which the other believes would convert tho General Govern ment into a consolidated, irresponsible govern ment, with tho total'destruction of liberty; anu tho weaker seeiug no hopo of relief witli such assumption of powers, turning its oyo to the roservcd'sovereignty of the states, as the only refuge from oppression. 'I shall not extend itioso remarks, as I might, by shewing that while tho offect of the sysetm of protection was lapidly alienating one section, it was not less rapidly, by its necessary operation, distracting end corrupting the other; and botwocn the two, subjecting - tho administration to violent and sudden changes, totally inconsistent with all sta bility and wisdom in tho management of the af fairs of tho nation, of which we already see fearful symptoms. Nor do I deen^it necessary to inquire whother this unhappy conflict grows out of true or mistaken views* ol interest on ei- tltcr, or both sides. Regarded in cither light, it ought to admonish us of .the extremo danger to which our system is exposed, and the great moderation and wisdom necessary to preservo it. if it comes from mistaken viows, if the in terest of the two sections as affected by tho Ta riff, be really tho sumo, and tho system instoad of acting,unoqualIy, in reality diffuses equal blessings, and imposes equal burdens on every .part, it ought to teach us bow liable thoso, who ore'differently situated, and who view their in terests under different aspects, aro to come to different conclusions; even when (heir interests aro strictly the same; and consequently, with what extremo caution any 'system yf policy ought to -bo adopted, and with what a spirit of moderation porsued, in a country of such great extent and diversity as ours. But if on tho . contrary, tho conflict springs really, from con trariety of interests, if tho burden be od ouo side, and the benofit on tho other, then aro wo taught a lesson not less important, how little re gard we havo for the interest of others, wliilo in . insult of our own, or at least, how apt^wo ara to consider our own interest, the interest of all others; and of course how great the 'danger in a country of such' acknowledged diversity of interests, of the oppression of the feebler by tho stronger intercit, and in conse quence • of it,- of the most fatal sectional con flicts. But which over may bo tho cause, the feat, or.supposed diversity ofintercst, it cannot be doubted, that the political consequences of the prohibitory system, be its efleets iu other respects, beneficial, or otherwiso, are really such, as I havo stated; nor can it hb doubted that a conflict between the great sections on questions so vitally important, indicates a con dition of tho country, so distempered and dan gerous as to demand the most serious ‘ and ' prompt attention. If is only, when wo come to consider of the remedy, that under the as-' pcct, I am stewing tho subject, there can he, among the informed and considerate, any di versity of opinion. - . Those, who have not duly reflected on its dangerous nndinvtterato character supposo that . the disease will cure itself; that events ought to be left to take their own course; and that expe rience in a short time, will prove, that the in terest of tho whole communitiy is tho same, iD reference to the Tariff* or, at least, whatever ral staples, with the view of obtaining their sup plies, and which must depend on the.goneral market of the world, for their sales, the conflict must remain if the system should continue, and tho disease become more and more inveterate. Their interest and that of those, who by high duties would confine the. purchase of their sup plies to the general market, ■must.from the na ture of things in'reference to .tho Tariff, he in conflict. Till then, we cease to raise tho great staples, cotton, rico and tobacco, for the same markets, and ’till wo can find some other profi table investment for tlm immense amount of capital and labor now employed in their pro duction, tho present unhappy and dangorous conflict cannot terminate unless with the pro hibitory system itself. .... In-the meantime, while idly waiting for. its termination through its own action, tlm pro gress of ovonts, in another quarter is rapidly bringing the contest, to an immediate and decisive issue. Wo are fast approaching the period, very novel in tho history of nations, and bearing directly and powerfully ou the point under consideration, tho final payment of a long standing funded dubi; a period that cannot bo sensibly ’retarded, or tho nuioral consequences of it eluded, without proviug dis astrous to those who may attempt cither, if not to ..the country itself. When it arrives, the Government would find itself in possession of a surplus revenue of $10,000,000, or $12,000,- 000, if not previously disposed of which pre sents the important question what previous dis position ought to ho madid A question which must press urgently for decision, at the very next session of Congress, It camiot bo delay ed longer, without the mog distracting and dan gerous consequences.. The honest and obvious course is. to prevent the accumulation of the surplus in ine treasury,' by a timely and judicious reduction of tlm im posts; and thereby to icavo tho money in the pockets of those who made it, and from whom, it cannot be honestly or constitutionally ta ken, unless- requiredhy the fair and legitimate want? of the Govornmont. If, neglecting a disposition so obvious and just, tho Government should attempt to keep up the present high du ties, when the money was no longer wanted, or to dispose o( this immense surplus liy enlarging tho old, or devising new Schemes of appropria tions, or, finding that to ho impossible jt should adopt the most dangerous unconstitutional and absurd project over devised by any govornmont, of dividing the surplus among tho States: (a project, which, if carried into execution, would not fuil to create an antagonist interest betwcon tho Stales nnd Gcnoral Government on all questions of appropriations, which would cer tainly end in reducing.thts latter to a mere office of collection and distribution,) either of these modes would bo considered by tho section suf fering under tho present high duties, us n ftxpd determination, to perpeluato forever, what it considers tho present Unequal, unconstitutional, aud oppressive burden; and from that moment, it would cense to look to tho Genoral Govern ment for relief. This deeply interesting peri od, which must provo so disastrous, should a push favorite measures of mere policy, without regard to peace, harmony or justice; our secti onal conflicts would then indeed, without some constitutional check, become interminable, excfipf by tho- dissolution of tho Union itself. That-we have,'hi fact so reversed the estimate, is too edrtain to be doubted, and the result is our present distempered and dangorous condition. Tlm cure must commence in the correction of the error, and not to admit that wo had erred, would be the worst possible symptom.— It would prove the disease to be incurable thro’ the regular and ordinary process of legislation, and would compel finally, a resort to extraor dinary, but I still trust, not ouly constitutional: but safe remedies. No one would moro sincerely rejoice than myself, to see the remedy applied from tho quarter, whore it could he most easily and regularly done. It is tho only way by which tliuso who think that it is the only quarter from which it can constitutionally come, can possibly sustain , their opinion. To omit tho application by the General Government, would compel even them to admit the truth of tlm opposite o- pinion; or force them to abandon our political system in despair; while on the other hand, all their enlightened apd patriotic opponents would rejoice at such evidence of moderation and wisdom on tlm part of the General Govern ment, ns would sepersedo a resort to what they believed to he tlm higher powers of oor politic al system, as indicating a sounder state of public sentiment than has ever heretofore existed in a- ny country, and tjius affording the highest pos sible assurance of the perpetuation of our glori- ous'institutions to thelatcst generation. For as a people advance in knowledge, in tlm same degree they may dispense with mere artificial restrictions in their government; ami we may imagine, (hut dare not expect to seo it.) a state of intelligence so universal and high, that all the guards of liberty may bedispensedwithi icxcopt an enlightened public . opinion acting through tho right of suffrage; but it pre-supposcs a State wjiero every class and every section of tlm com modity aro capable of estimating tho effects of •vety measure, not only as it may uffcct itself, but every other class and section; and of fully realizing tho sublime truth, that tho highest and wisest policy consists in maintaining justice aijd promoting peace nnd harmony; and that compared to .these, schemes of mere gain are hut trash and dross. I fear experience has already proved that wo ate fur removed from such a state, .and that we must consequently rely on the o'd and clumsy, but approved mo ? de of checking power in order to prevent, or correct abuses; but I do trust that though far from period, wo are at loast sn much so as to bo capable of remedying the present disor der in the ordinary way; and thus to provo that with us public opinion is so onlightenod aud our political machiuo so 1 porfcct as rarely to*reqiiiro fur its preservation, tlio intervention tion of the power that created it. How is this to he (.fleeted? ' The application may be painful, but tho re medy. I conceive, is certain and simple— Thoro is hut ono effectual cure, aa honest re duction of tho duties to a fair system of rovo- nuo, adapted, to ’tlm just and constitutional wants of the Government. Nothing short of this will restore tho country to peace and har mony, and mut.uul affection. There is alrea dy a deep nnd growing conviction in a largo section of the country, that tho impost, oven as a revenue system, is 'extremely unequal. wrong direction bo givcD, but so fortunate and a ud that it is mainly paid by thoso who fur- glorious, should u right ono, is near ut hand.— n ; s j, tho means of payiug the foreign ox- mi * -» it _ mt if i<2 IflirJ? •The system If continued, must end, not ouly in subjecting the iniluMry and property t)f the weaker section to control the stronger, hat in pros cription and political disfranchisement. It-must finally control elections and appointments to offi ces, as well as acts of legislation, to the great in crease of the feelings of animosity, and of the fatal tendency to a complete alienation between the see ’MORI Tho work must commenco nt tho next session, as I havo stated, or be left undone, or, at least, .be badly done. Tho succeeding session would bo too short, mu’too much agitated. by the Presidential contest to afford tho requisito leis ure and calmness, and the one succeeding would Gnd the country in the midst of tho cri sis, when it would ho too late to prevent an acr cumulation of the surplus; which I hazard no thing in saying, judging from tlmnaturo of men and government, if onco permitted to accumu late, would create an interest strong enough to porpetuato itself, supported us it would he by others so numoroos and powerful; and tjius would pass away a moment, never to be quiet ly -recoiled, so precious, if properly used, to lighten tho public burden; to cqiializo' tho ac-* tion of the Government; to restore harmony and peace; and to proseut to the world tho Il lustrious example which could not fail to provo most favorable to tho great causo of liberty cv- cry where, of a nation tho freest, and, at tho same limo, tho best and most cheaply govern ed; of tho highest earthly blessings, at the least possible sacrmco. As tho disease will not; tlien," heal itsolf, wo are brought to tho question, can s remedy ho applied, and, if so, what ‘ought it to he? To answer in the negative, would be to as sert, that our Union has utterly (ailed; nnd that tho opinion, so common'be(oro*tlio adop tion of our Constitution, lhatofreo Govern ment could nut to practically extended over a largo country, was correct—and that ours had been destroyed by giving it limits so great, as to comprehend, not only dissimilar,' hut irreconcilable interests. Iam not prepared to admit a conclusion, that would cast so deep a shade on tho future, and that would falsify all tho glorious anticipations ofouf ancestors while it would so greatly lessen their high reputation for wfedom, Nothing but the dwelt demos- tges ... .. and that'.the caseisnot varied, taking into tho ostimato iho entire action of tho ' system, whether the producer or consumer, pays in tho first- instance. 1 I do not proposo to enter formally into tho discussion, of & point so complox and contes ted; hut as it*lias necessarily a strong practical hearing on tho subject binder .consideration, it) all its' relations, J cannot pass it without a few general and brief remarks. tftlie producer in reality pays, nono will doubt, but tho burden would mainly fall on the resist, than any other, iutiioa it Lt supposed to do. Tho theory that the cbnsumer pays in the.first iustnnco renders the proposition moro complex, and will re quire, in order to understand where tho burden in reality ultimately falls, on that supposition, to consider the protective, or as its frionds call it, the American System, under its throe-fold as pect, of taxation, of protection, and of distribu tion; or as performing nt tbe samo time the sev eral functions of giving a revenuo to the Gov ernment, of affording protection to certain bran ches of domestic industry, and furnishing tbo means to Congress of distributing largo sums through .its appropriations; all o( which aro so blended in their effects, that it is impossible to understand its truo operation without taking tho whole into tho cslimato- .Admitting then, as supposed, that ho who consumes the article pays the tax in the in creased price, and that the burden falls wholly on the consumers, without affecting the pro ducers as a class, (which by the by, is far from being true, except in tho singlo case, if there bo such a one, where the producers have a mo nopoly of an article so indispensable to life, that the quantity consumed cannot he affected by any increase of price,) and that considered tic article of the same-kind, for which purposo act In when intended for protection, it is in fact laid; ^ and of course in determining where the *ys- ■ teitt ultimately places the burden iu reality, this . efliset also, must he taken into tho estimate. If one of tho sections exclusively produces | such d micstic articles, aud tho other purchases' them from it, then it is dear that to tbe amount u! such increas'd prices, the tax t*r duty, on the consumption of foreign articles, would he’transferred from tho section producing the domestic articles, to tho one that purchased and consumed them, unless the latter in turn be indemnified by the increased price of the objects ot its industry, which none will venture assert <o bo the case with the groat staples of the count;y, which form the basis of our ex ports, the price of which is regulated by the foreign and Hot the domestic market. To thoso who grow them, the increased price of the foreign and domestic articles both, in con* seauence of the duty on tlte former, is iu reaj- ity, and In the strictest senso, a tax, while it is clear that the iucrcased price of the latter acts as a bouHty to tho section producing them, and that as the amount of such increased prices on- what it sells to the other section, is greator or loss, than tho duty it pays on tlio imported ar ticles, the system will in fact operate as a boun ty cr lax; if greater, tho difference would be a bounty; if less a tux. Again the operation may bo equal in every other respect, and yet the pressute of the sys tem, relatively, on the two sections, be render ed very unequal by the appropriations, or dis tribution. If each section receives hack tvhat it paid into the treasury, the equality, if it pre viously existed, will continue; but if ono re ceives back less, and tbe other proportionally more than it paid, then the difference iu rela tion to tho sections will be to tho former.^ loss, and to the latter a gain, and the system in this aspect would operate to tho umount of tho dif ference, as a contribution from the ono receiv ing less than it paid, to tho other that receives more. Suvh would be incontcstibly its geueral effects, taken in all its different aspects, even on the theory supposed to bo most fovorublo to prove tlio equal action of the system, that the consumer pays in tho first instance tho whole amount of the tax. To show how, on this supposition, the bur den and advantages of tho system would actual ly distribute fitemselves between tho sections, would carry mu too far into details; but I feel assured, after full and careful examination, .that tlioy are such as to explain, what otherwise would seem inexplicable, that one section should consider its repeal a calamity, and. tho other a blessing, und that such opposite views should ho taken, by them, as to place them i* a statu of determined conflict, in relation to the great (is£al aud commercial interests of tlte country. Indeed wero there no satisfactory explanation, tho opposite views that prevail, in (bo two sections, us to tho effects of tho sy stem, ought to satisfy all of its unequal action. There can bo no safer or moro certain rule, than to suppose each portion of tho country equally capable of understanding their respec tive interests; nnd that each is a much better judge of .tho effects of any system of measures or its pcculiur interests, than the other can pos sibly ho. .* But whether the opinion, of its unequal ac tion, ho correct or erroneous, nothing can ho moro cortain than that tho impression is wide ly extending itself, that tlte system, under oil its modifications, is essentially unequal; and if to that he added, a conviction still deeper nnd more univorsal, that every duly imposed for the purpose of protection, is nut only unjust, but also unconstitutional, it would he a fatal error to suppose, that ony remedy shprt of that which I have stated, can heal our political dis orders. * In order to understand, more fully tho diffi* culty of adjusting this unhappy contest, on any other ground, it may not ho improper to pre sent a general viow of the constitutional ob jection, that it may he cloarly soen, how hope less it is to expect that it can be yielded, by those who havo embraced it. Tlioy bcliovo that mil tho powers, vested by tho Constitution in Congress, arc not only re stricted by tho limitations expressly impo sed but also by tlio nature and object of tlio powers themsclvos. Thus though the power to imposo duties on imports bo grunted in gcn oral forms without unv other express limita tion, but that thoy shall* bo equal, and no pref erence shall bo given to tho ports of ono state ovor thoso of onothor, yet us being a portion of the taxing power, with the view of raisiag revenuo, it is from its nature restricted to that object, as much so as if the Convention had so liihitcd it; and that to uso it to effect aoy other purpose, not specifiad in the Constitu tion is an infraction of the instrument, in its most dangorous form; nn infraction by perver sion, mbro easily made, and moro difficult to resist, that: any other. The same view is be lieved to ho applicable to tho power ol regula ting commerce, as well as all tho other povv- To surrender this important principle, it lions, particularly with its petD|ilJ . try and property, which experience L,! may he so inj uriously effected by ' Thus much for one side. Cttl Tho just cfaims oftho other on>l. equally respcctod. Whatever oxciie, 1 system hits justly caused, iii certain' of our country, I hopo, and believe ^ concede that the change, should bo n'J tho least possible detriment to the * of those, who may ho liable to fc 0 atWi it, consistently with tvhat is justly era and the principles of the Constiti * To effect this, will require tho |;i n j, of conciliation, and tlte utmost skill i with these, it will be impossible to maj transition, without a shock greater though I trust, if judiciously effected >1 no! be without many compensating adnj That thero will be seme such, css* doubted. It will, at least, be folb greater stability, and will tend to lij,,. the manufacturing with all of the othJl interests of tho country, and bind' the J in annual affection. But these irewf Another advantage, of essential import’ the ultimate prosperity of our ntanuk industry will follow. It will cheapest tion; and, in that view, (lie loss ofo- brunch, will he nothing like in propjf tho reduction of duly on that particular t Every reduction will, in fact, open, bounty to every other branch, except^ reduced; and this the effect of a gc&tn duciion will he to cheapen, universal;, price of production, by cheapening wages and materials, so as to give, jfnJ profile after the reduction, profits hyZ] reduced proportionally to the duties, ,a| which, as it regards the foreign math * the utmost importance. It must be q on reflection, thalthc means adopted to] tiie home market for our maoufici precisely tho opposite of thoso nct^, obtuin tho foreign. In the former, them ed expense of production in conseqae^ a system of protection tnay bo monl compensated by the increased price itl of the article protected; but in the tail advantage is lost, and as there is no] corresponding compensation, tjie ioc] cost of production must be a dead loss'] foreign marker. But whether these ado 1 and many others, that might bo rack will ultimately compensate to tbe fullt, or not, the loss to tlio manufaciarcn] reduction of the duties, certain it is, f have approached a point, at which i chango cannot he much longer delay* that tho moro promptly it may bei less oxcitemeut there will he, and then leisure and calmness for q cautious andiL operation in making the transition,and] it becomes (hose mure immediately icxf duly to considor. Nor ought they toon in considering tho question, the dig character of the claims uf the two sides, one asks from the* Government no adti| but simply to be let alone in the unis possession of thoir natural udvsntagej, g secure which, us far as was consistent »f other objects of the Constitution, tra thoir loading motives in entering iniotbi 1 while the otheir side claims, forthe i meat of their property, the posiiivo inn of tho Government. In such cases,oil principle of fairness and' ju^ice, witMj rouco ought to be restrained wiihiS I strictly compatible with tlionatunilidrii of tho other. IIo who, looking toa3 C causes in operation; die near approach! final payment of thejrubllc debt,dew disaffection nnd resistance to the sysiew, | large a section oftho country, jbo dcr ciples on which opposijion.to it h L turning, must be, indeed, infatuated Ml a great change is unavoid»Dw;'and thdl lompt to eludo or much longor dehy finally, but incrcaso tho shock, and ik.J trous consequeuces which may follow. Informing tho opinions, I have ext I have not been actuated by an unkind It towards our manufacturing interest. IW and ever havo been decidedly friendljrtoJ though I cannot concur in all of the r which havo been adoptcd lo advanced believe, considerations higher, than a«J| tion of mere pecuniary interest,, fotWI use. But subordinate to these liig™ policy; I regard the advancement of a ical and chemical improvements u i is conceivad, would bo to surrender all power and to render tho government unlimited aud despotic; end to yiold it up, in relation to tho particular power in question, would bo in fact to Surrender tho control of the wholo industry and capital of the country to tlio General Gov- ernment', and would end in placing the weaker section in n colonial relation with tho strong er. For nothing aro more dissimilar in their nature, or may bo moro unequally effected by the samo laws, than different descriptions of la bor and property; and if taxes, by increasing the amount and changing tho intent only, may bo perverted, in fact, into a system of penal ties and rewards, it would give all tlio jiower that coutd bo desired, to subject the 1 ibor aud properly .of the minority to tho will of tho ma jority to bo regulated without regarding the interests of the former, in subserviency to tho will of tho latter. Thus thinking, it would seem unreasonable to expect, dial any adjust ment bused on tho recognition of tho correct ness of a construction, of tbe Constitution, which would admit tho exercise ofsuch a pow- io th/light of a tax,' therelyi tbo impost duties Cr, would satisfy tho weaker of ifco two xtc* with feelings litlleihoft of oniliususm, . S r, as the prolific source of national«fl ual wealth, but, as the groat mtam oi ing the dominion of nan over tuo■ « world, and, thereby, of laying the soWJ atioti of u highly improved MndiiioanJ morally and poliically. 1 fear not,<!“ extend our power too far over the of nature; hut, on tho contrary, I^ enlargement of our power, as tending, tainly and powoi fully, to belter the con •our race, than any one of the IW "- V ,I causes, notv oporating to that resu thoso impressions, I not only rejoi J general progress oi the uris in the u0( J thoir advancement in our own cone far as protection can be Incidentally in the (air and honest exercise oj .°“ r . onal powers, I think' uow, os i m j done, that sound policy, connected "‘I curity, independence aud peace ot j requires them to be protected, but t not go a singlo step boyond, j zing our peace, our harmony . ^ considerations of infinitely nl0r ®’.!JJ , us than uny measure of meio policy, hly he. j Iu thus placing my opinions 1 bew 5 . lie. I have not been actuated byj lion of changing the public scninn* • motive, on a qnestion so long agi.w • 'J beset with feelings of prejudice »» T would-argoo, on my part, #0 nnd n profound ignorance of ,||D . To avoid, as fur na possible, the ‘., Cither, I havo confined my | many-nod (mpoitshi points, o® j/ been compelled to touch, to a sm lion.ofjny opinion, without *d**",™*^ reasons to sustain them, than * ,| ^ to me, to bo indispensable to d’ e “ ,j' J ding of my views; nnd if 'hey* ' point, be thought to bo not clc» j dtiy developed, it wBUj JJJ to my solicitude to avoid ll ";. ,ri which I havo alluded; and not f ^I to disguise my sentiments, "of ^ guments and illustrations<on'* e-liirh so nboutrl in ' '