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and L)in- I COL. JOHNSON TO MR. BERRIEN. Otililaiul, (Ky)Jidy ‘JO, llftL D"\n Sm — Your fivor of iliu 7 th ittsi. ' has been receiuid. I find llwl you under,.loud mo to say, that t!io President would tit least ..^irl tin; iiiviiiilion of Mrs. . Eaton‘whur you gavu largo and general ptyiSos. Tim president never did, ditcefly, or indirect! v, < xprqss or intiinnto such an expectation. He informed mtuhat ho had beet! induced to be lieve that u pint of his cilunetliiid entered into a combination todiivc Mit}; Eaton from it, by excluding him and his family from society; that he had been also informed llml (ho successive panics to which you allude was a link in the chain; that Httempl* had Immi made even upon foreign Ministers to exclude Mnj. Eaton and his familiy front tbeir parlies; that suclt a state of tilings gave him great distress, that ho was determined, at all hazards to have harmony in his Cabinet, lie then read a pa per containing the principles upon which lie in- iended to neb In lity conversation with you I referred to (his paper. No doubt it is now in existence. It disclaimed all intentions; on the part of the President, to regulate in any manner whatever. Hie privuto or social inter course of the members of his Cabinet. 'As a mutual friend 1 called upon you, and ns a peace-maker, my object was to make the a- hovo communication in the must delicate man ner possible. Dming our conversation, in the anxiety of my heart to servo my friend and my coitjitty, it was I alone, upon my own respon sibility, who made the. suggestion or proposi tion; or'rather inquiry, whether von could not, ut those largo and promiscuous parlies, in vite Major Eaton and his family. Front the total social non intercourse of tho members of the cabinet, tlio want of hnrmrtny was inferred more than from any other circumstnnce; and my desire was to. remedy that evil by tlie sug gestion or inquiry which I made. It would have been an tihsohito, unqualified, and total misrepresentation' of his views, if 1 had re presented the President os making any such a demand. You will therefore perceive that • you have fallen into the mistake of suppos ing that I attributed to him what was tho spontaneous, sole, and independent sugges tion of my own niind. I Jiavo had no hr gonev in bringing ony part of our convcrsa- lion before the public. I ntn happy In the iecollection that my voluntary exertions to restore harmony to ancient friendship, for She' time being, was not unavailing, by con versations rind mutual explanations, between some of tlio parties, nml that I have had no a- geiicy in producing tho recent separation. Having now corrected your misapprehension of What I did say in my endeavors to prevent the disunion of my bosom frionds, I feel as if 1 had {itrformed another sacred duty. I have done it promptly, and in tlio same spirit of peace and fneinjship. I havo confined my remarks to an explanation of what I said myself. Tiiis is done to ovoid any unpleasant collision which too frequently arises among tho host of friends ami most honorablo men, when cflbrls are made to detail.privnto conversations. I am. dear sir, vours, respectfully, , R. M. JOHNSON. lion. J. Maephtrson Berrien. EXTRACTS - FROM COLONEL DRAYTON’S ORATION, Delivered before the Union and Slate Itighle Party, AT CHARLESTON, JULY 4, 1831. The right of a Stato to judge of the infrac tions of tho Federal Compact, mid to nullify, the laws of that compact, by virtue of its re served ond inherent sovereignty, is attempt ed to ho established, by tho analogy of n simil ar right in soveroigns, who Imvo entnred into n league or a treaty. If sovoreigns enter into a leiguo or treaty, they arc obligated to per form their conditions by tho Ihtvs ofnaturo and of nations. Should one of them absolve him self from theso obligations, tho treaty ot league would bo at an end, and from necessity, the injured sovereign could only appeal to arms for redress. Rut our Constitution is not a league, as tho Confederation was, nor a treaty, which is a compact between nations, acknow ledging no superior, with separate und distinct governments nnd laws, and separate and dis tinct powers and interests. Tho Federal Con- i^Dciitution was formed by the States. By that Constitution, tlio United States are under tho * same government, are subject to tho same laws, aro controlled by tho samo powors, and con nected by tho same interests. That Constilu- : tion, where differences ariso betweon the par ties to it, relating to its construction, designates n tribunal, by which these differences, shall, exclusively lie decided. Without this provi sion, tho only arbiter for. theso differences would be the sword. Tlio States, by 'thoir «wn voluntary and deliberate consent, aro mutually bound to each other to comply with this provision. If a State violates it, that State resorts to tho law of nature, and tho Con stitution is no more. To contend that tho ex ercise of this ultima ratio, beyond the Constitu tion is constitutional, is a palpable contradic tion. A State cannot bo in tho Constitution and out of it at tho same time. To be, and ■not to be, simultaneously, is not in the power of omnipotence itself. ■ Tho Resolutions nnd Report of Mr. Madi son, in tho Legislature of Virginia, which nro cited as authority for tlio doctrines of “tho Ex position,” will bo found, upon an attentive ex amination, to convey a very different meaning. They recognize no constitutional right, on the part of a State, to nullify an Act of Congress, but derive tlio exercise of such a right, front a source which no Constitution can control. To extract from theso resolutions nnd Re port, (which occupy forty-eight pages of a priotod pamphlet,) those passages which arc necessary, fully, to substantiate their intention nnd import, would bo a trespass upon your ; lime, that l will not be guilty of. I shall merely submit to you, so nuich of them, in a few lines, as will, I trust, satisfy you of tho correctness of my interpretation of them. The Virginia Legislature, in their 3d Reso lution, dedaro: "that in caso of a deliberate, palpable and dangerous exorcise of powers, not granted by tlio Federal Compact, the Slates, who aro parlies thereto have the right B ond are in duty bound, to interpose for arrest ing the progress of the evil, nnd for ruain- aining within their rcspective.limits, tho au- boritics, rights and liberties appertaining to test against those Acts, “as _ _ farming infractions of the Constitution n “ deliberate, palpable and dangerous exercise of powers not granted by the Federal Com pact," the. Viiginia AssemblyundcistoodI such violations, .of flip .Constitution, as manifested n deliberate iiyloMion on the part of the Gen eral Government, to assume powers so palpa bly usurped for dangerous purposes, as to re move the possibility of doubt as to tlio motive and the object. As if Congress should sus pend'tho writ of habeas corpus, inn time of profound peace, when neither* rebellion nor invasion were to be apprehended—or pass a hill of attainder—or lay a tax direcily on ex ports—or make it treason for the people to re nmpstriito against tho proceedings of the Sum ate nod House of Representatives, &c. Tha such acts as-these were meant by the Virginia Legislature, and not tho passage of a law deehv ed by a State, or by Stales, to be unconstitution al is evident from their language and conduct l h and'a usurers frombetng c*po«d to 8 ,‘co’u^u'din-ctud to Millet'gevillu: it institution.” By with the cotnm goods of.*■>•«&■ *“*£ ffi&Keb Wo»U last mail. Whether matrons exercise upon which duties were paid, and to substi 10 )_ ,i„, imnrestine occasion or not, sucre pam, ann iosuu5...u-j -; -'- -- . imurestine occasion or not, for them those of tlio Untied-States, upon wishes for tho results of the - which duties were not paid; to the necessary diminution of .our revenue. Eight- of our Representatives were present, of whom six voUtd for the Act of 1816, will* the approba tion, it must be presumed, of their consti tuents, as the members advocating it wore, at the next election, returned to Congress, and you have my best wishes for tho results ol me w.so councils mid patriotic effort* cannot fall to carry to the discussion ol ll o to pics of the day—they are of lint nupoitanco to the w hole union. , • ' Tu*,, iri Whatever the people of Sou tit Carolina in i Convention shall resolve for their safety in- . terest and happiness, will Im right, and none iio voice against tho law, or any of its grovt- ] wra» -»«can sious, was expressed in any part of the Mate, j wi >■ „ 0VBrmn rnt ut pleasure, and When this Act “causa et or igo inoloruiii was fc . ibrow off tho government of under discussion, Noiv-Englaml resisted . . j« n \ v heiiever tho some safety, interest Her interests were navigating ami commercial. . . ieQU * tr0 ; t . If ambition nnd nv- |ho persevered in her opposition 10 ‘ l ’*If 1 ™': nricB J|J ;i u l)V .,ke ofiho federal government a icctivo system, mill after the Act of 1824, | !)re be lielij to it a- when finding the adverse current too strong f ^ ur condition diffeis in no- for licr to sH?oi t site diverted a Inrgo portion . C , •- . p rn vinccs of Turkey or of her capital from commerce and navigation ron J|i,£ millI y-lioaded Tyradt, in the liu- to manufactures, and now sustains a policy . J™ • • F y tu ,j ofl ; vaunts his iqion the \ = Government.” Had they considered these laws to have originated in a deliberate intention toosmp flowers subversive of the .Constitution, the crisis would have arrived, which is referred to, in their third Resolution, when they were in duty bound to arrest the progress of the evil, by appealing to the last resort—a secession from tho Union. Instead of pursuing this course, they leave the Alien and Sedition Laws in full operation—-do not, in any man ner "arrest their progressand simply make their protest against them, which by their own declaration, is "an expression of their opinion unaccompanied with any other effect than what it may produce on public opinion, by ex citing reflection." In enumerating tlio moans which might have heel)..employed “within the limits of the Constitution," which are detailed i.t length in their Report, the Virginia Assem bly neither express, nor in the remotest degree imply a veto upon, or a nullification of the ob noxious laws. The constitutional modes of interposing, in the opinion of the Legislature of Virginia, were tlio following: “The Legisla tures of the States might have made a direct representation to' Congress; or they might have represented to their respective Senators m Congress, thoir wish that two-thirds thereof would propose an explanatory amendment to the Constitution,* or two thirds of themselves, if such had been their option, might'by an ap plication to Congress have obtained a Conven tion for tho samo object." Understanding theso celebrated Resolutions, in tho sense which I have stilted, I yield to them my full assent, with this addition—that, in my opinion, the right ofa State to separate from the Union, is not restricted to tho case “of a deliberate, palpable and dangerous infraction of tho Fedo ra! Compact;” but that a state has this right, whenever a power directly granted by the Ccn- titmion, is so oppressively exercised, as to ren der the Union an intolerable bmtlien to her, instead of a benefit. Rut this right springs not from tho Constitution—it was coeval with the formation of society—it was proclaimed in die Decimation of Independence—and will continue, until torn by civil broils, or distrac ted by sectional jealousy, tlio deliberations of these now United States, shall be crushed by the iron rulo of a conquering despot. I spunk with unqualified confidence of the correctness of my construction of tho Virginia Resolutions, ns it is, in its utmost extent, recognized by Mr. Madison himself, who was the author of them, in a letter written by him in August, 1830. I cannot appeal to higher testimony; for perhaps there is no individual living, to whom the possession o<\so!id learning, sound judgment, clear discrimination, and unimpeachable integrity, will be more generally allowed, than to Mr..Madison. It may create surprise among some, that it should havo been doubted, at tho era of the Virginia Resolutions, that n Stuto had the right to secede from the Union, yet was tiiis right then denied by distinguished men—it was denied by General Washington—and it is still denied by many. The right of it Stato to protestor remonstrate against the acts of the General Government, was controvrrled by several of tlio States,' as appears from tho answers of these States to tho Resolutions of Virginia; nnd a Special Committee of the Legislature of the State of South-Cnrolinn, in 1S24, reported; .whilst petitions from the pcoplo would be respectfully received and considered (by Congress) the remonstrances of the State would be regarded as usurpation of authority, unless made ns your Cummitteo havo before observed with a view to an amend ment of the Constitution." Were tha principle to be. conceded, that a Stato has the constitutional right to interpose its veto upon an Act, which was a "deliberate, palpable nnd dangerous” infraction of the Constitution, this could not be predicated of the Tariff Acts of 1824 and 1828. What is to be understood by a deliberate violation ol tho Constitution, I havo already shown. That these acts nro a palpable violation of the Constitution, can, surely, not bo maintained, when it is recollected, 'that tho policy which dictated them lias been lccommcndcd by.Mr. Jefferson, admitted to bo the strictest of strict constructionists, nnd by every President of the U. S. But the distinction is, in fact, without n difference, whether a Suite claims the constitu tional right to . arrest tho progress of a law, whenever deemed by it to ho unconstitutional, or only where it is considerad to ho "a delib erate palpablo and dangerous infraction of the Constitution,'! for its own discretion is its judge, in-both cases; and even where it has previously regarded a law to ho constitutional, it would not ho precluded from reversing that decision, and pronouncing that very law to ho a deliberate, palpable and dangerous usurpa tion of power. The Act of 27th April, 18lC, was as plainly within "the protective system’’ ns is the Act of 1828. When tho Act of 1816 was passed, that of 1812 was in force, by which tho duties were doubled,on account of *.ho war with. England. By tho Act of 1SIG, some of those doubto duties wetc continued. Upon some articles, the duties wero raised beyond what they were by the Act of 1812, and nil of them, with a few exceptions, wore very much higher than they had been before the war. . Tho Act of 1816, was avowed to he for the protection of the manufacturers. It introduced hem.” In~the5lh Resolution, th’fty denounce minimum duty, the most odious feaiurc in “tho the Alien and Sedition Acts” as unconsfitu-[ protective system." The declared object of ional exercises of porter; onfl they finally, pro-, ibis minimum was to protect our cotton ntan- wjs not' objected to ns though fifty-one Representatives voted against it. It tnay bo positively asserted, that "the protective system” was not deemed to be unconstitutional, in South Carolina, in 1816. With hor authority, and tliat of tho distinguish ed statesmen whom 1 havo mentioned, it cam Tho Cormorant who fattens and fastens on our substance, may not release his hold, ns long ns wo are tho willing subject of his remorseless passion. But I do not utterly despair—-tlio American people will see that the Constitution and Union can only he preserved by o_ return noO"sureTv*' bn''proneJbd,"<Aa<"'subsequent to honesty nnd JutMicp. It U laws recognizing and adopting that system, are can be wrong-ours ts the cause of Liberty Ol taws recognizing and adopting i deliberate and palpable infractions of tlio Fed eral Compact; and unless they he so, the case does not exist which “the Exposition^ coji- lenipiates ns justifying the interposition of iu Veto, by a Slate. The licht in which I view “tlio protective system,’ 4 ' I have, repeatedly declared. I formed my opinion after long reflection; hut without an intolerance equal to to that of the Spanish Inquisition, in tlio reign of Philip the J Id. I could not presume to as sert, that those who differ from me arc deliber ately or palpably wrong. Perhaps no individual is moro hostile to flic Tariff Acts than I am, or has expressed him self against them with more warmth and in dignation. Carry their principle to the full extent, tho foreign trade of South Carolina would be destroyed, and the fruits of her in dustry and of her fertile soil would bo render ed, comparatively, valueless. Carry thoir principle to tlio full extent, 1 (jelievo that an overwhehnning majority of the citizens of tiiis State would be in favor—not ofa veto—not of nullification—but of appealing to the “ultima ratio republic®”—of cutting nsunder the cords which bound them to an intolerable gov ernment—of standing upon their sole and self piotccted sovereignty, however perilous and disastrous that experiment might be. Matters havo not been pushed to tiiis extremity. Not thinking the evil which wo enduro to bo so great, as by others, ond especially by those who framed tlio “ Exposition,” it is supposed to be —knowing that the protective policy has been sanetk«>«l by wise and patriotic men, some of whom wero among tho most efficient in tlio formation of of .our Constitution, I cannot re gard tho Acts complained of, to be deliberate and palpable violations of tho Constitution, though in my judgment, they arc unconstitu tional, partial and injurious. Etitertnining these sentiments, my convictions urc, that in our efforts to rcscuo ourselves from what we, feel to be oppressive Legislation, wo should not transcend those means which are consti tutional, among which cannot be included the interposition of a State to nullify an net of Congress; and tints whatever be the motive necessarily to involve us in n contest with the Goneial Government, unless we adopt the ah tornative—only justifiable, in tlio last resort—a secessipn from the Union. [to be continued.] HIGH ULTRA PRINCIPLES. Extract from Governor Gilmer's Message. “Tho tract of land from which tho Clicro- kees have been removed by older of the Presi dent is supposed to contain 464,646 acres, nnd is now subject to to be disposed of in such a manuor ns you may think expedient. The great object to be effected by tha State, in the appropriation of its lands, is tho increase of its population, nnd tlio excitement of its people to industry and tho accumulation of wealth. The Lottery System which has been liitlfbrto adopt ed, is believed to havo been better calculated to attain those ends, than tlio disposition by public sale. In an unimproved country, where capital is scarce, interest high, and every trade and employment demand labor and wealth, tho surplus money in the possession of the pcoplo can ho expended more usefully by theni in improving tlio lands, and otherwiso adding to tho riches of tho country, than if drawn from litem to ho placed in tho public Treasury. It has always been found moro difficult to re- strain improper expenditures arising from a full Treasury, t[ian to obtain through the powors which belong to the Government, tho means which may bo really required for public pur poses. It is reported that thcro aro valuable gold mines in the lands to bo disposed of. The public interest requires that tho lots of Freedom—of Industry—of tlio uso of tlio fa culties of mind and body for all purposes, mere ly innocent, without govermentaj intcforence: opposed to restraints and prohibitions and mo nopolies in every form. If contrary to expec tation,,tho existing system shall bocoine the fixed und settled policy of the country, the .Southern States must withdraw from the con federacy cost what it may. No evil is more to ho dreaded than n power in tlio general gov ernment, to' regulate all industry—a power which cannot with safety be confided to any government,! but with tlio most guardod limita tions. Direct taxes for tlio encouragement of manufactures would not have been paid for n single yean The 5 cents a yard on our Cotton Bagging, levied for tho professed pur pose of enabling the Western Stales to supply tho article on their own terms, when the pro ceeds wero to mako roads and canals for the same States, would have been opposed with a spirit not easily allayed. They have been borne only because being intlircei, they arc unsgen, nnd because u puition of the evit may bo ‘avoided by tho non-canspmpflon of those articles which are uot of first necessity. There cannot be a greater fallacy, than that the union is to be preset ved by n poiver in the general government to coerce the States. Tho exis tence of sovereignty precludes the idea of force. Ours is a government of opinion, of consent, of voluntary association—.tho only guaranty .for union, is justice. Justice secures good fcoling, fidelity, affection, and nothing hut justice can secure them. Of what valuo is that union which is formed of unwilling and reluctant members, who but for the sword sus pended over thoir heads, would fly off from the common centre, ns from a ftorco nml consu ming fire, which burns only to destroy! The constitution ndministcrod according to its let ter and spirit, can dispense nothing biit jiittice; nnd tlio character of flic American people is the sufficient warranty, that no stato would separate from the Union without jilslifiuhle cause. Re garding the union as a family compact, the members of which can only ho kept together by the practice of strict and impartial justice; it is better that the non-contents nnd malecon- tents should bo suffered to depart in peace by common consent, titan by common concert, to restrain a reluctant obedience, which ifyicldod today, may bo forcibly withdrawn tomorrow. It is the shedding of blond which dolors us from constitutional resistance to unconstitu tional laws, and which ought to 'ho postponed so long ns tho faintest hope remains of n re turning sense of justice. You well know how the same infatuation is constantly pursuing an interest infinitely more sacred, tlio unhallowed toucii of which wo would he bound in honor to resist, nnd with n vengenuco never to bo ap peased. But pardon so much on these dis tressing topics, and accopt the tender of my regard and esteem. G.M. TROUP. To Mcsssrs. John Taylor, Wade Hampton, Jr. John G. Brown, Fierce M. Butler, and William Harper, As an act of justice to the senior editor of tho Recorder, than whom few have moro need of bright spots to relieve the shadings of his political retro spect, we insert tho following article front the.Fed- ernj Union of Thursday last—without, however, taking to ourselves tho slightest blame for the cir- cumstancc that produced it, or abating n single word cf the sketch of the old editors political ca-, rcer which wo published some weeks ago: “Correction.—The gentleman wiio communica ted the information respecting tlio correspond ence between this place nnd Charleston, with a view to injure Mr. Lumpkin, lias requested us to say—that there was a misunderstanding in regard to the facts. The misunderstanding did not arise TELEGRAPH. • 1 AC ON. GE o R a IA, SATURDAY, SEPT. 3, ,’^j WILSON LUMPKIN FOR GOVERNOR. Bail Rond Meeting—An adjoutnea was, on Tuesday afternoon last, held at tL. J house in Macon, with tlio intention of elec, egates to the Rail Kond Convention to ; at Eatonton during the current month, (j Prince Esq. having been called to the d . William P. Hunter Esq. appointed secreur William B. Rogers and the Chairman w frt ; ed as the two delegates from 'thh town i 0 Convention, and Messrs. R. W. Illlij, g , Donald, and C. B. Strong appointed a coirs- to supply any vacancy that tnay happ tD ?| delegation. 1 The lion. William II. Craivtord has,", the Georgia Journal of theSSih nit. again a ed the public on tli{ subject of his ditferen John C. Calhoun. The only part of jl tiresome and dull publication, that tan au in Ids controversy, consists .in nn exiract r| ter from Mr. George W. Erving, l.nerni- Spaio nnd Denmark, declaring thatfrnmci tion of thp records in the Department of 11 Iras ascertained that the official news of thee, of St. Marks was received at Washing^; early part of May; that Crowninshield left \f J ton on the 28th May; that between the rarliu 28th of that month, ills extremely probahleia council on the Seminole subject was held; a-j Mr. Crowninshield did to Mr. Brving ai accuracy of every part orhis, Crowninsldel, ter to Crawford. All this may possibly I* yet Mi. Crawford ougiit to know that this la. evidence will avail him nothing while Cro shield'livcs nnd his own testimony may be p. It leaves tho subject just in its former coci with this seeming disadvantage, that Mr. Cn> is afraid to apply for Crowninshicld's (cnbf We could have wished that tho old geotlm pursued a course less equivocal—a cosi would have removed any disagreeable imp: that now remains against him. lie still lays much stress nn the act Calhoun established the Washington Hep for the purpose of traducing his diameter, b out adducing any new evidence to cta < charge. Still flic allegation may be true,: Vice President- guilty: for we have no dull as a political jesuit, lie is equal to Mi. Cast But what then? It is no murethan oeep blackleg palming a card on tho other, with injury being Stistiiiocd by the public: for its at this late day, be pretended that the United tt| suffered either in interest or repotation, ij Crawford’s having been defeated in hiscln John Randolph, his devoted friend, haiq declared on the floor of Congress that he > that time, dead to nil intents nnd purposesfj and private. The two great rivals may ben be now on the shelf,To remain there forever. J Wo CuiuiCt however pass over in silence) expressions of Judge "..Crawford, which I t down as axioms. Iio takes it for granted tl cry p.utictilnr charge not formally denied time of its being advanced,; is ndmittpil M cusnd. To apply this axiom to himself, even is j in which he at the time ventuicc! no generald : rr, of what a catalogue of guilt, memne shame would lie stand convicted?—yet it i'h a rule—or rather one less liberal—one *jg mils no general denial hut a conlmdicli fact proximate* and remote.—that lie coi opponents of every charge that his mot 1 , has conjured up, or his malice invented.' AgAin—he says, “it may be laljflftwn t iom flint in the United States, if a tnr.n elm politics after ho is thirty years of age. he from selfish nnd therefore dishonest r. How Messrs. Berrien, Forsyth, lleid, t warm and devoted friends, will relish the qi lion of .this axiom, wc will not undertake mod hut one thing we do know, that they tvetta* I * i • t .» ij* i iii - | ‘ 4U iuuuv xm, itiisuiiutixutimitit; uiu nuv tillov land which contain gold should bo exempted with us . Nevertheless we very cheerfully cor- from distribution by Lottery. Tho spirit of root tho error. Some conversation passed in rc- spcculation which tho disposition of tlio lands fercnco to a correspondence between this" place by lottery is calculated to' excite, has always j and Charleston—which our iuforrt.au vAjumlcr- becn tlio greatest objection to that system. Tho knowledge that tha lands contained valua ble mines of gold, would incrcaso that spirit to tho most injurious extent. Tito community would become highly excited by tho hope of acquiring groat wealth without labor. Tlio morals of tho country would bo in. danger of corruption from the ‘temptation which would bo hold out by law to tlio commission of innu merable frauds.—Regular industry -and econo my would, fora time be suspended by restless idleness and imaginary as well as real and un necessary expenditures. In most instances even the successful owners of tlio ricii prizes would not be really benefited.—Prodigality is tho usual result of riches suddenly and easily obtained. Mines are liko flic accumulation of tho people’s money in the public treasury; the Government should manage them for general, and not individual advantage.” Gov. Troup's Letter to the Kullifiers of South Carolina. Laurens County, Geo.- ) • September 21st, 1830. J Gentlemen—Accept my thanks for your stood—previous to or abont the time Mr. Lump kin became a Candidate. Our correspondent is a man of too much honor and integrity, wilFoliy to misrepresent this or any other subject. lie has therefore promptly requested us to do this act of justice to all the parties, and that the MacotTTele- graph may do the same. It will be well however for our fiicnds to look out to other quarters—as wo have heard it whispered that a monstrous "raw heap and iit-ouav r M. - ’ is to bo brought out Mr. Lumpkin just hkfork the election!! Wc rather suspect however, some "reserved" Ghost from the mine9, will frighten—not * tao rao and bob tail" but those flint .call us so." CLOTHING. J UST received Rt the Macon Clothing Store, su perfine blue, brown, black, olive Broad Clntln, blue brown, orange, drab, slate, milt nml Huff f'H.«si- nuirej. Velvet and Valencia Vestings, n linrnljoinc R'ssortmcnt of Fancy Cravats, Stocks, Suspenders,' buckskin Govt s, Horse and Reaver do. rmhnellns, Caps, >Scfe. Also, a bundsomo assortment of Ratty I made Clothing,inaiein the best style ; Cloaks of a Fii-1 Hn " premat perior kind. FITCH 4- WOUDlNBjl "o nov»7 48 1 h ad lie and undisguised federalists until after the; i cd- their thirtieth year, and have ttlMql changed their creed. By Mr. Crawford's .their convctsion was therefore selfish and da cst. I’ut wc leave* him and them to «wl part of the'business, nnd proceed to xpp&F iom to Ills own conduct. While n Jnenilicr Monroe’s cabinet, no man »;e> n oreariitrai cning tho protective system on the nation l “ It was a splendid scheme and dazzled the its advocates. He was then past thirty !'■ age—yet in 1823, when ho was several he presided at the Stato Excise nirciuq .town of Athens, am! contemplated »itlr lit#“sepulchrepf lhs Union" nml lent of his name to the principle that a State «uj stitulionafty, hy imposing an Excise, m™/} passed by L'ongrtes. This was certainly cf- his politics after hr. was thirty yearsofMe. fore, according to his axiom, he jas imlucM 1 change by selfish nnd dishonest motives, h 1 variation:-, did not stop at tins P°i n h *' been ascertained in 18:11, that John l '- 1 had become the mainspring of nullii ”” South Carolina, Mr. Crawford discovered th^J very principle lie had himself piontuifat" 1 « ons in 1828 was treason and dcscuinsuit man's rope. Here then was a rccliansc was thirty years of ngc; dad he was prompted hy selfish ami dishonest motives■ exemplifications of his axioms will present, and as a wide field lor furtuer j i', remains, may incline Itici to a Rrchter jibe ■ his future cogitation's. Wo are willing bim now as an enemy of nuflificnUSJ'tfS.'! salutary reformation, wc, in UjOf-igwC^ 1 f nlogy of the Augusta Courier, say, Mr. Calhoun.” For a man to renuuncAW- ite doctrines, because he finds out that M has espoused them, speaks volumes. • ,, To Itis abuse of Mr. Lnmpkin andyctwn. lian we shall say nothing. If inclined. not only fully competent to rchut hiJ ""I, hut also to.place him in an altitude before lie far from being enwable. „ Nothing pi rh ips in his bulky tirade, r®, ■ rancorby which heis actuated more tb* , ing defamation of the Clark party, “'f I"' F > ho) in this State, is a mongrel party. |lU "!'ji worst materials of the political primes^ v, -=> heretofore prevailed in Georgia"—a 1 " 1 ,’V (General Clark) had succeeded in a wot' ^ greo in coMDtMxu am. the toBA*-" 1 ’ STATE in uis surroin-." Tho stateiu false in fact nnd illiberal in ncutinictit' a its own refutation on its face, and m ,f *. to the feelings of every man. without tint) of party, who considers i, 1 ""’ , 1 ," ',,.* poverty am) good morals cuti ’ tied to* loverly amt gnou morals emiu-... — ontidvoce as well as 'he overgrow: ‘• j ingtiiShcs in ease, the victim of orer> ct “ ould wish, fot the old man